issues of linguistics - Tbilisi State University

ivane javaxiSvilis saxelobis 

Tbilisis saxelmwifo universiteti 

Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University 

humanitarul mecnierebaTa fakulteti 

Faculty of Humanities 

enaTmecnierebis sakiTxebi 

ISSUES OF LINGUISTICS 

2011

saredaqcio sabWo: 

el. babunaSvili, v. boederi, i. giperti, j. giunaSvili, 

d. TvalTvaZe, b. utie, h. fenrixi, m. SaniZe, k. h. Smidti, 

z. WumburiZe, a. harisi 

EDITORIAL COUNCIL: 

E. Babunashvili, W. Boeder, Z. Chumburidze, H. Fähnrich, J. Gippert, 

J. Giunashvili, A. Harris, B. Outtier, M. Shanidze, K. H. Schmidt, D. Tvaltvadze 

saredaqcio kolegia: 

r. asaTiani, T. bolqvaZe, T. gamyreliZe (mTavari redaqtori), 

r. enuqiZe, i. leJava (pasuxismgebeli mdivani), d. meliqiSvili, 

i. meliqiSvili (mTavari redaqtoris moadgile), e. soselia, 

i. qobalava, n. quTelia, m. jiqia 

EDITORIAL BOARD: 

R. Asatiani, T. Bolkvadze, R. Enukidze, Th. V. Gamkrelidze (Editor-in-Chief), 

M. Jikia, I. Kobalava, N. Kutelia, I. Lezhava (Executive Secretary), 

D. Melikishvili, I. Melikishvili (Deputy Editor-in-Chief), E. Soselia 

Jurnali daarsebulia 1999 wels Tamaz gamyreliZisa da 

zurab sarjvelaZis mier 

© Tbilisis universitetis gamomcemloba, 2012 

ISSN 1512-0473

krebuli eZRvneba jemSid giunaSvilis 

dabadebidan 80 wlisTavs

jemSid giunaSvilis rCeul SromaTa bibliografia 1 

wignebi: 

1962 

1. sparsuli zepirsityvierebis nimuSebi, I, winasityvaoba, Targmani da 

SeniSvnebi n. beqauris da j. giunaSvilisa, `mecniereba~, Tbilisi, 1962, 

100 gv. 

rec.: T. goreliSvili, Tsu Sromebi, t. 116, 1965, gv. 485-489. 

1964 

2. Фонетика персидского языка (звуковой cостав), издательство "Мецниереба", 

Тбилиси, 1964, 226 c. (Соавтор Гаприндашвили Ш.Г.). 

rec.: Эдельман Дж.И., "Народы Азии и Африки", # 6, Москва, 1965, c. 190-193. 

Kramsky J., "Archiv orientalni", 34, 1966, Praha, pp. 217-219 and pp. 459-463. 

Кобидзе Д.И., "Иранская филология в Грузии ", Тбилиси , 1971, 

c. 16-17, 20-21. 

1971 

3. Dar bāreye noskheye khattiye Tārikhe Sistān (moujud dar Teflis), Teflis, 1971, 72 s. 

(`Tarix-e sistanis Tbilisuri nusxa~, gamomcemloba `mecniereba~, Tbilisi 

1971, 72 gv.). 

rec.: Makhalski F., "Folia Orientalia", 14, Cracow, 1972/ 3, p. 327. 

Bečka J., "Archiv Orientalni", 42, Praha, 1974, p. 258. 

Yarshater E., A Foreword to the English Translation of "Tārikh-e Sistān", 

Rome, 1976, pp. 19-21. 

4. qarTul-sparsuli da sparsul-qarTuli jibis leqsikoni, gamomcemloba 

`mecniereba~, Tbilisi, 1971, 263 gv. 

5. sparsuli zRaprebi, Sedgena, winasityvaoba, SeniSvnebi (mTargmnelTa 

koleqtivi), gamomcemloba `nakaduli~, 1971, 300 gv. 

1972 

6. sparsuli istoriuli teqstebi, Tsu gamomcemloba, Tbilisi, 1972, 

389 gv. (d. kacitaZis TanaavtorobiT), [Персидские исторические тексты, 

издательство ТГУ, Тбилиси, 1972, 389 c. (соавтор Кацитадзе Д.В.)]. 

rec.: Makhalski F., "Folia Orientalia", 14, Cracow, 1972/ 3, p.327 

Bečka J., "Archiv Orientalni", 45, Praha, 1977, p. 85 

Siddikov G., "Sado-i Sharq", 5, Dushanbe, 1973, s. 26. 

7. Bānovāne iranshenāse Gorgài, Teflis, 1972 , 39s. (`qarTveli iranisti qalebi~, 

gamomcemloba `mecniereba~, Tbilisi, 1972, 39 gv.). 

1 naSromebTan warmodgenilia Sesabamisi recenziebi. 

5

1974 

8. Краткий русско-персидский технический словарь, издательство 

"Мецниереба", Тбилиси, 1974, 477 c. 

1978 

9. rusTaveli msoflio literaturaSi, II t. (bibliografiuli cnobari, 

SemdgenelTa jgufi, gv. 325-332, l. menabdis redaqtorobiT), Tsu 

gamomcemloba, Tbilisi, 1978, 461 gv. 

10. Idem, 1978 , 55s. (`qarTveli iranisti qalebi~, gamomcemloba `mecniereba~, 

Tbilisi, 1978, 55 gv.). 

rec.: Machalski F., "Folia Orientalia", 15, Cracow, 1978, p. 282. 

Gignoux Ph., "Studia Iranica", Supplement, 1979, p. 4. 

11. Филологические заметки, издательство "Мецниереба", Тбилиси, 1978, 96 c. 

rec.: d. kobiZe, gazeTi `Tbilisi~, 23. 01. 1979. 

Lazard G., "Studia Iranica", Supplement 2, 1979, p. 142. 

Bečka J., "Archiv Orientalni", 50, Praha, 1982, p. 69. 

1980 

12. sakiTxavi wigni sparsulSi, Tsu gamomcemloba, Tbilisi, 1980, 313 gv. 

rec.: m. kvaWaZe, Tsu Sromebi, # 273, 1987, Tbilisi, gv. 142-144. 

1986 

13. sparsuli ena (dawyebiTi klasebisaTvis), gamomcemloba `ganaTleba~, 

Tbilisi, 1986, 80gv. (l. JorJolianis TanaavtorobiT). 

1987 

14. sparsuli enis saxelmZRvanelo, Tsu gamomcemloba, Tbilisi, 1987, 

336 gv. 

1997 

15. Georgian-Iranian Studies (Collected Articles in English, Italian, French and 

Persian), Publications of the Georgian-Iranian Society for Scientific-Cultural 

Relationship and Collaboration, with the assistance of the Embassy of Georgia 

at Islamic Republic of Iran, Tbilisi, Tehran, 1997, 179 p. 

2003 

16. fereidnelis orovela, xalxuri xelovnebis dacvisa da aRorZinebis 

centri, media holdingi `jorjian taimsi~, Tbilisi, 2003, 68 gv. 

statiebi da recenziebi: 

1957 

1. Словообразовательная функция причастия настоящего времени на -ande в 

литературном персидском языке, Труды Среднеазиатского Гос. Университета, 

#105, Ташкент, 1957, c. 39-44. 

6

2. Заметки о морфологическом составе инфинитива в персидском языке. 

Труды Среднеазиатского гос. Университета, # 105, Ташкент, 1957, c. 39-44. 

1958 

3. Тенденция фонетического упрощения и вопросы словообразовательного 

анализа в персидском языке, Сборник аспирантсих работ Среднеазиатского 

Гос. Университета, # 5, Ташкент, 1958, c. 389-309. 

4. rec. krebulze `rudaqi~, Tsu gamomcemloba, gazeTi “Узбекистон маданияти” 

08.07.1958 (uzbekur enaze). 

1960 

5. Глагольный компонент детерминативных именных образований в литературном 

персидском языке, Труды Института языкознания AН ГССР (востоведческая 

серия), 3, Тбилиси, 1960, c. 225-246. 

6. О прозношении "ghayn"-а и "qāf"-а в литературном персидском языке, 

Труды ТГУ, # 91, 1960, c. 63-73. 

7. sonant r.-s refleqsebi sparsul zmna `kardan~-Si, saqarTvelos ssr 

mecnierebaTa akademiis macne (enisa da literaturis seria), 2, 1960, 

gv. 238-245. 

1962 

8. К толкованию одного бейта "Голестана", Труды ТГУ, # 99, Тбилиси, 1962, 

c. 63-67. 

1965 

9. Система фонем литературного персидсого языка, Труды ТГУ, # 116, 1965, 

c. 87-141. 

rec.: Machalsky F., "Przeglad Orientalisticzny", 1, Warszawa, 1967, p. 81. 

Кобидзе Д.И., "Иранская филология в Грузии", Тбилиси , 1971, c. 16-17, 

20-21. 

Lazard G., "Indo-Iranian Journal", XIII, # 2, Brill, 1971, pp. 154-158. 

Provasi E., "Iranica, Naple", 1979, p. 257. 

1967 

10. `Cahar mayales~ erTi adgilis gagebisaTvis, Tsu Sromebi, # 118, Tbilisi, 

1967, gv. 73-77. 

1969 

11. O сочетаниях типа CCC в современном персидском языке, Cборник 

"Тбилисский Университет Гиоргию Aхвледиани", 1969, c. 406-414. 

1970 

12. VI Всесоюзная конференция по актуальным проблемам иранской филологии, 

журнал "Народы Азии и Африки", # 6, Москва, 1970, c. 202-207. 

7

13. K толкованию термина "бистгани", "Грузинское источниковедение", 3, 

Тбилиси, 1971, c. 106-114. 

1971 

14. Further Note on "Tārikh-i Sistān" Manuscripts, East and West, vol. 21, 3-4, 

Rome, 1971, pp. 345-346/ idem, Journal Afganistan, 15, Kabul, 1973, pp. 73- 

74 (in Dari language). 

15. Dar bārey-e adabiyāte fārsi dar Gorgàestān , magàaley-e "Sokhan", # 2, 

Tehrān, 1971, ss. 178-181 (sparsuli literaturis Sesaxeb saqarTveloSi, 

Jurnali "Sokhan", Teirani, 1971, gv. 178-181). 

8 

1972 

16. rec. krebulze "Восточная Филология", I, Тбилиси, 1969, журнал 

"Народы Азии и Африки", 5, Москва, 1972. 

17. rec. wignze Абдусаматов М.A., Персидский язык, Ташкент, 1971, 

Труды амаркандского Гос. Ун-та, # 225, 1972, c. 217-218. 

18. rec. Sromaze Рубинчик Ю.А., Персидско-русский словарь, I-II, Москва, 

1970, журнал "Народы Азии и Африки", #3, Москва ,1972, c. 206-207. 

19. rec. Sromaze Ocманов M.Н., Частотный словарь Унсури, saqarTvelos 

ssr mecnierebaTa akademiis macne (enisa da literaturis seria), 3, 

1972, gv. 190-191. 

20. Étude et propagation de l’œuvre scientifique et littéraire de Said Naficy en 

URSS, Mélange d’iranologie en mémoire de feu Said Naficy, ressemblé par 

Madame Parimarz Naficy, Téhéran, 1972, p. 100-104 /idem, Georgian-Iranian 

Studies, pp. 64-70. 

21. XI æm æнусы персайнаг поэт аланты тыххæй, "Фидиуаг", XI, Цхинвол, 

1972, (`XI saukunis sparseli poeti alanebis samWedlo xelovnebis 

Sesaxeb~, Jurnali "Фидиуаг", XI, 1972 cxinvali). 

22. rec. wignze _ Amin-Madani S., Persische Grammatik, Heidelberg, 1972, 

krebulSi àRmosavluri filologia~, III, Tbilisi, 1973, gv. 346. 

1975 

23. termin „amirbaris“ mniSvnelobisaTvis, saqarTvelos ssr mecnierebaTa 

akademiis macne (istoriis seria), 4, 1975, gv. 95-101. 

24. rec. Sromaze _ Abu Bakr ibn al-Zakiy al-Quyavi, Rowzat al-kotāb, Tabriz, 

1970 (abu baqr ibn al-zaqi yunavi, `mweralTa baRnari~), saqarTvelos 

ssr mecnierebaTa akademiis macne (istoriis seria) 2, 1975, gv. 163- 

165. 

25. Dar bārey-e vāzhey-e "estekān", magàaley-e "Rāhnamāy-e ketāb", # 4-6, 

Tehrān, 1975, ss. 291-292. (termin `staqanis~ warmomavlobisaTvis~ Jurnali 

"Rāhnamāy-e ketāb", 4-6, Teirani, 975, gv. 291-292)/idem, Georgian- 

Iranian Studies, pp. 64-67.

1976 

26. recenzia wignze _ Shāh ‘Abbās (Magàmu’ey-e asnād), I-II, saqarTvelos 

ssr mecnierebaTa akademiis macne (istoriis seria), 3, 1976, gv. 149- 

155, (Tanaavtori m. svaniZe). 

27. rec. wignze _ Hasan Rumlu, Ahsan al-Tavārikh, saqarTvelos ssr mecnierebaTa 

akademiis macne (istoriis seria), 4, 1976, gv. 180-182. 

28. termin `nariyalas~ mniSvnelobisaTvis, ivane javaxiSvilis dabadebis 

100 wlisTavisadmi miZRvnili saiubileo krebuli, Tbilisi, 1976, gv. 

313-318. 

29. Заметки о происхождении термина "Aдмирал", Известия АН ГCC (серия 

истории), 4, Тбилиси, 1976, c. 96-99. 

30. O просхождении слова “стакан”, Сборник "Иранское языкознание", 

история, этимология, типология (К 75-летию Абаева В.И.), Москва, 1976, 

c. 186-189. 

31. Иранское языкознание в Грузии, Международный симпозиум лингвистов 

социалистических стран “Теoретические вопросы восточных языков”, I, 

Москва, 1977, c. 55-56. 

1978 

32. О форманте -kade в персидском, "Вопросы иранской филологии", Сборник 

посвященный профессору Абаеву В.И., издательство "Мецниереба", 

Тбилиси, 1978, c. 342-343 (соавтор Чхеидзе Т.Д.). 

35. O русском и английском переводах "Тарих-е Систан", Известия АН ГCCР 

(серия истории), 1, Тбилиси ,1978, c. 203-207. 

1979 

36. fereidnuli kilos SeswavlisaTvis, ìberiul-kavkasiuri enaTmecniereba~ 

XXI, 1979, gv. 82-106 (T. uTurgaiZisa da d. CxubianiSvilis 

TanaavtorobiT). 

1980 

37. O топониме "Šāhrud" в поэме "Хосров и Ширин", Сообщения AН ГССР, 

98, № 3, 1980, c. 745-748. 

38. Из истории древнего Мерва, Сообщения AН ГССР, 100, № 3, 1980, c. 

753-756. 

39. О таджикско-персидской научной терминологии в сочинениях Ибн Сины, 

Известия АН Таджик. CCР, 3, 1980, c. 37-40 (соавтор Чхеидзе Т. Д.). 

40. Ba zabōni Rudaki, "Moarif va madaniyat", 01.05.1980. `rudaqis enaze~, 

„vefxistyaosnis“ tajikuri Targmanis Sesaxeb, gazeTi "Moarif va madaniyat" 

(l. Mmenabdis TanaavtorobiT). 

1981 

41. dialeqtis cvlilebisaTvis istoriul aspeqtSi, `qarTvelur enaTa 

struqtura~, V, 1981, gv. 110-115 (T. uTurgaiZisa da d. CxubianiSvilis 

TanaavtorobiT). 

9

1982 

43. Историческая география Ирана и вопросы текстологии, Известия АН 

ГCCР (серия истории), 1, Тбилиси ,1982, c. 83-91. 

44. О термине "Остовар" в персидском, Известия АН ГCCР (серия истории) 

2, Тбилиси, 1982, c. 441-443. 

1983 

45. Dar bāray-e yak bayti Rudaki, "Sado-i Šarq", № 9, Dushanbe, 1983, s. 120- 

124. `rudaqis erTi beiTis Sesaxeb~, Jurnali "Sado-i Šarq", # 9, 

duSanbe, 1983, gv. 120-124 (tajikur enaze). 

1984 

46. Об одном сведении Низами Гянджеви, "Проблемы осетинского языкознания" 

I, Орджоникидзе, 1984, c. 17. 

47. istorizmis principi da teqstologiuri analizis sakiTxebi, saqarTvelos 

ssr mecnierebaTa akademiis macne (enisa da literaturis seria) 

2, 1984, gv. 58-69. 

48. arqauli movlenebisaTvis fereidnulSi, saqarTvelos ssr mecnierebaTa 

akademiis macne (enisa da literaturis seria), 4, 1984, gv. 123-129 

(T. uTurgaiZisa da d. CxubianiSvilis TanaavtorobiT). 

49. Об изменении диалекта в историческом аспекте (на материале ферейданского 

говора кахетинского диалекта грузинского языка) "Вопросы 

диалектологии и истории языка", Душанбе, 1984, c. 110-115 (соавторы 

Утургаидзе Ф.Г., Чхубианишвили Д.З.). 

1985 

50. fereidnuli teqstebi, ìberiul-kavkasiuri enaTmecniereba~, 23, 1985, 

gv. 180-221 (T. uTurgaiZisa da d. CxubianiSvilis TanaavtorobiT). 

51. On the Centenary of the First Edition of "Visramiani", Georgica, I, Rome, 

1985, pp. 119-125 (co-author Mamatsashvili M.) /idem,Georgian-Iranian 

Studies, pp. 42-57. 

52. O значении принципов исторического анализа в персидско-таджикской 

текстологии, "Акуальные проблемы иранской филологии", Душанбе, 

1985, c. 260-265. 

53. О персидских надписях боржомской "Фирузы", "Истониковедческие исследования", 

Тбилиси, "Мецниереба", 1985, c. 244-248. 

54. О статусе фонемы /q/ в персидском, Сборник "Ирано-Афразийские языковые 

контакты", Москва, 1987, c. 52-55. 

1987 

55. sityva každom (`morieli~) sparsulSi, Tsu Sromebi 273, 1987, gv. 12-17. 

10 

1988 

56. Восковедение в Грузии, Востковедные центры в СССР/Азербайджан, 

Армения, Грузия, Украина/, Москва, 1988, c. 73-87 (соавтор Т.В. Гамкрелидзе).

57. sityvaTa semantikuri cvlileba istoriul aspeqtSi, ìberiul-kavkasiuri 

enaTmecniereba~, XXVIII, 1989, gv. 156-163 (T. uTurgaiZisa da 

d. CxubianiSvilis TanaavtorobiT). 

1989 

58. Об одной конъектуре Пауля Хорна, Сборник "Источиковедение и 

текстология средневекового Ближнего Востока", Москва, 1989, c. 83-86. 

1990 

59. Tahlili dar matnšenāsiy-e manzumey-e "Vis o Rāmin-e" Fakhred-Dine 

Gorgāni, Irānshenāsi, II, #1, Bethesda, MD, 1990, ss. 125-134 (faxreddin 

gorganis `vis o raminis~ teqstologiuri analizis Sesaxeb~, 

Jurnali Irānshenāsi, II, # 1, Bethesda, MD, 1990, gv. 125-134) /idem, 

Georgian-Iranian Studies, pp. 9-16. 

1991 

60. Su un verso di Rudaki, "Yad Nama" in memoria di Alessandro Bausani, II, 

Rome, 1991, pp. 371-377/idem, Georgian-Iranian Studies, pp. 5-16. 

1992 

61. Abkhaz, Encyclopaedia Iranica, I, #2, New-York-London, 1992, pp. 222-224. 

62. Concerning Georgian-Persian Bilingualism, Symposium "Bilingualism in 

Iranian Culture", Bamberg, 1992 (Papers)/ idem, Georgian-Iranian Studies, 

pp. 58-63. 

1993 

63. rec. gamocemaze Abu’l-Qāsem Ferdowsi, The Shāhnāmeh, edited by Djalal 

Khaleghi-Motlagh with an introduction by Ehsan Yārshāter, Volume I, Bibliotheca 

Persica, New York, 1988, Archiv Orientalni, 1993, 61, pp. 93-96/idem, 

Georgian-Iranian Studies, pp. 17-31. 

1995 

64. "Ābkhāz" dar manābe‘ va ma’ākheze mo’alefān-e mosalmān, Motāle‘āt-e 

Āsiyāy-e Markazi va Qafqāz, IV, # 9, Tehrān, 1995, ss. 47-54 (àbxazi~ muslim 

avtorTa wyaroebSi~), Central Asia and the Caucasus Review, IV, # 9, 

Tehran, 1995, pp. 47-54. 

65. Из истории чешско-грузинских научно-культурных связей, "Ex Oriente" – 

Collected Papers in Honour of Jirài Bečka, Prague, 1995, c. 51-52, (соавтор 

Гиунашвили Л.С.). 

66. Concerning the Textological Value of Evidence of the Historical Geography of 

Iran, Proceedings of the Second European Conference of Iranian Studies, 

Rome, 1995, pp. 207-211/idem, Georgian-Iranian Studies, pp. 32-41. 

67. Irānshenāsi dar Gorgàestān, Nashr-e Dānesh, XV, № 3, Tehrān, 1995, ss. 17- 

28 (ìranistika saqarTveloSi~, Jurnali "Nashr-e Dānesh", XV, # 3, 

Teirani, 1995, gv. 17-28)/idem, Georgian-Iranian Studies, pp. 67-95. 

11

12 

2002 

68. islamuri reglamentacia iranis respublikaSi, Jurnali òmega~, 6, 

2002, gv. 16-22. 

2003 

69. Talāsh-e Gorgàestān gàahat-e tazmin-e sobāt va amniyat-e melliye pāydār, 

Motāle‘āt-e Āsiyāye Markazi va Qafqāz, #42, Tehrān, 2003, ss. 41-72 (`saqarTvelos 

Zalisxmeva stabilurobisa da mtkice erovnuli usafrTxoebis 

misaRwevad~), Central Asia and the Caucasian Review, # 42, Tehran, 

2003, pp. 41-72. 

2004 

70. fereidnel qarTvelebTan kulturuli urTierTobebis gaSla-gaRrmavebis 

aqtualuri sakiTxebi, gazeTi `24 saaTi~, 09.07.2004. 

2005 

70. fereidnel qarTvelebTan kulturuli kavSiris gaRrmavebisaTvis, gazeTi 

`megobrobis macne~, 4, 2005. 

71. SoTa rusTavelis `vefxistyaosani~ iranSi, `qarTul-iranuli urTier- 

Toba~, II (saerTaSoriso konferencia), quTaisis universiteti, 2005, 

gv. 38-44. 

72. Bād "wind" and nasim "light breeze" in Persian Poetry, ASPS Third Biennial 

Convention on Iranian Studies, Tbilisi, 2007, pp. 60-61. 

2008 

73. erTi mogoneba (sergi jiqiasa da daviT kobiZis Sesaxeb), saiubileo 

krebuli „daviT kobiZe _ 100“, Tsu, 2008, gv. 25-26. 

74. On the Significance of abkhāznešin in the Verse by Khāqāni, International 

Conference _ Iran and Caucasus: Unity and Diversity, June 06.08.2008, 

Yerevan, Armenia, p. 40. 

2009 

75. On the significance of Historical-Geographical Data for Persian Lexicological 

Studies, Fourth Biennial Convention of the Association for the Studies of 

Persianate Societies, Lahore, 2009, pp.77-78. 

76. Средневековые арабоязычные и персоязычные авторы о топониме и 

этнониме "Абхаз", Сборник "Псевдоконфликты и квазимиротворчество 

на Кавказе", издание "Грузинского национального комитета Хельсинской 

граждансккой ассамблеи” и "Южно-Кавказского института региональной 

безопасности", Тбилиси, 2009, c. 215-222.

edaqtireba: 

1. "Персидские народные сказки", перевод Розенфельда А.З., Ташкент, 

1958. 

2. nawyvetebi `vefxistyaosnidan~ (sparsuli Targmani morTeza faTemis, 

winasityvaoba), Tbilisi, 1966. 

rec. Raxim Xoshim, "Sado-i Sharq", Dushanbe, 1967. 

3. d. kobiZe, `sparsuli qrestomaTia~, II, 1967. 

4. z. SaraSeniZe, àxali masalebi fereidneli qarTvelebis Sesaxeb~, 

Tbilisi, 1969. 

5. Чхеидзе Т.Д., "Именное слообразование в персидском", Тбилиси, 1969. 

6. Кобидзе Д.И., "Иранская филология в Грузии", Тбилиси , 1971. 

7. o. Tedeevi, `memcenareobis qarTuli leqsika osur enaSi~, Tbilisi, 1975. 

8. T. CxeiZe, àrdaSir papakis Zis saqmeTa wigni~, Tbilisi, 1975. 

9. d. kobiZe, `qarTul-sparsuli literaturuli urTierToba~, III, 


10. o. Tedeevi, `daniel WonqaZe rogorc osologi~, Tbilisi, 1979. 

11. d. kobiZe, `sparsuli qrestomaTia~, t. I, meore gamocema, Tbilisi, 

1981. 

12. o. Tedeevi, `narkvevebi qarTul-osuri enobrivi urTierTobebidan~, 


13. o. Tedeevi, `pirveli osuri xelnawerebis ena~, Tbilisi, 1985. 

14. m. kvaWaZe, masalebi gomborel lahijTa metyvelebis SeswavlisaTvis, 

Tbilisi, 1988, gv. 191. 

15. Ruin Metreveli, Gorgàestān, targàomeye Bahrām Āmīrahmadyān, Tehrān, 1375 

(roin metreveli, `saqarTvelo~, Targmna bahram amirahmadianma, Teirani, 

1996). 

16. rCeuli saadis `busTanidan~, d. kobiZis Targmani, sparsul-qarTuli 

teqstebi, Tbilisi-Teirani, 1997. 

17. `vefxistyaosani~ _ SoTa rusTavelis Sedevri, poemis gamokvleva da 

Targmani farSid delSadis, Teirani, 1998. 

recenziebi da gamoxmaurebebi: 

gazeTi "Farhang-e āfarinesh", Tehrān, 22.09.1998. 

gazeTi "Iran News", Tehran, 01.03.1999. 

l. menabde, `saqarTvelos respublika~, 21.05.1994 

l. ClaiZe, „saqarTvelos respublika“, 15.09.1998 

gazeTi „kavkasioni“, 21-27.08.1998 

g. lobJaniZe, gazeTi „samSoblo“, 4, 1998. 

n. barTaia, „dilis gazeTi“, 22. 10. 98. 

Комисаров Д.С., журнал "Восток", N3, Москва, 1999. 

Bečka J., Archiv Orientalni, 67, Praha, 1999. 

18. Edvārd Shevārdnādze, gàāddeye bozorge abrisham, targàomeye Roqiye Behzād, 

Tehrān, 1380 (eduard SevardnaZe, `didi abreSumis gza~, Targmna 

inglisuridan royie behzadim, Teirani, 2001). 

13

19. Alefbāye Gorgài , Tehrān, 1381 (`qarTuli anbani~ sparsulenovanTaTvis 

r. xatiskacis videofilmis mixedviT), Teirani, 2002). 

20. Hezār o yek zarbolmasale Gorgài, pazhuhesh va targàomeye Teā Shurghāyā va 

Farshid Delshād, Tehrān, 1381 (àTas erTi qarTuli andaza~ _ Targmnes, 

winasityvaoba da komentarebi daurTes Tea SurRaiam da farSid del- 

Sadma, qarTul-sparsuli teqstebi, Teirani, 2002). 

21. Ровесник века. Ваcилию Ивановичу Абаеву 100 лет, Cборник "Актуальные 

проблемы иранистики и теория языкознания", Владикавказ, 2002, 

c. 70-76. 

22. m. kvaWaZe, masalebi wuTisoflis mitovebis cnebis amsaxveli leqsemebisa 

da frazeologizmebis SeswavlisaTvis sparsul enaSi, Tbilisi, 

2005. 

23. imam xomeini, siyvarulis Rvino, sparsulidan Targmna vaxuSti kotetiSvilma, 


24. Квачадзе М.Ш., Два этюда по лексемам и фразелогическим единицам 

персидского языка, выражающим понятие "оставления преходящего 

мира", Тбилиси, 2005. 

25. l. geguCaZe, qarTuli ena sparsulenovanTaTvis (fardin qomais Targmani), 

raSTi, 2004. 

rec. g. lobJaniZe, gazeTi `24 saaTi~, 21.01.2005. 

26. g. SayulaSvili, etiudebi Zveli Tbilisis leqsikidan, Tbilisi, 

2006. 

27. l. JorJoliani, mxatvruli drois problemisaTvis firdousis `SahnameSi~, 


28. Edvārd Shevārdnadze, Ta’amol dar gozashte va āyande (khāterat), targàomeye 

Alirezā Aslāni, Parvin Tavāzo‘, Tehrān 1388 (e. SevardnaZe, `fiqrebi warsulze 

da momavalze _ mogonebebi~, qarTulidan Targmnes alireza 

aslanim da farvin Tavazom, Teirani, 2009). 

14 

bibliografia Seadgina elene giunaSvilma

enaTmecnierebis sakiTxebi _ 2011 

Tamar abulaZe, elene giunaSvili 

saqarTvelos sparsuli da qarTul-sparsuli istoriuli 

sabuTebi: lingvistur-filologiuri kvlevis aspeqtebi 

qarTuli siZveleTsacavebis koleqciebSi daculi sparsuli da qar- 

Tul-sparsuli saistorio dakumentebi ganekuTvneba sefianTa, avSarTa, 

zendebis, yajarTa dinastiebis mmarTvelobis periodebs da XVI-XIX saukuneebiT 

TariRdeba. es masala aerTianebs 1700-ze met sabuTs _ dednebs 

da pirebs. sparsuli istoriuli dokumentebi, ZiriTadad, daculia xelnawerTa 

erovnul centrSi (fondi Pd, 511 erTeuli) da iusticiis saministros 

erovnul arqivSi (fondebi #1452 da #1450, 1237 erTeuli), 

agreTve saqarTvelos xelovnebis muzeumSi (4 erTeuli). 

es iuridiuli aqtebi mravalmxrivaa saintereso _ rogorc umniSvnelovanesi 

werilobiTi pirvelwyaroebi saqarTvelos, kavkasiisa da iranis 

politikuri da socialur-ekonomikuri urTierTobis Sesaswavlad; rogorc 

xelovnebis nimuSebi, romlebic did msgavsebas avlens islamuri 

xelnaweri wignis Semkobis Tanadroul tradiciasTan da aseve, rogorc 

konkretuli istoriuli etapis sparsuli mdivanmwignobruli enis Taviseburebebis, 

qarTul-sparsuli enobrivi urTierTobebis amsaxveli masala. 

qarTul koleqciebSi warmodgenili sparsuli da qarTul-sparsuli 

sabuTebi moicavs iranis Sahebis mier qarTveli mefeebis, valiebis, sasuliero 

pirebis, aristokratiis, qalaqis zeda fenebis warmomadgenlebisa 

da moxeleebis mimarT gacemul firmanebsa da hoqmebs, nasyidobis, wyalobis, 

qorwinebis sigelebs, arzebs Sahisa da saqarTvelos mefeTa rezoluciebiT; 

uxvadaa warmodgenili savaWro garigebaTa sabuTebi, baraTebi, savaWro 

da sagadasaxado xelSekrulebebi. sabuTebis nawili gacemulia 

azerbaijanis, daRestnis, somxeTis maRali rangis moxeleebisa da mamasaxlisebisadmi. 

koleqciebSi moipoveba saqarTvelos mefeebis, batoniSvilebis da xanebis 

mier gacemuli sparsuli sigelebic, romelTa arseboba ganpirobebuli 

iyo aRmosavleT saqarTvelos iranze vasaluri damokidebulebiT, zogadad, 

iranuli elementis momZlavrebiT saqarTvelos ekonomikur da socialur 

cxovrebaSi. 

zogadi diplomatikis istoriaSi Tavisi arsiT sruliad unikalur 

movlenas warmoadgens orenovani – qarTul-sparsuli – dokumentebis arseboba, 

romlebic asaxavs aRmosavleT saqarTvelos erT-erTi samefos, 

qarTlis mefis formalur damokidebulebas iranis xelisuflebaze. 

sparsuli da qarTul-sparsuli aqtebis mniSvnelovani nawili gamocemulia 

m. xubuas (xubua 1949), vl. fuTuriZis (fuTuriZe 1961-1965), 

m. Toduas (Тодуа 1989), n. dunduas (dundua 1984; 2010) mier. gansazRvrulia 

am masalis raoba da istoriuli Rirebuleba. bolo wlebSi xel- 

15

nawerTa erovnul centrSi (www.manuscript.ge) momzadda am siZveleTsacavSi 

daculi sparsuli saistorio dokumentebis eleqtronuli katalogi 

gamokvleviT (www.persian-doc.org.ge), aseve moxatuli sparsuli dokumentebis 

eleqtronuli katalogi (www.illuminateddocument.ge) da gamoica 

monografia `moxatuli istoriuli dokumentebi~ (kldiaSvili 2011). 

amasTan unda aRiniSnos, rom am masalis garkveuli nawili dRemde araa 

gamoqveynebuli. 

miuxedavad Catarebuli didi samuSaoebisa, sparsuli da qarTulsparsuli 

dokumentebi, rogorc enobrivi movlena, ar yofila kompleqsurad 

Seswavlili. es Zeglebi iZleva uaRresad mdidar masalas qarTuli 

da sparsuli diplomatikuri enis, stilisa da arqiteqtonikis, semantikis, 

leqsikuri interferenciisa da enobriv urTierTobaTa amsaxveli 

sxva movlenebis Seswavlis kuTxiT. dokumenturi masalis am mimarTulebiT 

Seswavla warmoadgens erT aucilebel etaps qarTul-sparsuli enobrivi 

urTierTobebis gaRrmavebuli kvlevisaTvis. 

diplomatikis ena, miuxedavad misi mkacrad dakanonebuli normebisa, 

naTlad aireklavs konkretuli istoriuli periodis politikursa da 

kulturul Taviseburebebs; amasTan, is icvleba gamoyenebis arealisa da 

funqciis mixedviT da, amdenad, asaxavs rogorc, zogadad, enis ganviTarebis 

Taviseburebebs, ise kulturaTa urTierTSerwymis suraTs. 

zemoTqmulis mkafio magaliTia sefianuri xanis saistorio dokumentebi. 

sefianTa Turquli warmomavlobis dinastia, damaxasiaTebeli sparsul-Siituri 

kulturiT, arsebobis pirvel etapze, faqtobrivad, orenovan 

saxelmwifos marTavda: samefo karis, sasamarTlos, samxedro aristokratiis 

ena Turquli iyo; administraciis, diplomatikis, literaturisa 

da istoriografiis ena ki sparsuli. Tumca, istoriuli dokumentebis 

enobrivi kuTxiT Seswavla, leqsika-semantikis, interferenciis magaliTebisa 

da sxva masalis analizi gviCvenebs, rom farTo komunikaciis 

ena zemoqmedebs diplomatikis enaze, gansakuTrebiT istoriuli sabuTebis 

iseT saxeobebze, rogoricaa savaWro garigebaTa sabuTebi, saqorwino kontraqtebi 

da sxv. 

sparsuli saistorio dokumentebis teqstis TiToeuli Tema gadmocemulia 

am iuridiuli aqtebis Sesabamisi enobriv-struqturuli modeliT, 

romelic ucvleli teqstobrivi elementebisaganaa Sedgenili. maTi ganxilva 

gulisxmobs teqstis Seswavlas leqsikur-semantikur da stilistur-frazeologiur 

doneze, saTanado maxasiaTeblebis da Taviseburebebis 

gamokveTas sabuTis saxeobisa da istoriul-kulturuli konteqstis mixedviT. 

iranis Sahebis mier gacemuli firmanebis mkacrad dakanonebuli Temebia: 

RvTaebrivi neba (invokacio), winaparTa xseneba, Sesavali formula; 

sabuTis ZiriTadi Tema _ Sedgenis mizandasaxuleba, garigebis iuridiuli 

mxareebi, obieqtis Tema, ZiriTadi TemiT gamoxatuli samarTlebrivi ur- 

TierTobebis dacva. TiToeul Temas sagangebo leqsika-frazeologia Seesa- 

16

ameba, kerZod: RvTaebrivi neba da invokacio saTanado, ZiriTadad, ucvleli 

formulebiTaa gamocemuli. ZiriTadi TemiT gamoxatul nawilebs Soris 

ki didi sxvaobaa rogorc stilis, ise leqsikis TvalsazrisiT _ 

gansakuTrebiT maRalfardovani stiliT, amaRlebuli epiTetebiT arian 

Semkuli sabuTis gamcemi Sahebi da adgilobrivi mmarTvelebi, aseve adresatebic, 

Tu isini umaRles ierarqiul safexurze imyofebian – vali, ka- 

Talikosi, beglarbegi da sxv. saqmiani, dawuruli stiliTa da sada leqsikuri 

saSualebebiTaa gadmocemuli teqstis is nawilebi, sadac saubaria 

dokumentis Sedgenis mizandasaxulebaze, obieqtis Temasa da Sesabamisi 

samarTlebrivi urTierTobebis dacvaze. 

sparsuli dokumentebis ideur da mxatvrul-kompoziciur centrs warmoadgens 

teqstis Tavze, sabuTis centrSi dasmuli beWedi, romelic 

xSirad mdidrul moxatulobaSia Casmuli, feradovania da aqcentirebuli. 

masSi gamcemi Sahis saxelia Cawerili martivi an rTuli titulaturiT, 

romelsac gars uvlis uzenaesi mbrZaneblis epiTetebi an sxva, ufro 

rTuli warwerebi, mag.: Tormeti imamis saxeli, alisadmi mowiwebis 

gamomxatveli warwera (zogjer leqsad) sefiani Sahebis beWdebSi da sxv. 

sabuTis Sesavali Temebis msgavsad, beWdis warwerebic ucvleli formulebiTaa 

warmodgenili calkeuli dinastiis mmarTvelobis periodis ganmavlobaSi. 

amasTanave, zogierTi Sahis, magaliTad, Sah-sulTan huseinis 

beWdebs ramdenime saxis zedwerili aqvs. 

zurgi damowmebisa da saregistracio CanawerebisTvisaa gamoyenebuli. 

Ees teqstebi mSrali sakancelario eniTaa Sesrulebuli, Tumca aqac 

vxvdebiT umaRlesi moxeleebis, mag.: pirveli veziris e’Temad ad-dovles 

sagangebo epiTetebiT – `saxelmwifos ndoba~, `marjvena veziri~, `wyalobiT 

gamorCeuli beWdis mcveli~ da sxv. moxseniebas. am CanawerebisTvis 

xSirad sabuTis ZiriTadi xelisagan gansxvavebuli kaligrafiacaa gamoyenebuli. 

enobrivi gavlenebis, leqsikuri interferenciis TvalsazrisiT gansakuTrebiT 

mdidar informacias Seicavs istoriul dokumentebSi dadasturebuli 

sparsuli administraciuli da socialuri terminuli erTeulebi, 

miwismflobelobasTan dakavSirebuli leqsika. iranisa da saqarTvelos 

mmarTvelobis aparatis ierarqiuli suraTis da feodalur urTierTobaTa 

amsaxveli arabul-sparsuli leqsikuri erTeulebi damkvidrebulia XVI- 

XVIII saukuneebis qarTul saqmiswarmoebaSic, qarTul, qarTul-sparsul 

istoriul dokumentebsa da sxva naratiul wyaroebSi. am terminTa didi 

nawili ganxilulia qarTvel mecnierTa _ m. xubuas, vl. fuTuriZis, m. 

Toduas, i. doliZis, n. berZeniSvilis (berZeniSvili 1940), al. vaCeiSvilis 

(vaCeiSvili 1963), v. gabaSvilis (gabaSvili (1958), d. kacitaZis (kacitaZe 

1972:131-145; kacitaZe 2009), k. kucias (1965:89-92), T. abaSiZis 

(abaSiZe 1963:63-81) da sxvaTa SromebSi. enobrivi interferenciis magali- 

Tebi – aznavari/aznauri (didgvarovani), baTili (anulirebuli), bahra 

(gadasaxadi), gorZakali (moxele, agenti), damRa (beWedi, gadasaxadi savaWro 

saqonelze) da sxv. naTlad warmoaCens axlo aRmosavleTis kul- 

17

turul arealSi Semavali qveynebis enobriv urTierTobaTa suraTs, ganpirobebuls 

geografiuli siaxloviT, mWidro politikuri da kulturuli 

kavSirebiT. 

istoriuli sabuTebis enobrivi aspeqtebi da qarTul-sparsul enobriv 

urTierTobaTa kvlevasTan dakavSirebuli sakiTxebi met sicxades iZens 

sparsuli da orenovani – qarTul-sparsuli dokumentebis enisa da arqiteqtonikis 

paraleluri Seswavlis Sedegad. am sabuTebis qarTuli, amosavali 

teqsti qarTuli samdivanmwignobro tradiciiTaa Sesrulebuli. 

misi Targmani – sparsuli teqsti ki, romelic qarTulis reziumea (mo- 

Tavsebulia dokumentis zurgze an pirvel gverdze qarTuli teqstisadmi 

Sveuli an iribi striqonebiT), mniSvnelovnad sxvaobs analogiuri Sinaarsis 

sparsuli sabuTebis teqstisgan, Tumca, droTa ganmavlobaSi zogierTi 

klauzula, formula da termini, maTi arqiteqtonika icvleboda 

sparsuli samwerlobo tradiciis gavleniTa da saqarTvelo-irans Soris 

arsebuli urTierTobis konkretuli etapis Taviseburebebis mixedviT. 

amrigad, sparsuli da qarTul-sparsuli orenovani sigelebis enobrivi 

aspeqtebis kvleva sakiTxTa farTo wres moicavs: igi uSualod ukav- 

Sirdeba dokumenturi wyaroebis leqsikur-semantikur da stilur Taviseburebebs 

da amasTan, istoriuli da kulturuli konteqstiT ganpirobebul 

urTierTobebs asaxavs. istoriuli sabuTebis, rogorc enobrivi movlenis, 

kompleqsuri da interdisciplinaruli kvleva swored am WrilSi 

unda moxdes. am mimarTulebiT kvleva dawyebulia. 

literatura 

abaSiZe 1974: T. abaSiZe, orenovani sabuTebis sparsuli nawilebis diplomatikuri 

Taviseburebani, macne, istoriis, arqeologiis, eTnografiisa da xelovnebis 

istoriis seria, Tbilisi, 2, gv. 63-81. 

berZeniSvili 1940: n. berZeniSvili, dokumentebi saqarTvelos socialuri istoriidan, 

t. 1, Tbilisi. 

gabaSvili 1958: v. gabaSvili, qarTuli feodaluri wyobileba XVI-XVII saukuneebSi 

(SedarebiTi Seswavlis cda), Tbilisi. 

dundua 1984: n. dundua, qarTul-sparsuli (orenovani) istoriuli sabuTebi 

(XVI-XVIII ss.), Tbilisi. 

dundua 2010: n. dundua, aRmosavleT saqarTvelos mefeebis, batoniSvilebis da 

xanebis mier gacemuli sparsuli sigelebi, Tbilisi. 

vaCeiSvili 1963: al. vaCeiSvili, Nnarkvevebi qarTuli samarTlis istoriidan, t. 

3, Tbilisi. 

kacitaZe 1972: d. kacitaZe, XVII-XVIII saukuneTa qarTuli dokumenturi wyaroebi 

iran-saqarTvelos savaWro-ekonomikuri urTierTobebis Sesaxeb (zogadi mimoxilva), 

maxlobeli aRmosavleTis istoriis sakiTxebi, t. 2, Tbilisi, gv. 

131-145. 

kacitaZe 2009: d. kacitaZe, iranis istoria, III-XVIII saukuneebi, Tbilisi. 

kldiaSvili 2011: moxatuli istoriuli dokumentebi,Dd. kldiaSvilis redaqciiT, 

Tbilisi. 

18

fuTuriZe 1955: vl. fuTuriZe, qarTul-sparsuli istoriuli sabuTebi, 


fuTuriZe 1961-1965: vl. fuTuriZe, sparsuli istoriuli sabuTebi saqarTvelos 

wignTsacavebSi, t. 1, nawili 1-3, Tbilisi. 

xubua 1949: m. xubua, saqarTvelos muzeumis sparsuli firmanebi da hoqmebi, 


Куция 1965: Куция К., Тиюль и бахрече по данным грузинo-персидских двуязычных 

документов, Народы Азии и Африки, №2, Москва, c. 89-92. 

Тодуа 1989: Тодуа М.А., Шамс И.К., Тбилисская коллекция персидских фирманов, в 

2-х томах, Тбилиси. 

Tamar Abuladze, Helen Giunashvili 

Persian and Georgian-Persian Historical Documents of Georgia: 

Aspects of Linguistic-Philological Studies 

Summary 

Among the rich collections preserved at the Georgian national antiquities depositories, 

XVI-XVIII cc. Persian historical documents present the most important records for the 

study of Iranian-Georgian (Caucasian) cultural relations. The documents are kept at the 

National Center of Manuscripts (fund PD, 511 units), the National Archive of the Ministry 

of Justice (funds N 1452 and N 1450,1237 units) and the Museum of Art of Georgia (4 

units). They are absolutely unique from the point of view of their content, completeness, 

historical and artistic significance. 

The collections comprise Persian firmans (deeds), hoqms, books of grants and purchases, 

letters of appeal (petitions) of Iranian shahs and Georgian governors, who adopted Islam, 

with the resolutions of shahs or kings of Georgia. The deeds of trade transactions, notes, 

trade and taxation receipts, wedding contracts, etc. are represented in abundance. They refer 

to both Georgia and other parts of Caucasus as well. The documents are addressed to 

Georgian feudals, cathalicoses, Armenian meliks and others.The Safavid documents 

preserved at the Georgian depositories – firmans and hoqms issued by Shah-Thahmas, Shah 

Sepi I, Shah-Abbas I, Shah Suleiman, Shah Sultan Husein, Shah Abbas II and some others 

– are important original sources clearly illustrating political, social and economic aspects of 

Iranian-Georgian interrelations. Their language, lexis, semantics, style and phraseology 

reveal the literary language development tendencies of that common cultural area. From 

this point, these documents have not been studied properly up to the present. 

Researches of the linguistic aspects of Persian historical documents are of special interest 

from the viewpoint of the phenomenon of lexical interference expressed, first of all, in 

social terminology. This is a bilateral phenomenon conditioned by geographical proximity, 

close political and cultural relations. 

The Persian documents require complex, interdisciplinary research, which will enable us to 

discuss the problems of cultural-linguistic interference in a wider aspect and to highlight 

comprehensively and deeply one important segment of the Iranian-Georgian relations. 

19

marina aleqsiZe 

20 


pirdapiri naTqvamis rogorc Sinagani metyvelebis 

gamosaxvis formaTa nairsaxeoba 

personaJis Sinagani metyveleba mxatvrul nawarmoebSi warmodgenilia 

rogorc `sxvaTa sityva~. enaTmecnierebaSi `sxvaTa sityvas~ uwodeben 

metyvelebas, `romelic ar ekuTvnis molaparakes da mxolod mis mier 

aris gadmocemuli SesaZlo miTiTebiT mizanze, wyarosa da situaciaze, 

romelSic igi ganxorcielda~ (rusuli gramatika 1980: 485). 

sxvaTa sityvis ageba gulisxmobs avtoris planis, anu molaparake piris 

(avtoris, mTxrobelis) planis arsebobas, romlis fonzec igi gamoiyofa. 

l. murzinis azriT, sxvaTa sityvisa da avtoriseuli metyvelebis 

cnebaTa gansazRvras safuZvlad udevs Setyobinebis Seqmnisa da gadacemis 

momentebis gamijvna (murzini 1969: 49-50). Tu gamonaTqvamis Seqmnis momenti 

emTxveva Setyobinebis moments, igi ekuTvnis avtoriseul metyvelebas, 

Tu ar emTxveva – sxvaTa sityvas. amasTan erTad igulisxmeba gamonaTqvamis 

orive saxeobis aucilebeli Tanxvedra urTierTobis erT sametyvelo 

aqtSi. aqedan gamomdinare, sxvaTa sityvis ZiriTadi niSania ukve 

Seqmnili gamonaTqvamis kvlavwarmoeba urTierTobis sxva aqtebSi. 

arsebiTad, sxvaTa sityva warmoadgens metyvelebas metyvelebaSi, es 

aris romelime piris metyveleba Seyvanili sxva piris metyvelebaSi, ris 

Sedegadac warmoiqmneba ori xazis erTianoba: `Tavisi~ (àvtoris~)@da 

`sxvisi~ (àra-avtoris~). m. Cumakovis azriT, sxvaTa sityvis SefardebiTi 

xasiaTi aris misi `ganuyreli konstituciuri Tviseba, romelic gansazRvravs 

sxvaTa sityvis Semcveli agebulebebis binarul xasiaTs da ganapirobebs 

mTlianad am movlenis specifikas~ (Cumakovi 1975: 15). 

sxvaTa sityva gadmoicema garkveuli enobrivi xerxebisa da formebis 

meSveobiT. rusul enaSi tradiciulad gamoiyofa sxvaTa sityvis gadmocemis 

sami saSualeba: pirdapiri, iribi da arasakuTriv pirdapiri. erTmane- 

Tisagan isini gansxvavdebian imiT, Tu rogor aris organizebuli avtoriseuli 

plani – arsebobs calke sxvaTa sityvisgan, Tu erwymis mas; da 

imiT, Tu rogor Seefardeba es plani formalurad sxvaTa sityvas – 

imorCilebs mas Tu ara. Tu avtoris plani arsebobs sxvaTa sityvis planisgan 

calke da sintaqsurad ar aris masTan dakavSirebuli, Cven winaSe 

pirdapiri metyvelebaa. Tu avtoris plani arsebobs sxvaTa sityvis planisgan 

calke, magram sintaqsurad imorCilebs mas, saqme gvaqvs irib metyvelebasTan. 

Tuki avtoris plani ar arsebobs sxvaTa sityvis planis gareSe 

da Serwymulia masTan, adgili aqvs arasakuTriv pirdapir metyvelebas. 

Sdr.: 

"Самое большое, _ думал oн, _ будет то, что не примут и что-нибудь 

нехорошее обо мне подумают или, пожалуй, и примут, да станут смеяться

в глаза… Э, ничего!" (И); Одни из них даже думали, что всех их немедленно 

спустят с лестницы (И); Злоба накипала в нем все сильнее и сильнее, и если 

бы теперь встретился с ним господин Лужин, он, кажется, убил бы его! 

(ПиН). 

personaJis Sinagani metyvelebis gamosaxva mxatvrul literaturaSi 

xorcieldeba enaSi arsebuli sxvaTa sityvis gadmocemis xerxebisa da 

formebis CarCoebSi. 

Cven ganvixilavT Sinagani metyvelebis gadmocemis erT-erTi xerxis – 

pirdapiri metyvelebis _ nairsaxeobas T. dostoevskis romanebis – ìdioti~ 

da `danaSauli da sasjeli~ _ masalaze. 

pirdapir metyvelebas uwodeben `sxvaTa sityvis gadmocemis iseT sa- 

Sualebas, romlis drosac molaparake mTlianad inarCunebs mis leqsikur-semantikur 

Taviseburebebs da ar urgebs Tavis metyvelebas~ (rusuli 

ena 1979: 241). pirdapiri metyvelebis garegan niSnebs miekuTvneba: 1) avtoriseuli 

Semyvani komponentis arseboba, romelic Seicavs sametyvelo 

an azrobrivi qmedebis aRmniSvnel sitvas an mis Semcvlels; 2) miTiTeba 

avtoriseul TxrobaSi imaze, rom personaJi imyofeba sametyvelo, mentalur 

an emociur mdgomareobaSi; 3) im dialogsa Tu moqmedebis Semcvel 

konteqstSi CarTuloba, romelSic monawileobs molaparake. pirdapiri 

naTqvamis garegani niSnebia: 1) `me – aq – axla~ personaJis situaciis 

asaxva (piris nacvalsaxelebis, zmnis pirveli da meore piris formebis 

Tavisufali gamoyeneba, kilos formebis pirdapiri gamoyeneba, maT Soris 

brZanebiTis, da aseve iseTi drois formebis gamoyeneba, romlebic qmnian 

personaJis individualur dros); 2) gamosaxvis individualuri stiluri 

Taviseburebani (emociurad Seferili da koloritis Semqmneli leqsikis 

gamoyeneba); 3) sintaqsuri wyobis Taviseburebani (pirdapiri naTqvamis gaformeba 

damoukidebeli winadadebis saxiT, sakuTari intonaciis SenarCuneba, 

brZanebiTi, kiTxviTi da Zaxilis winadadebebis da mimarTvis gamoyeneba). 

pirdapiri naTqvamis amocanaa sxvisi metyvelebis ara marto sagnobrivi 

Sinaarsis gadmocema, aramed misi SenarCuneba da zusti kvlavwarmoeba 

misTvis damaxasiaTebeli leqsikur-gramatikuli, intonaciuri Tu stiluri 

TaviseburebebiTurT _ mniSvnelovania isic, Tu ra aris naTqvami, da 

isic, Tu rogor aris naTqvami. amis wyalobiT gadmoicema molaparakis individualuri 

stili da pirdapiri naTqvami `sityvasityviT aRdgenilis 

STabeWdilebas tovebs“ (milixi 1956: 136). 

pirdapiri metyvelebis Semcveli gamonaTqvamebis Taviseburebaa maTSi 

ori Semadgeneli nawilis gamoyofa: avtoriseuli Semyvani komponentisa 

da sakuTriv pirdapiri metyvelebis. isini gamosaxaven or sametyvelo 

plans – avtoris da personaJis da qmnian erT mTlianobas. Semyvani komponenti 

gamodis rogorc gardamavali rgoli avtoriseuli Txrobidan 

sxvaTa sityvaze da emsaxureba avtoriseul TxrobaSi axali sametyvelo 

planis pirdapiri metyvelebis saxiT Seyvanas. amrigad, gamonaTqvamSi `wam- 

21

yvani nawilia avtoris remarka, mas Semohyavs pirdapiri naTqvami, teqstis 

mimarT ki is damxmare elementia~ (milixi 1961: 142) 

pirdapiri metyvelebis Semcveli gamonaTqvamebis gramatikul forma 

rTuli ukavSiro winadadebaa. avtoriseuli plani formdeba rogorc SedarebiT 

damoukidebeli winadadeba, romelSic struqturul-semantikuri 

centris rolSi gamodis azrisa da metyvelebis aRmniSvneli zmnuri 

sityva, sxvaTa sityva ki warmodgenilia rogorc damoukidebeli winadadeba. 

pirdapiri metyvelebis komponentTa avtonomiuri xasiaTi da SeuRwevoba 

Tavs iCens avtoriseuli Semyvani komponentis Tavisufal organizebaSi 

– mas SeuZlia Tavisi poziciis varireba sxvaTa sityvis mimarT: is 

SeiZleba moTavsdes mis win, Semdeg an SuaSi. 

realobis xarisxis mixedviT Sinagani metyveleba SeiZleba iyos realuri 

da warmosaxviTi. 

realuria iseTi pirdapiri Sinagani metyveleba, romelsac, avtoris 

daxasiaTebis Tanaxmad, namdvilad hqonda adgili, marTla `miedineboda~ 

personaJis cnobierebaSi, igi Riaa `yovlismWvreteli~ avtoris mzerisaTvis 

da warmoadgens misi dakvirvebisa da gamosaxvis obieqts. am SemTxveva- 

Si mweralma namdvilad icis, ras fiqrobs da ras grZnobs misi gmiri, da 

gamoxatavs amas pirdapiri metyvelebis saxiT. 

warmosaxviTia iseTi pirdapiri Sinagani metyveleba, romelsac an ar 

aqvs adgili sinamdvileSi da igi SesaZlebelia mxolod momavalSi, an igi 

damalulia `yovlismWvreteli~ avtoris mzerisaTvis da miuwvdomelia 

dakvirvebisa da gamoxatvisaTvis. im garemoebebis gaTvaliswinebiT, romlebSic 

xdeba aRwerili movlenebi, mwerals raRac garegani niSnebis mixedviT 

SeuZlia ivaraudos, Tu ras fiqrobs personaJi, da gamoxatos es 

potenciurad SesaZlo, warmosaxviTi pirdapiri metyvelebis saxiT. ararealobis 

maCveneblebis rolSi rusulSi, Cveulebriv, gvevlineba sityvebi 

как будто, как бы, modaluri sityvebi da zmnis momavali drois formebi. 

mag.: 

– Да вы точно... из-за границы? – как-то невольно спросил он, наконец, и 

сбился; он хотел, может быть, спросить: "Да вы точно князь Мышкин?" (И). 

grafikuli gaformebis mixedviT pirdapiri Sinagani metyveleba SeiZleba 

iyos grafikulad gaformebuli da grafikulad gauformebeli. T. 

dostoevskis romanebSi umetesad personaJis pirdapiri metyveleba gaformebulia 

brWyalebiT. iSviaTad gvxdeba iseTi gamonaTqvamebi, romlebSic 

personaJTa pirdapiri metyveleba grafikulad gaformebuli ar aris. aseT 

pirdapir metyvelebas uwodeben `naxevrad pirdapir metyvelebas~ (axmanova 

1969), `Tavisufal pirdapir metyvelebas~ (Cumakovi 1975). iseTi pirdapiri 

metyvelebis specifika, romelic ar aris grafikulad gaformebuli, 

dakavSirebulia misi Sinaarsisa da struqturis TaviseburebebTan. semantikuri 

TvalsazrisiT, aq, erTi mxriv, SenarCunebulia sxvaTa sityvis originaloba, 

sizuste, modaloba da emociuroba, meore mxriv, aRiniSneba simokle, 

sxvaTa sityvis calkeuli elementebis Semcireba an Secvla (amitom 

mas uwodeben Tavisufals da ar svamen brWyalebSi). struqturuli 

22

TvalsazrisiT, amgvari gamonaTqvamebisaTvis damaxasiaTebelia Semyvani komponentis 

arseboba, garkveuli modelis Sesabamisoba, sxvaTa sityvis gramatikuli 

formebis SenarCuneba (amitom mas uwodeben pirdapirs). rogorc 

g. Cumakovi aRniSnavs, `Tavisufali pirdapiri metyveleba – misi bunebidan 

gamomdinare – ar SeiZleba gamoyofil iqnes brWyalebiT: es aris punqtuaciuri 

niSani, romelic gamoxatavs sxvaTa gamonaTqvamebis namdvil Tu pirobiTporiginalobas 

da romelic emsaxureba amgvari gamonaTqvamebis mxolod 

erT tips – pirdapir metyvelebas~ (Cumakovi 1975: 78). aseT grafikulad 

gauformebel Sinagan metyvelebas Cven ganvixilavT rogorc pirdapiri 

metyvelebis variants. 

Cven mier gaanalizebul teqstebSi ZiriTadad gvxvdeba gamonaTqvamebi, 

sadac warmodgenilia grafikulad gauformebeli kiTxviTi xasiaTis pirdapiri 

metyveleba, romelic Taviseburi dialogizebuli replikaa. isini Seicaven 

personaJis kiTxvebs Tavis Tavis mimarT, romlebSic asaxulia misi 

Sinagani fiqrebisa Tu msjelobebis procesi. es replikebi xSirad pasuxgaucemeli 

rCeba da warmoadgens saSualebas, romlis meSveobiTac yuradRebis 

aqcentireba xdeba azris yvelaze mTavar momentebze. zogjer ki pasuxi gaecema 

da maSin iqmneba kiTxva-pasuxis Taviseburi kompleqsebi. amasTan rogorc 

kiTxvebi, aseve pasuxebi moklea da maTi semantika ganzogadebuli xasiaTisaa. 

mag.: 

Сначала, _ впрочем, давно уже прежде, _ его занимал один вопрос: 

почему так легко отыскиваются и выдаются почти все преступления и так 

явно обозначаются следы почти всех преступников? (ПиН); Но когда она 

еще читала письмо, ей вдруг пришло в голову: неужели этот самонадеянный 

мальчишка и фанфаронишка выбран князем в корреспонденты и, пожалуй, 

чего доброго, единственный его здешний корреспондент? (И). 

romanSi ìdioti~ aRniSnulia arasakuTriv pirdapiri metyvelebis 

SigniT moTavsebuli Sinagani pirdapiri metyvelebis uCveulo gaformebis 

SemTxveva – frCxilebis meSveobiT. mag.: 

Теперь же становилось ясно: князь Щ., конечно, толковал событие 

ошибочно, но все бродил кругом истины, все-таки понял тут _ интригу 

(Впрочем, может быть, и совершенно про себя понимает, _ подумал князь, _ 

а только не хочет высказаться и потому нарочно толкует ошибочно). Яснее 

всего было то, что к нему теперь заходили (и именно князь Щ.) в надежде 

когда-нибудь дождаться разъяснений: если так, то его прямо считают 

участником в интриге (И). 

mxatvrulad gamosaxuli Sinagani metyvelebis martiv formas warmoadgens 

replicirebuli pirdapiri Sinagani metyveleba. 

g. Cumakovi, gamoyofs ra replikas rogorc sxvaTa sityvis realizaciis 

formas, axasiaTebs mas rogorc monologurs da aerTianebs masSi 

izolirebul da dialogur replikebsac (Cumakovi 1975: 61-62). Tumca, 

SeiZleba am ori cnebis terminologiuri gamijvna: terminiT `monologuri 

replika~ ganisazRvros personaJis calkeuli, izolirebuli gamonaTqvami, 

romelic SedarebiT moklea da ar Sedis dialogis SemadgenlobaSi; 

23

terminiT `dialoguri replika~ ki – personaJis gamonaTqvami, romelic 

CarTulia dialogSi misi Semadgeneli nawilis saxiT. 

Sinagani replikebi personaJis uSualod Sidasametyvelo reaqciaa rogorc 

garesamyaroSi, aseve sakuTar Sinagan samyaroSi momxdarze logikuri, 

modaluri Tu emociuri Sefasebebis saxiT. Sinagani replikebi gamoxataven 

personaJis subieqtur reaqciebs da, rogorc wesi, Seicaven emociurad 

da modalurad markirebul elementebs. replika-reaqcia mWidrod 

aris xolme dakavSirebuli siuJetTan da xels uwyobs mis ganviTarebas. 

mag.: 

Скоро проскользнул на террасу вдруг откуда-то явившийся Коля. 

"Стало быть, его принимают здесь по-прежнему", _ подумал князь про себя 

(И). 

replikas, rogorc Sinagani pirdapiri metyvelebis formas, axasiaTebs 

mcire moculoba, struqturuli simartive da Sesabamisi grafikuli gaformeba. 

replika advilad gamoiyofa teqstSi. mis qveda zRvars warmoadgens 

erTsityviani winadadebebis Semcveli gamonaTqvamebi, zeda zRvars ki 

– gamonaTqvamebi, romlebic Seicaven or (Cveulebriv, martiv) winadadebas. 

tipuri Sinagani replika ki martivi an mcire moculobis rTuli winadadebaa. 

mag.: 

"Ну, так и есть!" _ подумал он (ПиН); "От этого ничего не узнаешь, 

потому что ему все равно", _ подумал Раскольников (ПиН). 

imis mixedviT, Tu rogor Seefardeba replicirebuli pirdapiri Sinagani 

replika metyvelebis saxeobebs, gamoiyofa: 1) monologuri replika, 

2) dialogizebuli replika, 3) kombinirebuli replika. 

monologuri replikebi izolirebuli gamonaTqvamebia, romlebsac 

aqvT monologuri metyvelebis garegani niSnebi, mcire moculoba da romlebic 

ar Sedian dialogis SemadgenlobaSi. maTTvis damaxasiaTebelia Sinaarsis 

mravalferovneba. isini, magaliTad, afiqsireben personaJis cnobierebaSi 

misi TvalTaxedvis areSi arsebul sagnebsa da movlenebs: 

"А ведь они точно боятся меня", _ подумал сам про себя Раскольников, 

исподлобья глядя на мать и сестру (ПиН). 

amgvar replikebSi konstataciis mniSvneloba SeiZleba garTulebuli 

iyos subietur-modaluri SefasebiT, romlis maCveneblebia modaluri 

mniSvnelobis mqone CarTuli sityvebi da uaryofiTi sityvebi (конечно, 

очевидно, стало быть, должно быть, кажется, может быть, верно, 

невозможно, нельзя, нет): 

"Заочно, кажется, так ведь любил их", _ промелькнуло в его голове 

(ПиН); _ Это очень интересно! _ заметил вслух Евгений Павлович. "Стало 

быть, знает дело!" _ подумал князь (И). 

zogjer monologuri replika Seicavs personaJis TvalTaxedvis areSi 

momxdari sagnebisa Tu pirovnebebis Tvisebriv daxasiaTebas. am mniSvnelobis 

gamomxatvel tipur konstruqcias warmoadgens orSemadgenliani winadadeba 

(xSirad arasruli) saxeladi SemasmenliT (babaiceva 2000). mag.: 

24

"Илья Петрович _ болван!" _ решил он окончательно (ПиН); "Да, я 

человек без сердца и трус!" _ повторял он мрачно и порывисто двинулся 

идти, но... опять остановился... (И). 

monologuri replika Seicavs romelime movlenis, sagnis, pirovnebis, 

vinmes sityvebis mokle Sinagan komentars, romelsac personaJi akeTebs 

imisaTvis, rom kargad gaigos da SeiTvisos am momentisaTvis raRac Zalian 

mniSvnelovani: 

_ Нет-с, это ведь я так только интересуюсь, собственно, для уразумения 

вашей статьи, в литературном только одном отношении-с... 

"Фу, как это явно и нагло!" _ с отвращением подумал Раскольников 

(ПиН). 

monologuri tipis replika SeiZleba Seicavdes personaJis ganzraxvas, 

gadawyvetilebas, Seasrulos an ar Seasrulos romelime moqmedeba. 

aseT gamonaTqvamebs aqvs mkveTrad gamoxatuli modaluri xasiaTi. maT SemadgenlobaSia 

modaluri sityvebi (не) надо, (не) нужно, невозможно, 

нельзя, zmnebi momavali drois formaSi an infinitivi. mag.: 

"Войду, стану на колена и все расскажy..." _ подумал он, входя в 

четвертый зтаж (ПиН); Главнейшая суть дела была решена в его голове и 

решена окончательно: "Не бывать этому браку, пока я жив, и к черту 

господина Лужина!" (ПиН). 

monologuri replika-survili Seicavs personaJis survils, sakuTari 

interesebis Sesabamisad Secvalos saqmeTa arsebuli mdgomareoba, romelic 

ama Tu im mizezis gamo mas aRar akmayofilebs. amgvari gamonaTqvamebi 

aseve mkveTrad gamoxatul modalur xasiaTs atarebs: warmoadgenen ra 

moqmedebas rogorc sasurvels, isini gamoxataven irealur modalobas. 

ararealuri survilis mniSvnelobas gadmoscemen nawilakebi бы, только 

бы, лишь бы, хотя бы, если бы, xSirad infinitivTan erTad: 

"Вот бы куда подбросить и уйти!" _ вздумалось ему вдруг (ПиН); "Хоть 

бы он-то случился и что-нибудь сказал", _ говорила о нем Лизавета 

Прокофьевна (И). 

personaJis uSualo, wminda emociuri replikebi, romelic gamowveulia 

gareSe, `materialuri~ an Sinagani, fsiqologiuri, mizezebiT, Seicaven 

replika-SegrZnebas. rogorc wesi, amgvari replikebi gamoxataven uaryofiT 

emociebs (gaRizianeba, gabrazeba, sasowarkveTileba) da warmoadgenen 

sityva-winadadebebs, romlebic realizdebian Sorisdebulis an nawilakis 

saxiT. mag.: 

Увидев Ганю, он ядовито улыбнулся и прошептал про себя: "Вишь!" (И); 

Показалось ему вдруг тоже, что ужасно ему теперь отвратительно проходить 

мимо той скамейки, на которой он тогда, по уходе девочки, сидел и раздумывал, 

и ужасно тоже будет тяжело встретить опять того усача, которому 

он тогда дал двугривенный: "Черт его возьми!" (ПиН). 

monologuri replikis Sinaarss SeiZleba Seadgendes personaJis fiqri 

misTvis mniSvnelovan sakiTxebze. ganxiluli magaliTebisagan gansxvavebiT, 

replika-fiqri atarebs analitikur xasiaTs, gamoxatavs ufro 

rTul Sinaarss da aqvs ufro rTuli agebuleba. mag.: 

25

"Ведь вот, _ подумала про себя Лизавета Прокофьевна, _ то спит да 

ест, не растолкаешь, а то вдруг подымется раз в год и заговорит так, что 

только руки на нее разведешь" (И). 

xSir SemTxvevaSi monologur replikebs mkveTrad gamoxatuli emociuri 

Seferiloba aqvT, radgan isini warmoadgenen personaJis uSualo da 

subieqtur reaqcias momxdarze, rodesac ar aris saWiro sakuTari grZnobebis 

da gancdebis damalva. amas xels uwyoben Zaxilis nawilakebi, Sorisdebulebi, 

gameorebebi, winadadebis gansakuTrebuli wyoba, intonacia, 

romlis grafikuli maCvenebelia Zaxilis niSani. mag.: 

"И я мог хоть на мгновение ожидать чего-нибудь от этого грубого 

злодея, от этого сладострастного развратника и подлеца!" _ вскричал он 

невольно (ПиН); "И он, он _ тоже ослепленный и неверующий, _ он тоже 

сейчас услышит, он тоже уверует, да, да! сейчас, теперь", _ мечталось ей, 

и она дрожала от радостного ожидания (ПиН). 

dialogizebuli replikebi Seicavs personaJebis emociur an inteleqtualur 

reaqciebs, asaxavs maT miswrafebas, miiRos raRac informacia gare 

samyaros Sesaxeb an Secvalos masSi rame sakuTari moTxovnilebebis Sesabamisad. 

semantikur-funqcionaluri TvalsazrisiT dialogizebuli replikebi 

warmodgenilia replika-SekiTxviT da replika-waqezebiT. 

replika-SekiTxva qmnis dialogizebuli replikebis yvelaze mravalricxovan 

jgufs. T. dostoevskis gmirebis Sinagani metyveleba gajerebulia 

SekiTxvebiT. kiTxviTi winadadeba Tavis pirvelad da ZiriTad funqcia- 

Si – dialoguri metyvelebis erT-erTi TvalnaTeli magaliTia. `saerTod, 

kiTxviTi winadadebis funqciaa informaciis nakadis or an met mosaubreebs 

Soris ganawileba~ (vainrixi 1978: 379). 

kiTxviTi winadadebis Sinagan metyvelebaSi, garegani metyvelebisgan 

gansxvavebiT, damaxasiaTebel Tvisebas warmoadgens is, rom is ar aris orientirebuli 

msmenelze. Sinagani metyvelebis situciaSi xdeba komunikaciis 

sxvadasxva monawilis – molaparakisa da msmenelis _ gaerTianeba erT pir- 

Si, rac iwvevs molaparakis intenciisa da komunikaciuri aqtis Sinaarsis 

transformacias. Tu garegan metyvelebaSi kiTxviTi winadadebebi varaudobs 

sapasuxo reaqcias ucnobi informaciis misaRebad, Sinagan metyvelebaSi isini 

warmogvidgebian rogorc maCveneblebi personaJis garkveuli mdgomareobisa, 

rodesac misi (personaJis) cnobiereba koncentrirebulia raRac ucnobze. 

Sinagan metyvelebaSi kiTxviTi winadadebis mizania – aCvenos personaJis 

azrovnebis procesis aqtivizacia, miipyros yuradReba azris ama Tu im elementze, 

moniSnos msjelobis Tema an daafiqsiros gadasvla erTi Temidan 

meoreze. 

calkeuli kiTxviTi winadadebebi gamoyenebulia T. dostoevskis romanebSi 

an rogorc replika gare samyaroSi momxdar movlenebze, an rogorc 

impulsi moqmedebis Semdgomi ganviTarebisaTvis. maTi dialogizebuli xasiaTi 

imaSi vlindeba, rom amgvari replikebi gamoxatavs personaJis pozicias, 

romelic sawinaaRmdegoa garSemo konteqstSi asaxuli poziciisagan. 

aseTi replikebi TiTqosda Taviseburi pasuxebia sxva adamianis mier das- 

26

mul kiTxvaze, an sxva personaJis kiTxviTi replikis gameorebaa. maTi daniSnulebaa 

– azris ganviTarebis stimulireba, azrovnebis asociaciuri 

xasiaTis da Sinagan metyvelebaSi ama Tu im Temis gamoCenis spontanurobis 

asaxva. 

personaJisTvis ucnobi informaciis moculobisa da xasiaTis mixedviT 

sakuTriv-kiTxviT winadadebebs SeiZleba hqondes zogad- da kerZoSekiTxvi- 

Ti xasiaTi. pirvel SemTxvevaSi SekiTxva mimarTulia situaciis gaazrebaze 

mTlianobaSi, meore SemTxvevaSi ki – romelime faqtis, movlenisa Tu 

sagnis calkeuli mxaris gaazrebaze. gaanalizebul romanebSi ZiriTad masas 

qmnis kerZoSekiTvis tipis winadadebebi. T. dostoevskis gmirebi Cveulebriv 

imyofebian nacnob, konkretul, mosalodnel situaciebSi, rodesac 

ucnobia mxolod maTi calkeuli, magram mniSvnelovani, elementebi: umetes 

SemTxvevaSi es aris mizezi da mizani. nawarmoebis gmirebisaTvis sasicocxlod 

mniSvnelovania movlenebs Soris mizezSedegobrivi kavSiris garkveva, 

sakuTari da sxvisi saqcielis motivis Secnoba, sakuTari da sxvisi moqmedebis 

mizezis dadgena. 

"Да с чего они берут, что я презираю генералов и генеральство?" _ 

саркастически думал про себя Ганя (И). 

sakuTriv-kiTxviT winadadebebSi kiTxviTi mniSvneloba SeiZleba iyos 

garTulebuli iseTi modaluri mniSvnelobebiT, rogoricaa meryeoba, eWvianoba, 

gaubedavi varaudi, undobloba, gaoceba, romelsac gadmocems 

kiTxviT-modaluri nawilakebi ли, не...ли, что ли, разве, неужели, что если 

da sxv. magaliTad, ли nawilaki aformebs kiTxviT winadadebas, romelic 

iTxovs dadebiT an uaryofiT pasuxs; amasTan kiTxvis mniSvneloba garTulebulia 

yoymanis, eWvis elferiT, romelsac ganicdis personaJi kiTxvis 

arsis mimarT. mag.: Поднимаясь в свою квартиру, он заметил, что Настасья, 

оторвавшись от самовара, пристально следит за ним и провожает его 

глазами. "Уж нет ли кого у меня ? " _ подумал он (ПиН). 

replika-waqezebis ZiriTadi daniSnulebaa – Segulianebis gamoxatva, 

romelic momdinareobs personaJisgan da mimarTulia romelime adresatisaken 

da romelic SeiZleba dakonkretdes rogorc brZaneba, mowodeba, 

Txovna, mudara. amasTan, Segulianeba-waqezebis adresatad gamodis an Tvi- 

Ton personaJi, an realuri an warmosaxviTi mosaubre, an RmerTi rogorc 

umaRlesi Zala: 

И вот ей именно захотелось теперь еще больше поднять перед ними голову, 

затмить всех вкусом и богатством своего наряда, _ "пусть же кричат, 

пусть свистят, если осмелятся!" (И); "Господи! _ молил он, _ покажи мне 

путь мой, и я отрекаюсь от этой проклятой мечты моей!" (ПиН). 

garda zemoT ganxiluli replika-SekiTxvisa da replika-waqezebisa, gamovlenilia 

agreTve erTeuli SemTxvevebi dialogizebuli replikebisa, 

romlebic erT gamonaTqvamSi aerTianeben kiTxvas da waqezebas. aseTi replikebi, 

rogorc wesi, kiTxvisa da Segulianebis mniSvnelobebTan erTad gamoxatavs 

sxvadasxva modalur Tu emociur elfers da atarebs mkveTrad gamoxatul 

eqspresiul xasiaTs. mag.: 

27

"Ну, говори жe, говори, _ как будто так и хотело выпрыгнуть из cepдца 

Раскольникова. _ Ну, что жe, что жe ты не говоришь?" (ПиН) – gamonaTqvamis 

pirvel nawilSi gamoxatulia Segulianeba garTulebuli mouTmenlobis 

elferiT, meore nawilSi ki – SekiTxva, romelic gakvirvebis, aRSfoTebis, 

mouTmenlobis elferiT aris garTulebuli; mTlianobaSi gamonaTqvamis eqspresiulobas 

aZlierebs aqcentirebuli leqsikuri gameoreba. 

replicirebuli pirdapiri Sinagani metyveleba SeiZleba Seicavdes erT 

gamonaTqvamSi monologuri da dialoguri metyvelebis elementebs. amgvari 

replikebis erTi jgufi gamoirCeva mis mier gamoxatuli mniSvnelobebis 

standartulobiT. gamonaTqvamis pirveli nawilis saxiT maTSi warmodgenilia 

replika-konstatacia, sadac personaJi afiqsirebs am momentisaTvis Seqmnil 

`saqmeTa viTarebas~. gamonaTqvamis meore nawili gaformebulia rogorc 

sakuTriv SekiTxva sxvadasxva modaluri elferiT. mag.: 

"А в злобе-то и проговорюсь! _ промелькнуло в нем опять. _ А зачем они 

меня мучают!" (ПиН). 

meore jgufis replikebi ufro mravalferovania Sinaarsis mixedviT. 

gamonaTqvamis pirvel nawilad maTSi gamoyenebulia, rogorc wesi, replika, 

romelic Seicavs personaJis SekiTxvas meore personaJis mimarT. gamonaTqvamis 

meore nawili Cveulebriv Seicavs konstatacias, personaJis daxasiaTebas, 

romelic ase Tu ise dakavSirebulia SekiTxvis SinaarsTan, 

magram ar aris masze pasuxi. ase rom, dialogizebul-monologuri gamonaTqvamis 

pirveli nawilis SekiTxva aris azris mniSvnelovan elementebze 

personaJis yuradRebis miqcevis saSualeba. mag.: 

Впрочем, он ее беспокоил: "хоть и расторопный и добрый, да в состоянии 

ли исполнить, что обещает? В таком ведь он виде!.." (ПиН); "Зачем тут салоп? 

_ подумал он, _ ведь его прежде не было..." (ПиН). 

umetes SemTxvevaSi, replicirebuli Sinagani metyveleba mxatvruli 

teqstis fragmentSi warmodgenilia erTi replika-CarTviT, romelic avtoriseul 

TxrobaSi Tavsdeba da asaxavs personaJis erTeul Sidasametyvelo 

reaqcias romelime gare movlenaze. magram zog SemTxvevaSi fragmentSi 

SeiZleba iyos ramdenime izolirebuli replika, romelic asaxavs 

personaJis reaqcias sxvadasxva movlenaze. magaliTis saxiT moviyvanT 

raskolnikovis replicirebul Sinagan metyvelebas, romelic asaxavs 

mkvlelobis win moxucTan vizitis dros arsebuli garemos miseul aRqmasa 

da daxasiaTebas: 

"Если о сию пору я так боюсь, что жe было бы, если б и действительно 

как-нибудь случилось до самого дела дойти?.." _ подумал он невольно, 

проходя в четвертый этаж. "Может, впрочем, она и всегда такая, да я 

в тот раз не заметил", _ подумал он с неприятным чувством (о старухе). 

"И тогда, стало быть, так жe будет солнце светить!" _ как бы невзначай 

мелькнуло в уме Раскольникова, и быстрым взглядом окинул он все в комнате, 

чтобы по возможности изучить и запомнить расположение. Все было 

очень чисто: и мебель и полы были оттерты под лоск; все блестело. 

"Лизаветина работа", _ подумал молодой человек. "Это у злых и старых 

вдовиц бывает такая чистота", _ продолжал про себя Раскольников... (ПиН). 

28

amrigad, pirdapiri Sinagani metyveleba mxatvrul nawarmoebSi personaJis 

Sinagani sametyvelo-azrobrivi moqmedebis gamosaxvis ZiriTadi sa- 

Sualebaa. igi SeiZleba warmodgenili iyos replicirebuli da gaSlili 

saxiT. replicirebuli pirdapiri Sinagani metyvelebis formebis ganxilvam 

T. dostoevskis romanebis mixedviT gviCvena, rom am sintaqsuri movlenisaTvis 

damaxasiaTebelia struqturisa da Sinaarsis mravalsaxeobaTa 

simdidre. 

literatura 

axmanova 1969: Ахманова О.С., Словарь лингвистических терминов, Сов. энциклопедия, 

Москва. 

babaiceva 2000: Бабайцева В.В., Явления переходности в грамматике русского языка, 

Дрофа, Москва. 

vainrixi 1978: Вайнрих X.,Текстовая функция французского артикля // Новое в зарубежной 

лингвистике, Лингвистика текста, Прогресс. Вып. 8. С. 370-387, Москва. 

milixi 1961: Милых М.К., Конструкция с прямой речью как синтаксическая 

единица // ФН. № 4. С. 136-145. 

murzini 1969: Мурзин Л.Н., Чужая речь и ее типология // Лексика. Грамматика: 

Материалы и исследования по русскому языку / Уч. зап. Пермск. ун-та, №192. С. 

49-61, Пермь. 

Cumakovi 1975: Чумаков Г.М., Синтаксис конструкций с чужой речью, Вища 

школа, Киев. 

rusuli gramatika 1980: Русская грамматика, В 2-х т. Т. II, Наука, Москва. 

rusuli ena 1979: Русский язык, Энциклопедия, Сов. энциклопедия, Москва. 

Marina Aleksidze 

Direct Speech as a Type of Expression of Inner Speech 

Summary 

Artistically expressed inner speech of characters in fiction literature is represented as a 

speech of an external person expressed by means of certain devices and forms. The main 

form of expression of inner speech and thought activity of characters in a literary text is 

direct speech. The direct speech retains the autonomous nature of a character, therefore, it is 

the most objective form of external speech. The inner speech expressed by means of direct 

speech has a large perspective of direct expression of immediate formation and 

development of thought, the perspective of utmost convergence between the inner speech 

and its psychological analogue. As a means of speech characteristics, it contains a much 

broader perspective of expressing all the individual features of the speech of a character. 

Direct speech as a form of expression of the inner speech of characters plays an important 

role in the works of Dostoevsky and is characterized by significant structural and semantic 

diversity. The paper focuses on the types of direct inner speech, namely the real and 

imaginary inner speech, graphically formulated and unformulated inner speech, replicated 

direct inner speech in Dostoevsky’s novels “Crime and Punishment” and “The Idiot”. 

29

fati anTaZe-malaSxia 

30 


qarTulSi Semosuli sami orientalizmis Sesaxeb 

(„zirak||Zirak~||„zira~||„Zira~; „Zabun~-i; „manZil~-i) 

axlo aRmosavlur enebTan xangrZlivma da mWidro urTierTobam qar- 

TulSi mniSvnelovani kvali datova am enaTagan Semosul nasesxobaTa saxiT. 

sparsuli, romelsac yvelaze ufro xangrZlivi urTierTobebi akav- 

Sirebda qarTulTan 1 , gvevlineboda rogorc uSualo, aseve Suamavali gamsesxeblis 

rolSi. mas Semdeg, rac mniSvnelovanwilad Sesustda da TandaTanobiT 

gawyda qarTulis uSualo Sexeba arabulTan, didad gaizarda 

sparsulis, rogorc Suamavali enis roli arabuli warmomavlobis erTeulTa 

dasamkvidreblad qarTulSi. amgvar erTeulTa aRsaniSnad gaCnda pirobiTi 

termini „arabul-sparsuli sityvebi~ (andronikaSvili 1965: 297- 

330; andronikaSvili 1966: 8), romelic moiazrebs sparsuli gziT Semosul 

arabizmebs maTi gamocalkevebis safuZvelze uSualod arabulidan 

nasesxeb sityvaTagan rogorc qronologiur, aseve fonetikur kriterium- 

Ta moxmobiT (andronikaSvili 1965). SevniSnavT, rom rig SemTxvevebSi 

ver dgindeba arabizmTa qarTulSi Semosvlis gza, es ZiriTadad exeba im 

sityvebs, romelTa etimonebSi ar dasturdeba is specifikuri fonemebi 

(vTqvaT, ق – q, ط – ÷ an difTongebi), romlebic sxvadasxvagvarad gadmoicema 

qarTulSi uSualod arabulidan da sparsulidan gaSualebuli gziT 

Semosvlisas. amgvar SemTxvevebSi qronologiurTan erTad mosaSveliebelia 

semantikuri kriteriumi, kerZod, Sesapirispirebelia qarTulSi damkvidrebuli 

nasesxobis mniSvneloba arabul da sparsul mniSvnelobebTan. 

savsebiT viziarebT mosazrebas, romlis Tanaxmad, umarTebuloa XI 

saukunis Semdgom qarTulSi arabizmTa Semosvlis erTaderT wyarod sparsulis, 

zogjer Turqulis miCneva (silagaZe 2008: 218) da arabul-qar- 

Tuli cocxali enobrivi urTierTobebis Sewyvetis fonze qarTulisaTvis 

sakuTriv arabulidan sesxebis SesaZleblobis gamoricxva im sityvebisaTvis, 

romlebic sparsulSic an TurqulSic damkvidrdnen. qarTulSi uSualo 

da gaSualebuli gziT Semosul arabizmTa gasamijnad saWiroa kompleqsuri 

midgoma (silagaZe 2008: 221), kerZod, erToblivadaa gasaTvaliswinebeli 

zemoxsenebuli qronologiuri, fonetikuri da semantikuri 

faqtorebi. amgvar mravalfaqtorul midgomas saWiroebs aseve uSualod 

sparsuli warmomavlobis nasesxobaTa analizic. es dagvexmareba am nases- 

1 savaraudod, qarTulis sparsulTan Sexeba mxolod saSualo da axali enobrivi 

periodebiT ar Semoifargleboda da Zvel sparsulsac moicavda (andronikaSvili 

1966:8, 20). Sesabamisad, XX saukunis dasawyisamde gagrZelebul sparsul-qarTul 

enobriv kontaqtebs, iseve rogorc qarTulis urTierTobas zogadad iranul 

enobriv samyarosTan, dasabami Cv.w. V saukunemde mieca.

xobaTa Semosvlis wyarosa da periodis, aseve SeTvisebis TaviseburebaTa 

dadgenaSi. 

winamdebare statiaSi ganvixilavT sparsuli warmomavlobis „zirak||Zirak~|| 

„zira~||„Zira~ da arabuli warmomavlobis „Zabun~ da „manZil~ nasesxobebs. 

isini SerCeulia fonetikuri SeTvisebis TaviseburebebiT, kerZod, 

sparsul da arabul mJRer spirant z-s afrikatizaciiTa da Sesabamisad, 

qarTulSi Z-d gadmosvliT, gaTvaliswinebulia aseve gansaxilvel nasesxobaTa 

morfologiur-semantikuri adaptacia. 

sparsul winaenismier spirant z-s ama Tu im saxiT qarTulSi SeTvisebas 

qronologiuri faqtorebiT xsnian. saSualo iranul enobriv epoqa- 

Si 1 sparsuli z qarTulSi orgvarad gadmoicemoda: z-Ti [ix. saS. spars. 

zohr „msxverpli~ > qarT. „zorva“ – „msxverplis Sewirva kerpTa mimarT“; 

saS. spars. zumuruxt „zurmuxti~ > qarT. „zurmuxti“; saS. spars. 

marzəpən „sazRvris mcveli~ > qarT. „marzapani“ – „mefisnacvali, warmomadgeneli~, 

andronikaSvili 1966: 213) an Z-Ti (ix. saS. spars frazan(ak) 

„swavluli, brZeni~ > qarT. „brZeni“ – „mecnieri, didad Wkviani~; saS. 

spars. handarz „rCeva, darigeba~ > qarT. „anderZi~ – „mokvdavTagan darigeba~ 

(saba); saS. spars. barzin „maRali~ > qarT. „barZimi~ – „maRalfexiani 

sasmisi~ (andronikaSvili 1966: 213-214)]. 

farsis, anu axali da Tanamedrove sparsulis periodSi (moicavs monakveTs 

Cv.w. X saukunidan dRevandlamde, aqedan sakuTriv klasikuri 

sparsulis periodi gulisxmobs X-XV saukuneebs. Основы... 1982: 5) Semosul 

nasesxobebSi sparsuli z-s Sesatyvisad mxolod qarTuli z iTvleba 

(ix. ax. spars. nouruz „sparsuli axali weli~ > qarT. „navrozi~ – 

„sparsuli axali weli~; ax. spars. zärkäš „oqromkediT naqsovi qsovili~ 

q > qarT. „zarqaSi~ –„oqromkediT naqsovi qsovili, oqroqsovili~; ax. spars. 

zängi „zangi, Savkaniani~ > qarT. „zangi“) (andronikaSvili 1996: 44). 

axali sparsuli z-s qarTuli Z-Ti gadmocemis erTaderT magaliTad m. andronikaSvils 

mxolod ax. spars. zir „qveda nawili, Ziri, fskeri~ > qarT. 

„Ziri~ mohyavs (andronikaSvili 1996: 44), Tumca „Zir~-is amosaval formad 

Tavisi monografiis pirvel tomSi TviTonve saS. spars. (a)zir||zir-s 

(„Ziri~, „qveda nawili~) asaxelebs (andronikaSvili 1966: 44), riTac 

adasturebs sakuTar mosazrebas axalsparsuli z-s qarTulSi mxolod zd 

gadmocemis Sesaxeb. 

Zireul qarTul fitonim „kvliav~-s moepoveba sinonimi sparsulidan 

Semosuli nasesxobis saxiT. es nasesxoba unikaluria im TvalsazrisiT, 

rom igi rogorc wina periodis qarTul teqstebsa da leqsikonebSi, aseve 

Tanamedrove normatiul qarTulSi warmodgenilia paraleluri araafrikatizebuli 

da afrikatizebuli formebiT: „ziraki~||„zira~||„Ziraki~ 

(orbeliani 1991-1993); „zira~||„Ziraki~ (CubinaSvili 1961); „zira~|| 

1 dadasturebuli werilobiTi Zeglebis mixedviT, saSualo iranuli enobrivi epoqa 

moicavs ax. w. III-VII-VIII saukuneebs, savaraudod ki Zv.w. IV da ax.w. VII-VIII 

saukuneebs (Основы 1981:6). 

31

||„ziraki~ (neimani 1978); „zira~||„ ziraki~||„Zira~||„Ziraki~ (qegl 1950- 

1964). sxva nasesxobebSi amgvari paralelizmi an mxolod adrindel ZeglebSi 

dasturdeba (ix. qvemoT), an moicavs normatiuli enisa da dialeqtis 

mimarTebas, magaliTad, normat. brZeni||xevsur. bzeni; normat. anderZi||xevs. 

anderzi. 

„zira~||„Zira~-s paralelizmi Sua saukuneebis qarTul samedicino 

teqstebSicaa warmodgenili: „aiRe zira qirmani, qarvia, niaxuris Tesli 

(usworo karabadini 1940: 114, 27); „aiRe Zira qirmani ZmriT gazrdili 

da moxaluli da TeTri sakmeli~ (usworo karabadini 1940: 155, 19); „jer 

garecxe, merme gaaxme zira qirmani~ (samkurnalo wigni 1950: 131, 19); 

„aiRe niaxuris Tesli da Zira qirmani~ (samkurnalo wigni 1950: 142, 23). 

zemoT moyvanili „zira qirmani~||„Zira qirmani~ uTargmneli sruli 

kalkia sparsuli izafeTuri Sesityvebisa „zire-ye kermån-i~, gvxvdeba 

aseve Sesityvebis nawilobrivad („zira qirmanuli~) da srulad Targmnili 

(„qirmanuli kvliavi~) kalkebi: „aiRe Zira qirmanuli, niSaduri da 

qafuri~ (samkurnalo wigni 1950: 97, 16); „aiRe magisgan qirmanuli 

kvliavi~ (samkurnalo wigni 1950: 225, 32). qirmani-s gverdiT gvxvdeba 

qirmeni formac, magaliTad, „aiRe... pilpili da zanjabili, Zira da qirmeni~ 

(samkurnalo wigni 1950:228, 16). aq Zira qirmeni Canacvlebulia 

elifsuri formiT qirmeni, ixileT aseve qirmeni forma sxva magaliTSi: 

„zira qirmeniTa varia SeuqeniT da igi aWameT~ (samkurnalo wigni 1950: 

169, 20). unda aRiniSnos, rom qirmeni CvenTvis cnobili erTaderTi nasesxobaa, 

sadac axali sparsuli å qarTulSi e-d da ara a-d gadmodis. 

Tavad „zire~ da „zire-ye kermån-i~, moinis leqsikonis mixedviT, mcenaris 

sxvadasxva jiSs aRniSnaven (Moin 1998). izafeTuri Sesityveba „zireye 

kermån--i~ erTsityvian fitonim qorombåd-is xalxur metyvelebaSi 

damkvidrebuli sinonimia (Moin 1998). qorombåd laTinurad ganimarteba 

rogorc Carum carvi (Рубинчик 1970). qorombåd-is paralelurad „zireye 

kermån-i~-s sinonimad „kämmun-e kermån-i~ saxeldeba (Moin 1998). 

qarTul ZeglebSi es Sesityvebac uTargmneli kalkis saxiTaa dadasturebuli 

ganmartebiTurT: „qamuni qirmeni, romel ars Zira~ (samkurnalo 

wigni 1950:418, 11). Tavad kämmun ganmartebulia rogorc zire-s sinonimi, 

romlis laTinuri saxelwodebaa Cuminum (Moin 1998). qarTuli 

„zira~||„Zira~||„zirak~||„Zirak~ ganimarteba Cuminum cyminum-ad (qegl 

1950-1964). „Zira~-sa da „Zira qirmeni~-s Soris gansxvaveba dasturdeba 

qarTul ZeglebSic: „aiRe Zira qirmeni da Zira meore~ (samkurnalo wigni 

1950:244, 21). 

qirmanuli Ziras popularoba safuZvlad udevs sparsul frazeologizms, 

romlis zmnuri komponenti monacvle variantebiTaa warmodgenili: 

zire be-kermån åvärdän||bordän||ferestådän||käšidän „qermans ziras/kvliavis 

Camotana|| waReba||gagzavna||zidva.~ am frazeologizmis mniSvnelobaa „fuWad 

garja, arasaWiro saqmis keTeba.~ mis qarTul Sesatyvisad „tyeSi fiCxis 

zidva~ gveguleba. 

32

„zira~||„Zira~-s etimoni „zirä~ (klasik. spars.)||„zir-e~ (Tanamedr. 

spars.) zir-dan („Ziri, qveda nawili~) nawarmoeb derivats warmoadgens. 

mwvanilis saxeobis am mimarTebiT saxelwodebaSi aqtualizebulia „Zirs, 

qvemoT myofob~-is semantikuri komponenti. rac Seexeba „zirak~||„Zirak~-s, 

is saSualo sparsulidan unda iyos Semosuli. mis etimonad saSualo 

sparsulSi daudasturebel, aseve zir-dan nawarmoeb derivat *zir-ak-s 

moviazrebT, romelsac istoriul-fonetikuri kanonzomierebis Sesabamisad 

unda moeca klasik. spars. zir-ä|| Tanamedr. spars. zir-e (Основы... 1982:204). 

xsenebuli kanonzomiereba gulisxmobs saSualo sparsuli postvokaluri 

k-s (gviandeli formiT g-s) kargvas sityvis boloSi, magaliTad, saS. 

spars. varrak (gviandeli varrag) „batkani~ > klas. spars. bärrä||Tanamedr. 

spars. bärre. xmovnis Semdgomi bolokiduri k||g–s kargva mravalfunqciur 

ak (gviand. ag) saSualo sparsul sufiqss klasik. spars. 

ä||Tanamedr. spars. e sufiqsad gardaqmnis, ix. saS. spars. bandak (gviand. 

bandag) > klasik. spars bändä > Tanamedr. spars. bände „mona“. Sesabamisad, 

zirä||zire-s winare forma *zirak unda iyos, romelic Cven xelT 

arsebul wyaroebSi (MacKenzie 1971; Nyberg 1974) ver moviZieT. 

*zirak-is realobas TvalnaTliv adasturebs qarTuli „zirak||Zirak~ 

formebi, radgan axal sparsul-qarTul bgeraTSesatyvisobaTa Tanaxmad, 

„zira||zire~ ver gadmovidoda „zirak||Zirak~ formiT. amgvar formaTa etimonad 

mxolod „*zirak~ moiazreba, radgan saSualo sparsuli ukanaenismieri 

k qarTulSi regularulad k-Ti gadmoicema (andronikaSvili 1966: 

196) 1 da Sesabamisad „ak~ sufiqsic „ak~-ad gadmodis, magaliTad, saS. 

spars. spetak „TeTri~ > qarT. „spetak~-i. „ak~ iZleva „ag~-sac, amgvari 

formebi gviandeli nasesxobebi Cans, isini saSualo sparsulis im safexurze 

unda iyos Semosuli, roca bolokiduri k gamJRerda, ris Sedegadac 

„ak~ gardaiqmna „ag~-ad. ix. saS. spars. hamxanak „Tanamosaxle~ > 

qarT. „amxanagi~. gvaqvs paraleluri formebic (saS. spars. X v astak 

„qoneba~, „simdidre~ > „xostaki~||„xvastagi“ – `qoneba simdidre~), rac 

asaxavs saSualo sparsulis adrindel da gviandel formaTa gavlenas 

nasesxobebze, anu nasesxobaTa mimarTebas gamsesxebel enaSi mimdinare 

cvlilebebTan. „zirak||Zirak~ adrindeli nasesxoba Cans, radgan ar mogvepoveba 

misi paraleluri gamJRerebuli formebi *zirag||*Zirag. 

zemoT motanili mosazrebis sapirispirod, romlis Tanaxmad z-s afrikatizacia 

ar xdeba axali sparsulidan Semosul nasesxobebSi, z>Z gadasvla 

dasturdeba rogorc saSualo sparsulidan momdinare Zirak, aseve 

axali sparsuli warmomavlobis Zira formebSi. z-s Z-Ti Canacvleba ganpirobebulia 

qarTulis bunebrivi fonetikuri tendenciiT, kerZod, spirantTa 

afrikatizaciiT. es tendencia moicavs rogorc Zireul, aseve 

1 SeadareT axali sparsuli ukanaenismieri yru fSvinvieri xSuli k (kh), romelic 

qarTulSi yvela poziciaSi q-d gadmodis (andronikaSvili 1996: 38), magaliTad, 

`zirak~-is paronimi `ziraq~-i _ `frTxili, gonieri~< ax. spars. ziräk (kh) 

`frTxili, gonieri~ (andronikaSvili 1996:99). 

33

nasesxeb erTeulebs, magaliTad, zemoT motanili nasesxobani: „brZeni~, 

„anderZi~, „barZimi~ an sakuTriv qarTuli „bze~-ze dafuZnebuli „sa-bzel-i~ 

> `sabZeli“; „zod~ > „Zodi~ (imer); „sagzali~ > „sagZali~ (kaxuri); 

„sazRvari~ > „samZRvari~|| megr. „sanZRvari~; aseve „zraxva~ > „(da) 

Zraxva~ anu „sayveduri", „mxileba~ da misiT motivirebuli „sa-Zrax-is~-i 

an „umZraxad, anu ubrad yofna~, es ukanaskneli polisemant „zraxv~-is 1 

(1. „laparaki, saubari~, 2. „fiqri~, 3. adre „dabraleba~) pirvel mniSvnelobas 

(`laparaki, saubari~) efuZneba. 

rig SemTxvevebSi qarTvelur enebsa da dialeqtebSi warmodgenil z > 

Z gadasvlas poziciuri ganpirobebulobiT, kerZod, z-s xSulTan mezoblobiT 

xsnian, magaliTad, z xSirad nacvldeba Z-Ti gz, bz, mz, nz, lz, 

rz da dz kompleqsebSi (lomTaZe 1999:232), magram ramdenadac amgvari 

Canacvleba praqtikulad yvela poziciaSi gvxvdeba, poziciurobiT misi 

axsnis momxrenic rig SemTxvevebSi g. axvledianisa da a. SaniZis kvladakval, 

afrikatizaciis mizezad substitucias asaxeleben (lomTaZe 1999: 

217; 232) da mis nimuSad prevokalur da intervokalur poziciaSi z-s 

Z-Ti Canacvlebis dialeqturi, ZiriTadad imeruli magaliTebi mohyavT: 

„Zis~ < `zis~, „veZiri~ < `veziri~, „Zewari~ (megr. „Zenwari~) da sxv. substituciis 

Sedegia Cven mier ganxiluli „zirak~ > `Zirak~ da „zira~ > 

`Zira~ SemTxvevebic, romlebic ganpirobebulia (a)zir-dan momdinare, aseve 

substituciurad afrikatizebul „Zir~-Tan analogiiT. 

paralelur afrikatizebul „zirak~||„zira~ formaTa arseboba ukav- 

Sirdeba qarTulis, kerZod, Tbilisuri metyvelebis mWidro Sexebas sparsulTan. 

gamsesxebel enasTan urTierTobis simWidrove bunebrivad ganapirobebs 

maqsimalur fonetikur msgavsebas etimonsa da nasesxobas Soris. 

naturalizaciis procesSi nasesxoba xSirad emorCileba msesxebeli enisaTvis 

bunebriv fonetikur tendenciebs („zirak~ > `Zirak~; „zira~ > `Zira~-s 

SemTxvevebSi spirantTa afrikatizacias), Cndeba etimonTan ufro 

axlo mdgomi da misgan daSorebuli paraleluri formebi. xSirad msesxebeli 

enisaTvis ufro bunebrivi forma gandevnis meores, paraleluri 

formebis SenarCuneba ganpirobebuli unda iyos msesxebel da gamsesxebel 

enaTa urTierTobis simWidroviTa da konkretuli nasesxobisa da misi 

etimonis gamoyenebis sixSiriT orive enaSi. 

amgvari sixSiriT gamorCeulia yofiTi leqsikis mTeli Sreebi, 

vTqvaT, popularuli sakvebisa da misi ingredientebis saxelwodebebi. zira, 

anu kvliavi Zvel TbilisSi gavrcelebul aRmosavlur kerZebSi gamoiyeneboda, 

ix. „zira~ _ `sunovani Tesli, romelsac saWmelSi xmaroben~ 

(griSaSvili 1997). eTnikurad Wrel TbilisSi, sadac sparsuli Temi arcTu 

mcirericxovnad iyo warmodgenili (aleqsiZe 2009: 72-73), xSirad 

1 m. andronikaSvili `zrax~-sac iranuli warmomavlobis fuZed miiCnevs da mis etimonad 

warmoadgens rekonstruirebul formas *zurah>zrax (andronikaSvili 1966: 

326-327). 

34

gaismoda sparsuli warmomavlobis es saxelwodeba. am garemoebam qalaquri 

metyvelebidan gamodevna Zireuli qarTuli „kvliavi~, romelic dRemde 

aqtiurad gamoiyeneba Tbilisis gareT, gansakuTrebiT aRmosavleT saqarTvelos 

mTis kiloebSi. sakvlevi fitonimis xSiri gamoyenebiTve aixsneba 

etimonTan axlo mdgomi „zira~ formis SemorCena qarTulSi. 

zemoTqmulis Tanaxmad, „zirak~||„Zirak~||„zira~||„Zira~-s ganvixilavT 

rogorc ciklur nasesxobas, romelic orgzis _ sparsulis or sxvadasxva 

(saSualo da axal) monakveTTan urTierTobisas Semovida qarTulSi. 

amiT aixsneba „zirak~-isa da „Zirak~-is paralelur „zira~ da „Zira~ 

formaTa arseboba. rac Seexeba z||Z-s paralelizms, is, erTi mxriv, ukav- 

Sirdeba spirantTa afrikatizaciis sakuTriv qarTul tendencias, meore 

mxriv ki, qarTulis, kerZod, ZvelTbilisuri metyvelebis koleqtiur doneze 

mWidro Sexebas sparsulTan. 

z||Z paralelizmi naklebi intensivobiT dasturdeba arabuli warmomavlobis 

„Zabun~-sa da „manZil~-Si, romelTa araafrikatizebuli variantebi 

„zabun~ da „manzil~ kantikuntadaa warmodgenili gviani Sua saukuneebis 

werilobiT ZeglebSi. arabul z-sTan qarTuli z-s sakmao fonetikuri 

msgavsebis gamo, qarTulSi arabuli z gadmoicema z-Ti. „z~-s afrikatizacia 

xdeba orad or arabizmSi, esaa zemoT moyvanili „Zabun~ da 

„manZil~ (lekiaSvili 1992:64). 

qarTulSi „Zabun~-i ganimarteba rogorc 1. „Zalas moklebuli, uZluri, 

uniaTo||mwiri, unayofo.~ 2. „simxneves moklebuli~ (qegl 1950-1964); 

1. „jabani~. 2. „laCari~ (neimani 1978). sabaseuli ganmartebiT „Zabun~-i 

aris „simyarisagan (simyralisagan) moSlili~ (orbeliani 1991-1993). 

zäbun-is mniSvnelobebi arabulSi aris: 1. „sastiki~ (iTqmis brZolaze); 

2. „briyvi, suleli~ (Баранов 1977), dasturdeba aseve omonimi zäbun 

mniSvnelobiT „myidveli, klienti~ (Баранов 1977). arabul ganmartebiT 

leqsikonSi miTiTebulia, rom mniSvneloba „briyvi, suleli~ araa warmodgenili 

klasikur arabulSi, radgan is (igulisxmeba mniSvneloba f.a.) 

sparsuli warmomavlobisaa (al-munjid 1986), Tumca Cven xelT arsebul 

sparsul leqsikonebSi zäbun „briyv~-isa da „sulel~-is mniSvnelobiT 

ver moviZieT. 

sparsulSi „zäbun~ moicavs Semdeg leqsikur-semantikur variantebs: 

1. `susti, ususuri~; 2. ùZluri, daleuli~; 3. „umaqnisi, ararad Casagdebi~; 

4. iSviaTad „damarcxebuli~ (Рубинчик 1970); ganmartebiT leqsikonebSic 

es mniSvnelobebia warmodgenili (Moin 1998; änvåri 1993, äfšar, 

häkämi 1994). gafarovTan miTiTebulia aseve „datyvevebul~-is mniSvneloba 

da masze dafuZnebuli Sedgenili zmna zäbun gereftän „datyveveba, 

tyved ayvana~ (Гаффаров 1974). sailustracio magaliTebi motanilia naser 

xosrovisa da saadis Semoqmedebidan: „ei mä–rä gerefte bot-e xošzäbån 

zäbun (naser xosrovi) – `hoi, davutyvevebivar tkbilmoubar mzeTunaxavs~; 

„zäbun kärd o där kår-e gel dåšt-äš (saadi) – „daatyveva da miwis samu- 

Saoebze hyavda~ (Гаффаров 1974). „datyvevebul~-is mniSvnelobiT „Zabun~ 

35

dasturdeba „visramianSic~: „diaci razomca frTxili da gonieri iyos, 

egreca hamoisa kacis eniTa Zabuni iqmnebis,~ Sdr. spars. originals: zän 

ärče ziräk vä hošiyŵr båsäd , zäbun-e märd-e xošgoftŔr båšäd „diaci, rac ar 

unda moxerxebuli da gonieri iyos, tkbilmoubari kacis datyvevebuli 

(Zabuni) iqnebis~ (kobiZe 1983:318). 

qarTulSi damkvidrebuli „Zabun~-is semantikuri struqturis SepirispirebiT 

arabul da sparsul SesatyvisebTan Cans „Zabun~-isa da sparsuli 

zäbun-is pirvel da meore mniSvnelobaTa (ix. zemoT) Sinaarsoblivi 

igiveoba, rac qarTulSi „Zabun~-is sparsuli gziT Semosvlas miuTi- 

Tebs. zedsarTav „Zabun~-s efuZneba arsebiTi saxeli „Zabun-ob-a~ _ `Zabunad 

Seqmna~ (orbeliani 1991-1993), „Zabunis Tviseba, uZlureba, uniaToba~ 

(qegl 1950-1964). sparsulSi „Zabun-ob~-is analogi aris aseve derivaciuli 

arsebiTi zäbun-i: 1. „uZlureba, sisuste~; 2. „Cagruloba~ (Рубинчик 

1970); aseve „damarcxebuloba~ da „xelqveiToba~ (Moin 1998). zäbun 

> Zabun-is analogiurad zäbun-i > Zabun-o-ba dafuZnebulia sparsulisaTvis 

amosaval pirvel mniSvnelobaze „uZlureba, sisuste~, amrigad, nasesxobaSi 

Semcirebulia sparsuli Sesatyvisis semantikuri moculoba. 

nasesxobis adaptaciis erT-erT kriteriumad, gamoyenebis sixSiris 

garda, mis derivaciul SesaZleblobaTa amoqmedebas miviCnevT. „Zabun~-iT 

motivirebul derivatTa arseboba am nasesxobis qarTulSi adaptaciis xarisxze 

miuTiTebs: „sa-Zabu-no~ – `Zabunad gasaxadi,~ „naZabunebi~ _ „damajnebuli~ 

(orbeliani 1991-1993). 

Tanamedrove qarTulSi „Zabun~-s „dauZlurebul~-is, „motexil~-is 

mniSvnelobiT umetesad anacvlebs vnebiTi gvaris namyo drois mimReoba 

„da-Zabun-eb-ul-i~, romelic ukve „visramianSi~ dasturdeba: „me nebierobisgan 

vCiodi, me nazobiTa vityodi amas, sneuli var da ususurad myofi, 

mijnurobisgan daZabunebuli~ (qarTuli mwerloba III 1988:241, 7). Sesabamis 

adgilas originalis teqstSi gvxvdeba ara zäbun, aramed xår: 1. „mdabali, 

arara~; 2. „damcrobili, Seuracxyofili~ (Рубинчик 1970); "tän-äm 

ån-gåh dorost-i bud nåzån, ke mi-goftäm ke bimår-äst o nalån//gåhi goftäm ke män 

där ešq zår-äm, gåhi goft-äm ke män där mehr xår-äm" (Gorgåni 1970:409). „sxeuli 

im dros mrTeli iyo da narnari, roca vambobdi, rom sneulia da 

mkvnesari, // zogjer vityodi, rom mijnurobaSi dasevdianebuli var, zogjer 

vityodi, rom siyvarulSi damcrobili var~. sparsulSi zäbun-s aqvs 

„damcrobil~-is, „arara~-s mniSvnelobac, romelic zäbun-is saleqsikoni 

budeebSi swored zemo magaliTSi warmodgenili sinonimuri xår-iT gadmoicema 

(Moin 1998). moyvanili magaliTi tipuria „visramianisaTvis~, sadac 

xSirad gvxvdeba iseTi aRmosavluri sityvebi, romelic dednis Sesabamis 

adgilas araa damowmebuli (mamacaSvili 1977:149-150). „Zabun~-is xmareba 

„damcrobil~-is an „datyvevebul~-is (ix. zemoT) mniSvnelobiT miuTiTebs, 

rom sesxebis pirvel etapze sparsuli zäbun-is polisemia SedarebiT 

srulad aisaxa qarTulSi. mogvianebiT nasesxobis semantikuri struqtura 

36

Seviwrovda da qarTul „Zabun~-s mimarTeba sparsuli zäbun-is mxolod 

sabaziso SinaarsTan (`susti, ususuri, uZluri~) SerCa. 

zäbun-iT motivirebuli rTuli zmnis zäbun kärdän-is mniSvnelobebia: 

1. „dauZlureba, daZabuneba~ (auZlurebs, aZabunebs); 2. „damcireba~, „ararad 

Cagdeba~ (amcirebs, ararad agdebs). Sesabamisi qarTuli formisaTvis 

„aZabunebs~ amosavalia pirveli mniSvneloba, ix. aseve zäbun kärdän-is 

vnebiT Sesatyvis zäbun šodän-is (`sustdeba, uZlurdeba, Zabundeba~) qar- 

Tuli paraleli „Zabundeba~. 

rogorc „visramianidan~ motanili magaliTi (`hamoisa kacisa eniTa Zabuni 

iqmnebis~) adasturebs, zäbun kärdän da zäbun šodän rTuli zmnebi 

qarTulSi zogjer kalkirebuli formiT rTul zmnebadve gadmodioda, ix. 

aseve „ese mogndomiaT rome, Tqveni Zabuni Seviqna~ (Sah-name II. 1934:405, 

16). amgvar kalkirebas spontanuri xasiaTi hqonda, radgan es zmnebi adridanve 

adaptirda sabolood damkvidrebuli nasaxelari zmnis formiT, 

magaliTad, „vefxistyaosanSi~ dadasturebuli „davZabundi~, „damiZabunes~, 

„daZabundes~ (vefxistyaosani 1956:556, 3; 603, 3; 740, 4) an „visramianidan~ 

„hai, hai, odiTgania Cemni Wirni odiTgan damiZabuna mijnurobaman~ 

(qarTuli mwerloba 1988:31-32). sparsuli warmomavlobis sxva qarTul 

nasaxelar zmnaTa magaliTebic cxadyofs, rom qarTulisaTvis kärdän-iTa 

da šodän-iT nawarmoebi zmnebis SeTviseba ufro bunebrivia nasaxelari 

zmnis formiT, ix. sost kärdän > „asustebs~ (daasusta)~, sost šodän > 

„sustdeba (dasusteba)~; därd kärdän > „dardobs (dardianoba)~. 

sabolood afrikatizebuli formiT damkvidrebuli „Zabun~-is paralelurad 

sparsulidan naTargmn ZeglebSi gvxvdeba „zabun~ formac: „mahisa 

qveyanasa miwyiT hlomob da sxvagan melica dagizabunebs~ 1 (qarTuli 

mwerloba 1988: 104,25), Sdr. spars. „hämi širi koni där kešvär-e måh///zu 

räfte zäbun dåräd-ät rubåh (Gorgåni 1970: 192,67). „mahis qveyanaSi lomob, 

iqidan wasuls ki, melac Zabunad (uZlurad, dabeCavebulad) giyoliebs~. 

ix. „zabun~ variantis gamoyenebis sxva magaliTebic: „Ài, wyeulo devo, 

CemSi ra zabunoba naxe, rom Senis sityviT sabaoT RmerTi vgmo da buTs 

Tayvani vsceo~ (Sah-name III 1974: 356,17); „kaWaWiTa daburvili Sara cxenman 

izabuna~ (Sah-name III. 1974: 3563:8) 

zäbun > „Zabun~-Si Tavkiduri „z~-s afrikatizacia zirä||zire >`Zira~-s 

msgavsad substituciiTa ganpirobebuli. rogorc Cans, qarTulSi Tavidanve 

damkvidrda da fexi moikida afrikatizebulma „Zabun~ formam, „zabun~ 

1 aRsaniSnavia, rom `visramianis~ mTargmneli yovelTvis iyenebs „Zabun“ da iSviaTad 

„zabun“ formas, Tu originalSi „zäbun“ aris miTiTebuli. amis gamo, `visramianis~ 

aRmosavluri leqsikis klasifikaciisas m. mamacaSvili „Zabun“-s miakuTvnebs nasesxobaTaAim 

jgufs, romelsac Tavisi Sesatyvisi gaaCnia sparsul dedanSi da imavdroulad 

Targmanis Sesrulebis epoqaSi ukve harmoniuladaa Sezavebuli qarTuli 

enis leqsikur fonds da, Tavisi warmomavlobis miuxedavad, qarTulSi disonansi 

ar Seaqvs (mamacaSvili 1977:140-142). 

37

ki spontanurad Cndeboda Targmnis procesSi werilobiT teqstTan uSualo 

Sexebisas rogorc originalTan maqsimaluri mimsgavsebis mcdelobis 

Sedegi. metwilad werilobiT da ara sasaubro doneze „zäbun~-Tan Sexebam 

ganapiroba „zabun~-is nacvlad ufro gaqarTulebuli „Zabun~ formis 

gavrceleba, maSin roca „Zira~-s paralelurad dResac aqtiurad gamoiyeneba 

„zira~, rogorc mWidro zepirmetyvelebiTi urTierTobis naSTi. 

„z~||„Z~ monacvleobis magaliTs aseve warmoadgens „manzil~||„manZil~. 

am SemTxvevaSic sabolood damkvidrebulia afrikatizebuli forma „man- 

Zil~. arabulSi manzil-is mniSvnelobebia: 1. „sadgomi, sacxovrisi, bina~; 

2. „mTvaris mdebareoba~ (Баранов 1977); 3. „SesaCerebeli, mosasvenebeli, 

banaki~ (al-munjid 1986). rac Seexeba mänzel-is mniSvnelobebs sparsulSi, 

isini yvelaze ufro farTod anvaris leqsikonSia warmodgenili – 1. „sacxovrisi, 

saxli, sadgomi~; 2. sasaubro „coli, col-Svili an qmari, qmar- 

Svili~; 3. „etapi, stadia~; 4. „daniSnulebis adgili~; 5. moZvelebuli 

„SesaCerebeli, mosasvenebeli adgili, droebiTi sadgomi~; 6. moZvelebuli 

„manZili, gasavleli monakveTi or sadgoms Soris~; 7. moZvelebuli sadgomi 

(astronomiuli cneba); 8. „samyaro, qveyniereba~; 9. „adgili, adgilsamyofeli~; 

10. moZvelebuli „Rirseba, Cini, rangi~ (änväri 1993). afSarisa 

da haqamis leqsikonebSi dasturdeba mänzel-is kidev erTi sadReisod 

miviwyebuli mniSvneloba: „daaxloebiT 36 kilometris tolfardi manZilis 

sazomi erTeuli~ (äfšår 1994). 

Tanamedrove qarTulSi „manZil~-is ZiriTadi mniSvnelobaa „or punqts 

Soris moqceuli sivrce~ (qegl 1950-1964), romelic gadaazrebulia kidev 

or sityvaTmniSvnelobaSi „drois monakveTi~ (magaliTad: „adamianis 

cxovrebaSi weliwadic didi manZilia~) (qegl 1950-1964) da „gansxvaveba~ 

(magaliTad: „sad Sen da sad is – Tqven Soris didi manZilia~) (qegl 

1950-1964). „manZil~-is Tandebuliani forma „manZilze~ _ gamoiyeneba 

zmnizedis funqciiT, romlis mniSvnelobaa „sigrZeze, gayolebaze~, magaliTad: 

„mTeli cxovrebis manZilze~ (qegl 1950-1964). „manZilze~ sityvaformis 

zmnizedis funqciiT datvirTva miuTiTebs am nasesxobis gramatikul-derivaciuli 

SesaZleblobis amoqmedebasa da, Sesabamisad, misi 

adaptaciis maRal xarisxze qarTulSi. 

„manZil~-is Sedareba mis arabul da sparsul SesatyvisebTan cxadyofs 

qarTulSi am nasesxobis sparsulidan Semosvlas. qarTuli variantis 

Sinaarsi efuZneba da imeorebs mänzel-is arqaul, sadReisod miviwyebul 

sityvaTmniSvnelobas sparsulSi _ „manZili (monakveTi) or sadgoms 

Soris~ (änväri 1993). `manZil~-is sparsulidan da ara uSualod arabulidan 

Semosvlas semantikurTan erTad qronologiuri faqtoric adasturebs. 

rusTavelis komisiis daTariRebul masalaTa mixedviT, es sityva 

qarTul ZeglebSi mxolod gviani Sua saukuneebidan (XVII-XVIII) Cndeba. 

aRsaniSnavia, rom „manZil~ araa asaxuli sulxan-sabas leqsikonSi, miuxedavad 

imisa, rom zemoaRniSnulis Tanaxmad, is arcTu iSviaTad gvxvdeba 

38

misi epoqis qarTul teqstebSi. savaraudod, es nasesxoba im droisaTvis 

jer kidev ar funqcionirebda aqtiurad qarTulSi da ar iyo gaTavisebuli, 

ris gamoc ver pova asaxva pirveli qarTveli leqsikografis naSromSi. 

Cven mier moZiebuli masalis mixedviT, qarTulSi „manZil~-is semantikuri 

struqtura Tavdapirvelad Seesabameboda sparsulSi polisemantis 

saxiT warmodgenil mänzel-is ara mxolod erT („manZili, monakveTi 

or sadgoms Soris~), aramed kidev sam mniSvnelobas. esaa sadReisod xmarebidan 

gamosuli „daaxloebiT 36 kilometris tolfardi manZilis sazomi 

erTeuli~, sparsuli enis yvela monakveTze aqtiurad funqcionirebad 

da dominantur „sacxovris~-Tan axlo mdgomi da aseve ukve arqaizebuli 

sityvaTmniSvneloba „droebiTi sadgomi, SesaCerebeli adgili~ da 

„sadgomi, rogorc astronomiuli termini~. ixileT magaliTebi: „im sazaro 

mxecma erTi isris manZilze (monakveTze f.a.) moaRwia~ (yaramaniani 

1965:198,6); „jer CineTis qveynidam ors manZilzeda varT (sazomi erTeuli 

f.a.) (Sah-name II. 1934: 318,4); „davdeqiT manZilzeda (droebiTi sadgomi 

f.a.) da erTmaneTs veubnebodiT: àq ara saSiSia, rom vzarobT wamosvlasao~ 

(rusudaniani 1957:412, 10); „mTvaresaviT manzilsa da manzils 

(astronomiuli termini, romelic warmodgenilia araafrikatizebuli 

„manzil~ formiT f.a.) midgeboda.~ (qilila da damana M 53:94). astronomiuli 

terminis mniSvnelobiT „manzil~ aseve gvxvdeba „zijis varskvlavTa 

katalogis~ vaxtang meeqvsiseul TargmanSi (uluR-begi # 187: 

157). 

„manZil~-ze, rogorc XVIII saukunis saqarTveloSi gavrcelebul 

gzis monakveTis sigrZis sazom erTeulze miuTiTebs g. jafariZe, magram 

mas warmoadgens ara rogorc 36 km-is (äfšår 1994), aramed rogorc sami 

aRajis, anu 15 km-is tolfard erTeuls. imavdroulad igi aRniSnavs, 

rom am sityvis arabuli warmomavlobis miuxedavad, sazomi erTeulis 

mniSvnelobiT „manzil~ sparsulidan unda iyos qarTulSi Semosuli (jafariZe 

1973: 142). mis gamokvlevaSi es nasesxoba araafrikatizebuli 

„manzil~ formiTaa warmodgenili. 

XVII-XVIII saukneebis qarTul ZeglebSi „manZil~||„manzil~ metwilad 

aRniSnavs „gzis monakveTis sazom erTeulsa~ da „droebiT sadgoms~. es 

mniSvnelobebi XIX saukunidan gandevna „or punqts Soris moqceuli sivrcis~ 

mniSvnelobam, anu „manZil~ sityva monosemizda, Semdgom ki, moxda 

misi meoreuli polisemizacia „or punqts Soris moqceuli sivrcis~ 

mniSvnelobiT motivirebul axal leqsikur-semantikur variantTa („drois 

monakveTi~ da „gansxvaveba~) gaCeniT. 

adrindel ZeglebSi „Zabun~||„zabun~-is msgavsad, Warbobs afrikatizebuli 

forma „manZil~, romelmac sabolood Caanacvla etimonTan axlo 

mdgomi araafrikatizebuli „manzil~ varianti. „manzil~ > „manZil~-is 

SemTxvevaSi afrikatizacias xeli Seuwyo xSulTan siaxlovem. qarTuli 

bz, gz, mz, nz, lz, dz, rz bgeraTkompleqsebisaTvis damaxasiaTebeli af- 

39

ikatizaciis tendenciis TvalsaCino magaliTia „manZil~-iT motivirebuli 

andaza: „katis manZili ra aris da sabZelio~. 

amrigad, „zira~||„Zira~ (Sdr. saSualo sparsuli warmomavlobis „zirak|| 

Zirak~); „zabun~||„Zabun~ da „manzil~||„manZil~ nasesxobaTa analiziT 

Cans, rom sparsuli z-s afrikatizacias, kerZod, mis „Z~-d gadmosvlas 

qarTulSi adgili hqonda ara mxolod saSualo, aramed aseve axali sparsulidan 

sityvaTa sesxebisas. sparsuli z-s adaptacia qarTulSi erTnairad 

aqtualuria rogorc iranuli warmomavlobis „zirak~||~Zirak~||„zira~|| 

„Zira~-s, aseve „Zabun~ da „manZil~ arabizmebisaTvis, radgan es ukanasknelni 

sparsuli gziTaa qarTulSi Semosuli. am erTeulTa SepirispirebiT 

arabul da sparsul ekvivalentebTan vlindeba qarTulSi maTi Semosvlis 

sparsuli gza, radgan qarTulSi damkvidrebuli mniSvnelobebi garkveulwilad 

asaxavs sparsul da ara arabul SesatyvisTa semantikas. 

sparsul meSveobas aseve adasturebs qronologiuri faqtori – `Zabun~ 

da „manZil~ nasesxobaTa ararseboba uSualo arabul-qarTul enobriv ur- 

TierTobaTa periodSi. 

qarTulSi dadasturebuli „zirak~||~Zirak~ paralelur formaTa saSualebiT 

aRdgenilia saSualo sparsuli etimoni *zirak. „zirak||Zirak~-isa 

da „zira~||„Zira~-s SemTxvevaSi saqme gvaqvs ciklur nasesxobasTan, romelic 

sparsul-qarTuli enobrivi urTierTobebis or sxvadasxva (saSualo 

da axali sparsulis) safexurze Semovida. es xsnis „zirak||Zirak~-is 

gverdiT „zira~||„Zira~ formaTa arsebobas. amgvari faqtebi adasturebs nasesxobaTa 

Seswavlis mniSvnelobas ara mxolod msesxebel, aramed gamsesxebel 

enaTa kvlevisTvisac. 

„z~||„Z ` monacvleobis safuZvelze „manZil~||„manzil~ da „zabun~||„Zabun~ 

nasesxobaTa „zira~||„Zira~||„zirak||Zirak~-Tan SepirispirebiT ikveTeba 

zepir enobriv urTierTobaTa gavlena paralelur formaTa mdgradobaze. 

zepirmetyvelebiT doneze enobriv urTierTobaTa simWidrove, nasesxobisa 

da misi etimonis aqtiuri funqcionireba sayofacxovrebo metyvelebaSi 

(ix. „zirak~||„zira~|| „Zirak~||„Zira~), garkveulwilad ganapirobebs msesxebeli 

enisaTvis ufro organul (aq afrikatizebul) fonetikur formaTa 

(`Zirak~||„Zira~) gverdiT etimonTan axlo mdgomi formebis (`zirak~||„zira~) 

paralelur da simetriul, anu Tanabari sixSiriT gamoyenebas. 

monosemiuri *ziräk||zira|| zire qarTulSi ucvleli SinaarsiT gadmodis. 

zäbun-isa da mänzel-is sparsulSi warmodgenili polisemia sesxebis 

pirvel etapze garkveulwilad maT qarTul SesatyvisebSic aisaxeba. Semdgom 

mkvidrdeba sparsuli polisemantis erT-erT leqsikur-semantikur 

variantze dafuZnebuli sityvaTmniSvneloba, anu sparsul variantTan SedarebiT 

mcirdeba qarTuli nasesxobis semantikuri moculoba. „manZil~-is 

SemTxvevaSi xdeba meoreuli polisemizacia, e.i. damkvidrebuli sityvaTmniSvnelobis 

bazaze Cndeba axali leqsikur-semantikuri variantebi. vfiqrobT, 

amgvari magaliTebi polisemiur erTeulTa msesxebel enaSi adaptaciis 

ufro Rrmad Seswavlis saWiroebaze migvaniSnebs. 

40

ganxilul leqsikur erTeulTa funqcionireba Tanamedrove qarTulSi, 

„Zabun~-isa da „manZil~-is derivaciul SesaZleblobaTa gamovlena afiqsuri 

sityvaTwarmoebisa da gramatikuli derivaciis doneze, sakuTriv qar- 

Tul niadagze „manZil~-is polisemizacia adasturebs am nasesxobaTa organul 

SeTvisebas. 

literatura da wyaroebi 

aleqsiZe 2009: m. aleqsiZe, sparselebi da sparsuli kultura XIX saukunis 

saqarTveloSi, Tbilisi. 

andronikaSvili 1965: m. andronikaSvili, arabuli sityvebis sparsuli gziT 

Semosvlis Sesaxeb qarTulSi, Tbilisis saxelmwifo universitetis Sromebi, t. 

105, Tbilisi. 

andronikaSvili 1966: m. andronikaSvili, narkvevebi iranul-qarTuli enobrivi 

urTierTobebidan I, Tbilisi. 


urTierTobebidan II, Tbilisi. 

griSaSvili 1997: i. griSaSvili, qalaquri leqsikoni (saarqivo masala gamosacemad 

moamzada r. kusraSvilma), Tbilisi. 

kobiZe 1983: d. kobiZe, qarTul-sparsuli literaturuli urTierTobani I, Tbilisi. 

lekiaSvili 1992: vl. lekiaSvili, orientalizmebi qarTulSi (arabuli leqsika), 

sakandidato disertacia, Tbilisi. 

lomTaZe 1999: a. lomTaZe spirantebisa da afrikatebis fonetikuri saxecvlilebani 

qarTvelur enebSi, Tbilisi. 

neimani 1978: al. neimani, qarTul sinonimTa leqsikoni, Tbilisi. 

mamacaSvili 1977: m. mamacaSvili, gorganis „vis-o-ramin~ da qarTuli „visramiani~, 


orbeliani 1991-1993: sulxan-saba orbeliani, „leqsikoni qarTuli~, t. I-1991; 

t. II-1993, Tbilisi. 

rusudaniani 1957: rusudaniani (il. abulaZisa da iv. gigineiSvilis redaqciiT), 


samkurnalo wigni 1950: zaza fanaskertel-ciciSvili samkurnalo wigni _ karabadini 

(m. saakaSvilis redaqciiT), Tbilisi. 

silagaZe 2008: a. silagaZe arabizmebis sakiTxisaTvis, aRmosavleTi da kavkasia, 

#6, Tbilisi. 

uluR-begi # 187: uluR-begis „zijis varskvlavTa katalogi~, vaxtang VI-is mier 

Sesrulebuli Targmani, sankt-peterburgis saazio muzeumis xelnaweri # 187. 

usworo karabadini 1940: usworo karabadini (teqsti daamuSava da winasityvaoba 

daurTo eq. l. kotetiSvilma), Tbilisi. 

qarTuli mwerloba 1988: qarTuli mwerloba t. III („visramiani~), Tbilisi. 

qegl 1950-1964: qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni, t. I-VIII, Tbilisi. 

qilila da damana M 53: qilila da damanas vaxtangiseuli Targmani, sanktpeterburgis 

aRmosavleTmcodneobis institutis xelnaweri M 53. 

yaramaniani 1965: yaramaniani (teqsti gamosacemad moamzades, winasityvaoba da 

leqsikoni daurTes al. gvaxariam da s. caiSvilma), Tbilisi. 

41

Sah-name 1934: firdousi „Sah-name~, qarTuli versiebi (teqsti daamuSava da leqsikoniTurT 

dasabeWdad moamzada iust. abulaZem da mecnierTa jgufma), tfilisi. 

Sah-name 1974: „Sah-name~-s qarTuli versiebi III (teqsti gamosca, gamokvleva da 

leqsikoni daurTo d. kobiZem), Tbilisi. 

CubinaSvili 1961: n. CubinaSvili, qarTuli leqsikoni (al. Rlontis redaqciiTa 

da gamokvleviT), Tbilisi. 

jafariZe 1973: g. jafariZe, narkvevi qarTuli metrologiis istoriidan, Tbilisi. 

Баранов 1977: Баранов Х.Г., Арабско-русский словарь, Москва. 

Гаффаров 1974: Гаффаров М., Персидско-русский словарь, т. I- II, Москва. 

Основы… 1981: Основы иранского языкознания. Среднеперсидские языки, Москва. 

Основы… 1982: Основы иранского языкознания. Новоиранские языки, Москва. 

Рубинчик 1970: Персидско-русский словарь (под редакцией Рубинчика Ю.А.), т. I- II, 

Москва. 

al-munjid 1986: al-munjid 1986 fi-fluqat wa-la´lami Beirut. 

änväri 1993: änväri h., färhäng-e fešorde-ye soxän. j I- II, Tehrån. 

äfšår; häkämi 1994: äfšår s.; häkämi n.; häkämi n. färhäng-e moaser-e fårsi, Tehrån. 

Gorgåni 1970: Gorgåni Vis-o-Råmin (täshih-e Mågåli Toduå vä Eskänder-e Gvåxåria) 

Tehrån. 

MacKenzie 1971: MacKenzie D.N., A Concise Pahlavic Dictionary, London-New-York- 

Toronto. 

Moin 1998: Moin M., färhäng-e fårsi Tehrån. 

Nyberg 1974: Nyberg H.S., A Manual of Pahlavic II; Glossary Wiesbaden. 

Fati Antadze-Malashkhia 

On Three Oriental Loan Words in Georgian 

(`zirak||Zirak~||„zira~||„Zira~; „Zabun~-i; „manZil~) 

Summary 

The paper analyzes three orientalisms „zirak||Zirak~||„zira~||„Zira~; „Zabun~; „manZil~. 

They are compared with one another with regard to their phonetic and semantic adaptation 

in Georgian. 

Unlike the Arabisms „Zabun~ and „manZil~, „zirak||Zirak~||„zira~||„Zira~ is a word of 

Iranian origin based on affixal derivate (Middle and New Persian zir "bottom, lower part" > 

Middle Persian *zir-аk > New Persian zir-ä||zir-e "caraway"). However, in case of all the 

three loan words Persian, not Arabic z is adapted in Georgian, as „Zabun~ and „manZil~ are 

borrowed not directly from Arabic, but they have penetrated into Georgian via Persian. The 

fact that they have penetrated into Georgian via Persian is confirmed by semantic and 

chronological factors. In Georgian „Zabun~ and „manZil~ have Persian and not Arabic 

meanings. Besides, these borrowings are found in Georgian literary monuments after XI 

century when Georgian had ceased direct contacts with Arabic. 

Based on „zirak||Zirak~ forms, Middle Persian etymon *zirаk is restored. „zirak|| 

Zirak~||„ zira~||„ Zira~ is a cyclic borrowing which penetrated into Georgian at various 

stages of Persian-Georgian language contacts. „zirak||Zirak~ is borrowed from Middle 

Persian, whereas „zira~||„Zira~ is borrowed from New Persian. 

42

The meaning of monosemantic zirä||zire “caraway” is transferred to Georgian unchanged. The 

polysemy of Persian “zäbun”and “mänzel” is partly reflected in Georgian on the first stage of 

borrowing. The word „Zabun~ is found in earlier Georgian texts in the meaning “weak” and 

“imprisoned”, whereas „manZil~ has the following meanings: “distance”, “the unit of 

measurement of the length of the road” and “temporary residence”. All the above-mentioned 

meanings have a base form in the semantic structure of the Persian correlate. Later, the 

semantic volume of borrowing decreases and „Zabun~ retains only the meanings of “weak” 

and “helpless”, whereas the semantics of „manZil~ is restricted to “distance” only. 

According to a widespread opinion, New Persian z is transferred to Georgian only as z, 

unlike Middle Persian z, which is pronounced in Georgian borrowings both as z and Z. 

Based on the three units in question, affricatization of z and its transfer into Z occurs also in 

the loan words borrowed from New Persian, which can be explained by natural tendencies 

of Georgian. 

The parallelism of non-affricated and affricated forms is found in all the three analyzed 

loan words. Non-affricated forms „zabun~ and „manzil~ are rare and are found only in 

earlier texts. Parallel variants „zirak~||„zira~ and „Zirak~||„Zira~ are equally frequent in 

Middle and contemporary Georgian. Such stable and symmetrical parallelism is the result 

of the existence of close oral Persian-Georgian language contacts and may be explained by 

the active functioning of everyday vocabulary. Caraway (zira) is an ingredient of oriental 

food widespread in Tbilisi. Hence, its Persian name was frequently heard among the mixed 

ethnic population (including the Persians) of Tbilisi. This factor conditioned the equal 

frequency of occurrence of Georgian „Zirak~||„Zira~ and „zirak~||„zira~ which is 

phonetically close to the etymon. 

43

naTia arabuli 

44 


kategorizaciis principebi: xilisa da bostneulis 

konceptualuri kategoriebi skolamdeli 

asakis bavSvebis warmosaxvaSi 

kognitiuri lingvistika swavlobs mimarTebebs enasa da adamianis gonebaSi 

mimdinare SemecnebiT procesebs Soris: „rogor muSaobs adamianis 

tvini, rogor Rebulobs informacias SegrZnebebis meSveobiT, rogor gadaamuSavebs 

miRebul informacias, rogor udarebs mas adrindel monacemebs, 

axarisxebs da inaxavs mexsierebaSi... rogor xdeba am uzarmazari informaciis 

struqturireba Cvens gonebaSi, rogor movixmarT am informacias, 

rodesac vfiqrobT da vmsjelobT“ (loebneri 2010:7). 

enaTmecnierebis am mimarTulebis kvlevis ZiriTadi sagani aris kategorizaciis 

procesi. „mas Semdeg, rac aRqmiTi sistema miiRebs informacias 

Cven garemomcvel samyaroSi raRac garkveuli odenobis Sesaxeb, SemecnebiTi 

sistema am odenobas romeliRac kategorias miakuTvnebs“ (barsalou 

1992:15). kategorizacia mWidro kavSirSia kognitiur unarebTan _ 

iseT kognitiur procesebTan, rogorebicaa damaxsovreba, yuradRebis gamaxvileba, 

fantazia da sxv. _ da, rogorc wesi, adamianis codnasa da gamocdilebas 

emyareba. kategorizaciis unaris gareSe adamians, SeiZleba 

iTqvas, aRuqmeli darCeboda mis garSemo arsebuli mTeli informacia. kategorizacia 

mudmivi, ZiriTadad gaucnobierebeli, procesia, mimdinareobs 

aRqmis nebismier doneze da ar aris mxolod enobrivi movlena. Cven vaxdenT 

ara mxolod sagnebisa da movlenebis, aramed ferebis, sunis, gemos, 

sxvadasxvagvari SegrZnebebisa Tu emociebis diferenciacias da maT kategorizacias. 

kategorizaciis funqciebi, garda samyaros aRqmisa, aris Semecneba, 

dagegmva, gamocdilebis dagroveba, samyaroSi ufro martivad 

orientireba. Cven garSemo arsebuli sinamdvilis kategorizaciiT Cven 

ufro Tavisuflad da srulyofilad vorientirebT samyaroSi da vxdebiT 

misi nawili. 

kategorizaciis procesze dakvirvebis Sedegad SegviZlia vivaraudoT, 

Tu rogor formirdeba azrovneba, ra procesebi mimdinareobs cnobiereba- 

Si, rogor alagebs adamiani garemo movlenebsa da sagnebs, ra logika, 

principebi da Tanmimdevrobebi sdevs am procesebs da davadginoT rigi 

universaliebi, rac am procesebs ganapirobebs. 

kategorizaciis procesSi nebismieri individualuri obieqti, konkretuli 

gamocdileba gaiazreba rogorc raRac ufro abstraqtuli obieqtis 

dakonkretebuli magaliTi. aseT abstraqtul, warmosaxviT obieqts 

SeiZleba konceptualuri kategoria vuwodoT. konceptualuri kategoriebi 

ganixileba rogorc Semecnebis mTavari iaraRi. kategorizaciis Sedegad 

warmoqmnili sxvadasxvagvari konceptebi, romlebic Cvens gonebaSi,

cnobierebaSi yalibdeba, rogorc wesi, enobrivi struqturebis saxiT realizdeba 

enaSi da maTze dakvirveba, kategorizaciis ZiriTadi niSnebis 

amocnoba-daxasiaTeba, ZiriTadad, swored am enobrivi formebis analizis 

safuZvelzea SesaZlebeli. 

enobrivi cneba (koncepti) ar aris erTgvarovnad organizebuli. semantikur 

kategorias prototipuli buneba aqvs. masSi centri da periferia 

ganirCeva (gamyreliZe... 2003:467). centraluri konceptebi ufro bazisuria 

periferiulTan SedarebiT da isini konkretuli kategoriebis 

saukeTeso nimuSebad warmogvidgebian. koncepti SeiZleba iyos zogadi da 

konkretuli. magaliTad, zogadi konceptia ‘msaxiobi’, misi konkretuli 

nimuSi ki iqneba, vTqvaT, merlin monro. sazogadod, yoveldRiur azrovnebasa 

da metyvelebaSi ufro xSirad konkretuli koncepti gamoiyeneba, 

vidre zogadi. amasTanave, konkretuli koncepti ar aris saboloo konstruqcia 

da man SeiZleba ganusazRvreli raodenobis sxvadasxvagvari 

cvlileba ganicados, gansakuTrebiT maSin, rodesac aRweriTi gamonaTqvamebis 

meSveobiT aris gadmocemuli. 

konceptebi SesaZloa iyos, aseve, dinamikuri da statikuri. dinamikuria 

konceptebi, romlebic ufro martivad da xSirad icvlian Sinaarssa 

da formas, statikuri ki isini, romlebic ufro myarad arian damkvidrebulni 

cnobierebaSi. dinamikuri konceptebi statikurTan SedarebiT ufro 

yoveldRiuri konceptebia da maT cvlilebebze gavlenas axdens maTi SedarebiT 

ufro xSiri gamoyeneba sxvadasxva saxis konteqstSi. konteqsti,sazogadod, 

sakmaod xSirad iwvevs Sinaarsobriv cvlilebebs. 

kategorizaciis fenomenis asaxsnelad arsebobs sxvadasxva Teoria. kategoriis 

struqturis klasikuri modelis Tanaxmad, kategoriebi ganisazRvreba 

rogorc aucilebel da sakmaris niSanTa simravle. es niSnebi 

aucilebelia imitom, rom iseTi obieqti, romelsac ar axasiaTebs am ni- 

SanTa simravle, ar SeiZleba iyos mocemuli kategoriis wevri; amave 

dros, isini sakmarisia, ramdenadac, Tuki obieqts aqvs yvela es niSani, 

maSin es obieqti aucileblad iqneba am kategoriis wevri. kategorizaciis 

klasikuri modeli adgens mkafio da zust sazRvrebs kategoriebs Soris; 

ar gamoricxavs, aseve, erTi kategoriis CarTvas meoris SemadgenlobaSi, 

ar iTvaliswinebs centraluri da periferiuli konceptebis xasiaTs da 

erTi kategoriis SigniT Semaval yvela koncepts erT doneze aTavsebs. 

garda amisa, kategoriebs gareT tovebs uamrav iseT yoveldRiur koncepts, 

romelTa adekvaturi gansazRvra aucilebeli da sakmarisi niSnebis 

safuZvelze ubralod SeuZlebelia. 

klasikuri modelis paralelurad arsebobs kategoriis struqturis 

prototipuli modeli, romlis Tanaxmadac kategoriis farglebSi Semaval 

yvela wevrs ar aqvs Tanabari statusi. am modelis Tanaxmad, nimuSebi, 

romlebic yvelaze ukeT warmoadgenen kategorias, SeiZleba CaiTvalos 

kategoriis yvelaze centralur, anu prototipul wevrebad. 

Tu klasikuri modeli zedmetad xistad adgens kategoriis sazRvrebs, 

prototipul modelSi kategoriis sazRvrebi principSi arc aris 

45

mkveTrad SemosazRvruli, rac mis nakladac ki SeiZleba miviCnioT, vinaidan 

es xSirad iwvevs kategoriebis wevrebisa da qvekategoriebis aRrevas. 

garda amisa, prototipTa Teoria absoluturad ar iTvaliswinebs konteqstis 

faqtors, romelic Zalian mniSvnelovania. ara mxolod kategorizaciaze 

saubrisas, aramed nebismieri enobrivi procesis axsnisas mniSvnelovania 

konteqstis gaTvaliswineba da, am konteqstis Sesabamisad, semantikuri 

konceptebis gaazreba. 

saerTod ki, SeiZleba iTqvas, rom kategorizaciis Sesaxeb arsebuli 

arc erTi modeli ar aris absoluturad misaRebi da unaklo, rac gamowveulia 

Tavad adamianis aRqmisa da enis TaviseburebebiT. xSirad individualuri 

codna da misi gamoxatva enaSi ar aris identuri kulturuli 

codnisa da/an ar emTxveva mecnierTa kvlevis Sedegad mopovebul enciklopediur 

codnas. individualuri codna ufro privatuli sferoa da 

misi SeZenis procesSi aqtiurad monawileobs piradi damokidebulebebi, 

emociebi, SegrZnebebi maSin, rodesac kulturuli codna mxolod analizsa 

da faqtebs eyrdnoba (am terminebis gansxvavebis Sesaxeb ix. loebneri 

2010: 45-50). 

samagierod, individualuri warmodgenebi rig sakiTxebTan dakavSirebiT, 

SesaZloa ufro farTo iyos, vidre kulturuli – maT aqvT ufleba 

iarsebon Tavisuflad maSinac, roca maTi sandooba saTuoa. individualur 

da enciklopediur codnas Soris arebuli Seusabamobis martivi da naTeli 

nimuSia, magaliTad, is, rom ‘sazamTro’ da ‘nesvi’ zrdasrulTa umravlesobisaTvis 

xilis kategoriaSia maSin, rodesac is leqsikonebsa da enciklopediebSi 

ganmartebulia rogorc bostneuli. 

Cveni kvlevis konkretul obieqtad SevarCieT swored xilisa da bostneulis 

konceptualuri kategoriebi da SevecadeT gagverkvia, Tu rogor 

xdeba am kategoriebis GCamoyalibeba adamianis cnobierebaSi da ramdenad 

aris SesabamisobaSi Cveni warmodgenebi am konceptualuri kategoriebis 

Sesaxeb arsebul mecnierul (biologiur-botanikur) codnasTan 

(enciklopediuri da samyaroseuli codnis gansxvavebisaTvis, ix., loebneri 

2010: 5-47), rasac emyareba ganmartebiT leqsikonebsa da enciklopediebSi 

mocemuli definiciebi. 

aRsaniSnavia, rom qarTulenovani leqsikonebi xilisa da bostneulis 

sakmaod zogad ganmartebebs gvTavazoben. sakiTxTan dakavSirebiT ufro 

farTo informacias iZleva qarTuli sabWoTa enciklopedia, sadac warmodgenilia 

rogorc bostneulis (rogorc zogadi kategoriis) gansazRvreba, 

ise misi qvekategoriebis definiciebi (qse 1977:483): 1 

balaxovani mcenareebi, romlebsac saWmelad iyeneben da bostneuls 

uwodeben. bostneul kulturebs ganekuTvneba 10 ojaxi: 

1. jvarosanni – kombosto, Warxali, Talgamura (miwamxali), Talgami, 

boloki, Tvis boloki, pirSuSxa, wiwmati; 

1 

enciklopediis ganmartebebi, Tavis mxriv, motanilia g. kvaWaZis „mebostneobaze“ 

dayrdnobiT (kvaWaZe 1965). 

46

2. qolgosanni – stafilo, oxraxuSi, ZirTeTra, niaxuri, cereco; 

3. gogrisebrni – gogra, kitri, nesvi, sazamTro; 

4. ZaRlyurZenasebrni – pamidori, wiwaka, badrijani, fizalisi; 

5. parkosnebi – cercvi, barda, lobio; 

6. SroSanasebrni – xaxvi, niori, prasa, Wlakvi, RanZili, satacuri; 

7. rTulyvavilovanni – salaTa, ardi, ZirSava, artiSoki, tarxuna; 

8. nacarqaTamasebrni – Warxali, ispanaxi; 

9. matitelasebrni – revandi, mJauna; 

10. marcvlovanni – tkbili simindi. 

sicocxlis xangrZlivobis mixedviT ganarCeven erTwlovan, orwlovan 

da mravalwlovan bostneul kulturebs; saWmelad gamosayenebeli nawilebis 

mixedviT ki bostneuli kulturebi iyofa 4 jgufad: 

1. foTlianebi – kombosto, kama, oxraxuSi, salaTa, ispanaxi da sxv.; 

2. nayofianebi – kitri, nesvi, sazamTro, pamidori, badrijani, lobio, 

simindi da sxv.; 

3. Zirxvenebi – Talgamura, boloki, Tvis boloki, Warxali, stafilo 

da sxva; 

4. bolqvianni – xaxvi, prasa, niori. 

sainteresoa aseve Tavad bostnis ganmarteba – amave enciklopediis 

ganmartebiT bostani aris „miwis nakveTi, bostneuli kulturebis mosayvanad, 

Cveulebriv gaSenebulia sacxovrebeli adgilis maxloblad an TviT 

sakarmidamo nakveTze. sabostned gamoiyofa rogorc reliefis, ise niadagur-klimaturi 

pirobebis mixedviT SerCeuli adgili“ (qse 1977:482). 

zogi bostneuli erT qvekategoriad aris gaerTianebuli da saerTo, 

zogadi kategoriis, baRCeulis, qvekategoriad miiCneva, Tumca, Cveulebriv, 

zrdasruli adamianebis umetesoba baRCeuli kulturebis kategorizaciisas 

maT gamoyenebas da gemos ufro aqcevs yuradRebas da zogierT 

maTgans, magaliTad, sazamTrosa da nesvs, am niSnebidan gamomdinare, xilis 

kategoriad miiCnevs, e.i. ar iTvaliswineben enciklopediur codnas: 

baRCa (spars.) – sazamTros, nesvis an gogris naTesi yamir an sasven 

miwebze, Teslbrunvis mindorze, romelic Cveulebriv moSorebulia 

sacxovrebeli adgilidan. saqarTveloSi baRCas patara baRsac 

uwodeben, sadac rgaven yvavilebs an mohyavT bostneuli 

(qse 1977: 248). 

baRCeuli kulturebi – mcenareTa jgufi gogrisebrTa ojaxisa (sazamTro, 

gogra, nesvi). mcenareebi garTxmuli an mcocavia (qse 

1977: 248). 

sainteresoa „xilis“ da misi sinonimi terminis „xexili“ mimarTeba: 

SesaZloa termini „xexili“ im mizniT gaCnda enaSi, rom xazi gaesva Ziri- 

Tadi ganmasxvavebeli sakategorizacio niSnisTvis: „xeze rac modis, xilia“ 

da es niSani enciklopediuri codnidan individualuri codnis sferoSi 

gadmoetana da gaeaqtiurebina. samwuxarod, enciklopediaSi ‘xexili’ 

ganmartebuli ar aris da gvxvdeba mxolod momijnave cnebebis ganmarte- 

47

isas: ‘xexilis gasxvla’, ‘xexilis dargva’ da sxva amgvari. aseve, ar aris 

ganmartebuli ‘xili’, romelic enciklopediaSi mocemulia mxolod iseT 

kompleqsur cnebebTan, rogorebicaa: ‘xil-bostneulis saWreli manqana’, 

‘xileulis wyali’, ‘xilTa qeba’, ‘xiliana’, ‘xilis Saqari’, ‘xil-kenkrisa 

da bostneulis wveni’ da sxv. 

enciklopediaSi mocemuli ganmartebebis paralelurad sainteresoa 

sxvadasxva saxis leqsikonebSi mocemuli ganmartebebi, Tumca am mxriv, 

samwuxarod, qarTulenovani leqsikonebi did masalas ver iZleva. 

1968 wels gamocemul botanikuri terminebis mokle leqsikonSi (la- 

CaSvili 1968) mocemulia mxolod iseTi terminebi, romlebsac adamiani 

SeiZleba Sexvdes saxelmZRvaneloebsa da specialur literaturaSi da 

maTi gageba da gamoyeneba specialuri damatebiTi miniSnebebis gareSe 

rTulia. swored amgvar terminologiur leqsikonebSi CvenTvis saintereso 

verc erTi terminis ganmarteba ver moviZieT. 1991 wels gamocemul 

botanikur leqsikonSi (mayaSvili 1991), marTalia, Sesulia adgilobriv 

mcenareTa 2500-mde dasaxeleba Tavisi sinonimebiTa da dialeqturi variantebiT, 

rac saSualebas gvaZlevs miviRoT informacia im kulturaTa Sesaxeb, 

rac saqarTveloSia gavrcelebuli, Tumca aq zogadi konceptebis 

ganmartebebi warmodgenili araa. konceptebs _ xili, xexili, bostneuli, 

baRCeuli, marcvlovani kulturebi da a.S. _ saleqsikono erTeulebad am 

leqsikonSi ver ipoviT. arsebobs aseve 2004 wels gamocemuli botanikuri 

leqsikoni (niSnianiZe 2004), romelSic mocemulia mcenareTa saxelwodebebi 

qarTul-laTinur-rusul-inglisur-germanul da frangul enebze, 

magram es mxolod saxelwodebaTa CamonaTvalia da ufro vrcel ganmartebebs 

verc aq vxvdebiT. 

garkveul informacias iZleva qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni, 

sadac aseve metad zogadi definiciebia mocemuli (qegl 1990:58, 63, 

579-580): 

baRCa _ patara baRi, sadac yvavilebs rgaven (zogjer bostneulsac 

Tesaven). 

baRCeuli _ baRCeuli kulturebi _ nesvi, sazamTro, gogra. 

baRi _ Semokavebuli miwis nakveTi, sadac sagangebod aris darguli 

xexili (Tu sxva xeebi), buCqebi, yvavilebi. 

bostani _ kvlebad dayofili miwis nakveTi, sadac mohyavT saWmelsakazmi 

mcenareebi (kombosto, pomidori, kitri, xaxvi.) 

da mwvanili. 

bostneuli _ bostanSi moyvanili mcenareebi. 

xexili _ xeebi, romlebic xils isxams. 

xili _ zogi mcenaris saWmelad vargisi nayofi (Cveulebriv tkbili 

da wvniani). 

kenkra _ buCqovani da balaxovani mcenareebis wvril, wvnian nayof- 

Ta (marwyvis, Jolos, mayvlis) saerTo saxeli. 

48

sabolood, Tu leqsikonebsa da enciklopediaSi mocemul ganmartebebs 

ganvazogadebT, miviRebT Semdeg definicebs: „xili aris xis nayofi, zogierTi 

balaxTa da zogi mcenarisa. saWmelad vargisi (Cveulebriv tkbili 

da wvniani)“; bostneuli ki „bostanSi moyvanili mcenareebi“. 1 

aRsaniSnavia, rom enciklopediur-mecnieruli codna, Cvens SemTxvevaSi 

konkretulad xil-bostneulTan dakavSirebuli, ar emTxveva kulturul 

codnas: adamianebi yoveldRiuri praqtikidan gamomdinare imuSaveben individualur 

codnas, rac gansazRvravs maTi kategorizaciis process da 

Semdgom garkveuli sociumisaTvis saerTo Rirebulebas iZens. garemos, 

sinamdvilis Seswavla mimdinareobs SemecnebiT, razec gavlenas axdens 

ori faqtori: 

• daswavla _ socialur garemoSi raime movlenis Sesaxeb gamocdilebis 

Sedegad miRebuli codna. daswavla SeiZleba rogorc erTjeradi 

(mag., ZaRlis kbena da misgan gamowveuli SiSi), aseve mravaljeradi 

da mizezSedegobrivi (mag., mze amodis, naTdeba) movlenebis aRqmis Sedegad 

miRebuli codnis safuZvelze; 

• socializacia _ im socialuri normebis erTianoba, romlebic miRebulia 

ama Tu im socialur garemoSi da romelTa Rirebulebac aRiarebulia 

pirovnebis mier. 

es procesebi mimdinareobs mudmivad _ individualuri codna iqceva 

kulturul codnad. amis naTeli nimuSia, zemoT Cven mier motanili ‘sazamTrosa’ 

da ‘nesvis’ magaliTi (ix. gv. 6) _ rogorc Cans, ‘xilis’ zogadi 

kategoriis ganmsazRvreli centraluri, bazisuri niSani qvecnobierad 

gemos SegrZnebebs efuZneba: „yvelaferi, rac tkbili da wvniania, aris xili“, 

Semdeg individualuridan socialurad Rirebul niSnad yalibdeba 

da ar iTvaliswinebs enciklopediur, mecnierul codnas. 

xilisa da bostneulis konceptualuri kategoriebiT daintereseba 

gamoiwvia swored am tipis Seusabamobis axsnis survilma _ konkretul 

konceptebze uSualo dakvirvebis safuZvelze garkveuliyo konceptualuri 

kategoriebis Camoyalibebis principebis Sesabamisoba miRebul klasikur 

ganmartebebsa da ama Tu im kategoriis Sesaxeb realurad arsebul 

warmodgenebs Soris; kerZod, dagvedgina, Tu ra ganapirobebs enciklopediur 

codnaze dafuZnebuli kategorizaciis gansxvavebas samyaros individualur 

codnaze damyarebuli kategorizaciisgan, rac mTlianobaSi kulturul 

codnas Seadgens. 

sakuTari gamocdilebidan maxsovs, rom pataraobisas mec garkveuli 

problemebi mqonda am ori saxeobis kategoriis wevrebad 

sworad ganawilebisas da sadRac skolis periodamde mawuxebda 

kiTxva kartofilis raobis Sesaxeb, ufro zustad, mainteresebda 

xili iyo is Tu bostneuli. 

1 amdenad, saleqsikono definiciebi erTgvarad tavtologiuria, Sdr.: ìs, rac bostanSi 

modis, bostneulia~ da `bostani aris is adgili, sadac bostneuli modis~. 

49

kiTxva ratom damebada, zustad ar maxsovs, magram maxsovs, 

rom xevsureTSi yofnisas davfiqrdi am Temaze. papas iq, saxlTan 

axlos, kartofili hqonda darguli da vinaidan xevsureTSi, specifikuri 

havis gamo, arc ise bevri xili modis, gemrieli saWmelebidan 

CemTvis pirvel adgilas zustad rom Semwvari kartofili 

iyo. mas xom mcenaresaviT mwvane ylortebi hqonda, me ki im 

dros ukve vicodi, rogor gamoiyureboda, magaliTad, Jolo da 

mayvali. Sesabamisad, mqonda sababi mefiqra, rom kartofilic xili 

iyo, magram maeWvebda is, rom mas sxva xilis msgavsad kompotis 

qilaSi ki ar yridnen, aramed bostneulTan erTad _ borSis 

qvabSi. Sesabamisad, dilema gadasaWreli mqonda da, mas Semdeg, 

sul mainteresebda, rogor axerxeben sxva bavSvebi xilisa da 

bostneulis diferenciacias. 

vinaidan kognitiuri procesebi, upirveles yovlisa, SemecnebasTanaa 

dakavSirebuli da codnis im donis safuZvelze mimdinareobs, rac konkretuli 

individualuri codnidan kulturul codnamde TandaTan far- 

Tovdeba, Cven cdispirebad avirCieT skolamdeli asakis bavSvebi _ maTi 

aRqma-warmodgenebi individualuria da nawilobrivi, ramdenadac kategorizacia 

skolamdeli asakis bavSvebSi ZiriTadad maTTvis ukve gacnobierebuli 

samyaros nawilis codnas (da ara enciklopediur codnas) efuZneba 

da socializaciis naklebi xarisxiT xasiaTdeba. konkretulad xilisa da 

bostneulis kategoriebis SerCeva imanac ganapiroba, rom isini erT-erTi 

gavrcelebuli da yoveldRiurad gamoyenebadi konceptebia; Sesabamisad, 

maTze adamians pataraobidanve aqvs garkveuli informacia da es informacia 

imdenad organulia, rom SesaZloa arc arasodes gvqondes nafiqri, 

ras warmoadgens TiToeuli maTgani. amgvarad dasmulma sakiTxma TavisTavad 

gansazRvra Cveni kvlevis mizani da amocanebi. 

kvlevis mizania: 

• ori konkretuli konceptualuri kategoriis, xilisa da bostneulis, 

magaliTze kategoriis Camoyalibebisa da kategorizaciis zogadi 

procesis kvleva skolamdeli asakis bavSvebSi da am kategoriebis maxasiaTebeli, 

saerTo da ganmasxvavebeli, konkretuli niSnebis gamovlena. 

am miznis misaRwevad saWiroa gadaiWras Semdegi amocanebi: 

• kvlevisaTvis Rirebuli meTodologiis SerCeva da saaanalizo masalis 

mopoveba; 

• masalis saTanado Teoriuli analizi _ kategorizaciis Sesaxeb arsebuli 

Teoriebis (klasikuri, prototipuri da dinamikuri) kritikuli 

ganxilva, maTi susti da Zlieri mxareebis warmoCena; 

• kategorizaciisas codna-gamocdilebis (enciklopediuri, samyaros individualuri 

da kulturuli) rolis gansazRvra skolamdeli asakis 

bavSvebSi; 

• kategoriis ierarqiuli doneebisa da bazisuri kategoriis gamovlena; 

50

• gansaxilveli kategoriebisaTvis centraluri da periferiuli maxasiaTebeli 

niSnebisa da maT Soris arsebuli mimarTebebis dadgena; 

• kvlevis Sedegebis ganzogadeba. 

sakvlevad SeirCa eqsperimentuli meTodi, romelic fsiqologiasa da 

kognitivistikaSi miRebuli, erT-erTi gavrcelebuli da efeqturi meTodia. 

eqsperimenti gulisxmobs sxvadasxva saxis, specialurad sakvlev Temaze 

orientirebuli kiTxvarebisa da saeqsperimento amocanebis Sedgenas, 

maT safuZvelze informantebis gamokiTxvas da saanalizo masalis am 

gziT mopovebas; sakvlevi Tematikidan gamomdinare, ganisazRvreba eqsperimentis 

samizne jgufic _ dgindeba maTi raodenoba, asaki, socialuri 

statusi, sqesi da sxv. Cven mier SerCeuli sakvlevi Temis specifikidan 

gamomdinare, eqsperimentebis samizne jgufad ganisazRvra skolamdeli 

asakis (4-6 wlis) 10 bavSvi: 

samizne jgufis gansazRvris amosaval wertilad miviCnieT is, rom am 

asakis bavSvebi jer kidev ar dadian skolaSi da ar arian CarTulni saganmanaTleblo 

procesSi (e.i. maTi enciklopediuri codna jer ver qmnis 

kategorizaciisaTvis Rirebul safuZvels); Tumca, yoveldRiuri sayofacxovrebo 

urTierTobebidan gamomdinare (sakvebi, buneba, bazari da 

sxv.), isini ukve cnoben xil-bostneuls da, savaraudod, SemCneulic unda 

hqondeT maTi gamoyenebis specifikac (e.i. samyaros individualur codnaze 

damyarebuli gamocdileba maT ukve aqvT). mizanSewonili asakis dasadgenad 

Catarda winaswari saeqsperto gamokiTxva, rac iTvaliswinebda imis 

garkvevas, Tu ramdenad kargad iyo SerCeuli asakobrivi sazRvrebi _ gairkva 

rom qveda zRvari sworad iyo arCeuli, vinaidan 3 wlis asakis 

bavSvebs, marTalia, ukve aqvT xilis koncepti, magram jer kidev uWirT 

bostneulis kategoriis gaazreba. zeda zRvari SeiZleboda 5 wlis asakiT 

Semogvefargla, ramdenadac 6 wlis bavSvebisaTvis ramdenime eqsperimenti 

mosawyeni da martivi aRmoCnda, Tumca saanalizod maTi pasuxebi 

gansakuTrebiT Rirebuli da saintereso iyo da, amdenad, asakobrivi sazRvrebi 

darCa ucvleli. 

bavSvis fsiqologiuri Taviseburebebis gaTvaliswinebiT, eqsperimentebs 

mieca TamaSis saxe da SemuSavda xuTi saeqsperimento amocana: 

1. xilis da bostneulis xuT-xuTi saxeobis dasaxeleba: 

informantebs, vTxovT, dagvisaxelon xuTi xili da xuTi bostneuli; 

2. SedarebiT naklebad cnobili xilis amocnoba: 

vusaxelebT da leqsikonidan amoRebuli sakategorizacio niSnebis mixedviT: 

aris tkbili, krawuna, momJavo da a.S. _ vuxasiaTebT maTTvis, 

saavaraudod, naklebad cnobil xils; Semdeg vekiTxebiT: rogor fiqrob, 

es xilia Tu bostneuli? 

3. xilisa da bostneulis amocnoba fotoebis mixedviT: 

bavSvebs vaZlevT baraTebs, romlebzec gamosaxulia sxvadasxvagvari 

xili Tu bostneuli: 

51

avSvebs vTxovT: calke gadade yvela xili da calke _ yvela bostneuli. 

4. xilisa da bostneulis ganmasxvavebeli niSnebis garkveva: 

bavSvebs vekiTxebiT: miTxari, ras eZaxi xils da ras _ bostneuls: 

rogori unda iyos, Seni azriT, xili da rogori _ bostneuli 

formiT? ra gemo unda hqondes xils da ra gemo _ bostneuls, mJave 

Tu tkbili? ra feris unda iyos xili da ra feris _ bostneuli? 

xili ufro didia zomiT Tu bostneuli? 

5. feris roli kategorizaciis procesSi: 

erTnairi feris xil-bostneulis suraTebs vaTavsebT erT baraTze: 

52 

yviTeli feris xil-bostneuli mwvane feris xil-bostneuli

avSvebs vTxovT baraTze gamoxatuli obieqtebidan calke gadadon xili 

da calke bostneuli da vakvirdebiT, aris Tu ara feri damatebiTi faqtori 

kategorizaciis procesSi. 

eqsperimentebis Sedegad mopovebuli masala 

1. pirveli eqsperimentis Sedegebs warmovadgenT cxrilebis saxiT: 

xili 

informantebi 

rigiT 

pirvelad 

dasaxel. 

xili 

rigiT 

meored 

dasaxel. 

xili 

rigiT 

mesamed 

dasaxel. 

xili 

rigiT 

meoTxed 

dasaxel. 

xili 

bolos 

dasaxel. 

xili 

1. akaki, 6 wlis msxali vaSli marwyvi miwis Txili banani 

2. Tekla, 4 wl. vaSli msxali atami banani yurZeni 

3. ana, 6 wlis vaSli msxali forToxali limoni aluCa 

4. keso, 5 wlis vaSli karalioki banani yurZeni TeTri 

yurZeni 

5. nini, 5 wlis banani vaSli yurZeni msxali atami 

6. nikuSa, 4 wl. banani limoni marwyvi sazamTro kvaxi 

7. Tekla, 6 wl. broweuli atami vaSli msxali feixoa 

8. luka, 5 wlis vaSli stafilo atami GCurCxela banani 

9. gio, 5 wlis forToxali vaSli sazamTro atami yurZeni 

10. marusia, 6wl. banani msxali vaSli forToxali alubali 

bostneuli 

informantebi 

rigiT 

pirvelad 

dasaxel. 

bostneuli 

rigiT 

meored 

dasaxel. 

bostneuli 

rigiT 

mesamed 

dasaxel. 

bostneuli 

rigiT meoTxed 

dasaxel. 

bostneuli 

bolos 

dasaxel. 

bostneuli 

1. akaki, 6 wl. kitri pomidori wiwaka kartofili kombosto 

2. Tekle, 4 wl. sazamTro nesvi marwyvi kartofili boloki 

3. ana, 6 wl. stafilo Warxali kombosto yvavilovani 

kombosto 

kartofili 

4. keso, 5 wl. stafilo xaxvi mwvanili kombosto kartofili 

5. nini, 5 wl. stafilo kombosto kitri pomidori mwvanili 

6. nikuSa, 4 wl. kombosto Sokoladi kvaxi mwvanili kitri 

7. Tekla, 6 wl. kartofili stafilo soko xaxvi marwyvi 

8. luka, 5 wl. mwvanili simindi kartofili marwyvi xaxvi 

9. gio, 5 wl. kombosto kartofili xaxvi sazamTro mwvanili 

10. marusia, 6 

wl. 

kartofili xaxvi pomidori mayvali stafilo 

53

2. meore eqsperimentis Sedegebi 

informantebi Turinji: 

msxvili, mwvane 

xorkliani 

kaniT, momJavomotkbo 

gemosi. 

54 

mango: mwvanewiTeli, 

sriala 

kaniT, kurkiani, 

tkbili da 

surnelovani, 

odnav momJavo 

gemosi. 

Talgami: 

saWmelad 

vargisi nayofi 

miwaSia, aqvs 

Tesli, Ria 

ferisaa. 

batati: 

saWmelad 

gamoyenebuli 

nayofi miwaSia, 

mowiTalo 

ferisaa, aqvs 

motkbo gemo. 

1. akaki, 6 wlis xili xili bostneuli bostneuli 

2. Tekle, 4 wlis xili xili bostneuli bostneuli 

3. ana, 6 wlis bostneuli xili bostneuli bostneuli 

4. keso, 5 wlis xili xili bostneuli bostneuli 

5. nini, 5 wlis xili xili bostneuli bostneuli 

6. nikuSa, 4 wlis xili xili bostneuli xili 

7. Tekla, 6 wlis xili xili bostneuli bostneuli 

8.luka, 5 wlis xili xili bostneuli bostneuli 

9. gio, 5 wlis xili xili bostneuli bostneuli 

10. marusia, 6 w. xili xili bostneuli bostneuli 

3. mesame eqsperimentis Sedegebi 

informantebi fotoze gaWrili saxiT 

warmodgenil xilze ambobs, rom... 

1. akaki, 6 wlis bostneulia 

2. Tekle, 4 wlis bostneulia 

3. ana, 6 wlis xilia 

4. keso, 5 wlis bostneulia 

5. nini, 5 wlis xilia 

6. nikuSa, 4 wlis xilia 

7. Tekla, 6 wlis xilia 

8. luka, 5 wlis xilia 

9. gio, 5 wlis bostneulia 

10. marusia, 6 wlis xilia 

4. meoTxe eqsperimentis Sedegebi 

(cdispirebs unda daesaxelebinaT, ra faqtorebis gaTvaliswinebiT 

asxvaveben isini xilsa da bostneuls erTmaneTisgan.) 

gemo 

(bostneuli 

_ mJave, 

xili _ 

tkbili) 

sad modis 

(xeze Tu 

miwis 

zedapirze) 

zoma 

(bostneuli 

_ didi, 

xili _ 

patara) 

feri 

(bostneuli _ 

mwvane an stafilosferi, 

xili 

_ wiTeli) 

1. akaki, 6 wl. - - 

2. Tekle, 4 wl. - - 

3. ana, 6 wl. - - 

4. keso, 5 wl. - - 

ar 

vici

5. nini, 5 wl. - - - - 

6. nikuSa, 4 wl. - - - - 

7. Tekla, 6 wl. - - - 

8. luka, 5 wl. - - - 

9. gio, 5 wl. - - - - 

10. marusia, 

6 wl. 

- - 

5. mexuTe eqsperimenti 

(damatebiTi eqsperimenti feris rolis dasadgenad) 

feri ar aRmoCnda arc gadamwyveti da arc mniSvnelovani faqtori kategorizaciisTvis 

_ cdispirebi uSecdomod arCevdnen xilisa da bostneulis 

kategoriebs. 

mopovebuli masalis analizi 

pirvelma eqsperimentma aCvena, rom: bavSvebs jer ar aqvT naTlad Camoyalibebuli 

bazisuri kategoria. maTTan naklebia socializaciis xarisxi 

da yoveli bavSvi individualurad _ Tavad da TavisTvis _ ayalibebs 

bazisur koncepts da, upirveles yovlisa, asaxelebs im xilsa Tu bostneuls, 

romelic, rogorc Cans, misTvis ufro nacnobi da gemrielia. aq 

gasaTvaliswinebeli unda iyos is faqtoric, rom gamokiTxvebiGCatarda 

zamTarSi da, amdenad, konkretuli sezonidan gamomdinare, ZiriTadad saxeldeboda 

zamTarSi met-naklebad gavrcelebuli xil-bostneuli da naklebad 

sxva sezonis kultura. aseve, gasaTvaliswinebelia, rom gamokiTxuli 

bavSvebi qalaqelebi arian da isini naklebad asaxeleben sofelSi 

mcxovrebi bavSvebisaTvis ufro nacnob xil-bostneuls: panta, mayvali, 

Sindi da sxv. 

miuxedavad imisa, rom skolamdeli asakis bavSvebisaTvis saerTo bazisuri 

kategoriis gamoyofa Wirs, Tu mocemul pasuxebs raodenobrivad 

gadavamuSavebT, miviRebT garkveul ganzogadebul monacemebs: 

ramdenadac bazisuri kategoriis dadgenisaTvis mniSvnelovania, agreTve, 

Tu ramdenad swrafad ixsenebs cdispiri ama Tu im saxeobas (e.i. pirvelad 

ras asaxelebs), raodenobrivi monacemebi gamoviyvaneT formuliT, 

romlis mixedviT rigiTobis Sesabamis koeficientebze (5-4-3-2-1) mravldeboda 

am adgilze dasaxelebul konkretul kulturaTa raodenoba 

(sul dasaxelda 17 saxeobis xili da 18 saxeobis bostneuli, iyo moulodneli 

pasuxebic, mag., Sokoladi dasaxelda bostneulis, xolo Cur- 

Cxela _ xilis nimuSad): 

5Xpirvelad dasaxelebuli kultura + 

4Xmeored dasaxelebuli kultura + 

3Xmesamed dasaxelebuli kultura + 

2XmeoTxed dasaxelebuli kultura + 

1XmexuTed dasaxelebuli kultura= 

kulturis ‘bazisurobis’ ganmsazRvreli raodenobrivi maxasiaTebeli 

55

am formuliT gadaTvlili monacemebis safuZvelze xilis kategoriis 

sabaziso koncepti SeiZleba ganisazRvros Semdegi ierarqiis safuZvelze: 

vaSli(38) > banani(22) > msxali(21) > atami(13) > yurZeni(11) > forToxali(11) 

> limoni/ marwyvi(6) > broweuli/sazamTro(5) > karalioki/stafilo(?!)(4) 

> miwis Txili(?!)/CurCxela(?!)(2) > aluCa/kvaxi/alubali(1) 

xolo bostneulisa _ Semdegi ierarqiiT: 

kartofili(23) > kombosto(22) > stafilo(21) > xaxvi(14) > mwvanili 

(12) > kitri/pomidori(9) > sazamTro(7) > nesvi/Warxali/simindi/Sokoladi(?!)(4) 

> wiwaka/kvaxi/soko (3)>mayvali(2)>boloki/marwyvi(1) 

amdenad, skolamdeli asakis bavSvebisaTvisac xilis sabaziso kategoriad 

SeiZleba miviCnioT vaSli, xolo bostneulisa _ kartofili. 

meore eqsperimentma aCvena, rom: miuxedavad imisa, rom eqsperimentSi 

gamoyenebuli yvela sityva bavSvebisaTvis ucnob obieqts ukavSirdeboda, 

amasTanave, miniSnebebic ar iyo imdenad zusti da amomwuravi, rom amis 

mixedviT swori daskvna gaekeTebinaT, rogorcGCans, miwodebuli niSnebi 

(gemo-feri-adgili) sakmarisi aRmoCnda _ cdispirebma, SeiZleba iTqvas, 

kargad gaarTves Tavi am amocanas da minimumamde daiyvanes mcdari pasuxebis 

raodenoba am eqsperimentSi. 

mesame eqsperimentma aCvena, rom: 

• baraTze gamosaxuli is xili, romelic warmodgenili iyo gaWril 

mdgomareobaSi, ramdenime cdispirma miakuTvna bostneulis kategorias 

maSin, rodesac igive xili gaufrcqvnel da dauWrel mdgomareobaSi 

uSecdomod iqna kvalificirebuli xilis kategoriad. 

• Tu fotoze nayofi warmodgenili iyo xeze, maSin mas upirobod 

akuTvnebdnen xilis kategorias, im SemTxvevaSic ki, Tu es xili maT- 

Tvis SedarebiT ucnobi iyo (magaliTad, mocxari, leRvi). 

gamokiTxuli cdispirebidan mxolod orma Tqva, rom is, rac xeze izrdeba, 

xilia, xolo, rac miwaze _ bostneuli. orive cdispiri sazam- 

Tros, nesvs da kenkrovan kulturebs bostneulis kategoriaSi aTavsebda 

rogorc pirveli, ise mesame eqsperimentis dros. erT-erT maTgans kategoriebis 

es „sasazRvro“ niSani imdenad mkacrad hqonda Camoyalibebuli, 

rom meore cdis dros, garda im saklasifikacio niSnebisa, romelsac Cven 

vusaxelebdiT, is TviTon amatebda Tavis mocemulobas. anu, sworad gamocnobis 

SemTxvevaSi, rodesac vekiTxebodiT, ris mixedviT gagvca man pasuxi, 

is asaxelebda iseT niSnebs, romelic ar migvicia, magram misTvis, 

individualurad, Rirebuli iyo am kategoriisaTvis; magaliTad, 4 wlis 

TeklesTan, romelic dadis baRSi da izrdeba 4 wliT ufros dasTan er- 

Tad da deda ambobs, rom mas kargi logika aqvs _ gaimarTa saintereso 

dialogi: 

- Tekle, mango ici ra aris? 

- ara? 

- Seni azriT, rogor gamoiyureba? 

56

- ar vici, mwvane iqneba. 

- kargi, maSin modi, me dagixasiaTeb mangos da Sen Seecade warmoidgino, 

rogori unda iyos da mere miTxari, xili iqneba is, Tu bostneuli. 

- kargi. 

- ese igi, mango SeiZleba iyos mwvane an wiTeli, aqvs sriala kani, 

kurka, tkbilia da surnelovani. odnav momJavo gemo aqvs... 

- xilia. 

- saidan mixvdi? 

- Sen xo Tqvi, xeze izrdebao da rac xeze izrdeba, xom xilia? 

- ki magram, me ar miTqvams, rom xeze izrdeba. 

- rogor ara, Sen Tqvi rom tkbilia, kurkiani da xeze izrdebao. 

Tekle erT-erTia gamokiTxulTagan, romelic xilis da bostneulis 

kategorizacias gaazrebulad axdens da saorientacio gamyof niSnad aRebuli 

aqvs , anu, misTvis ZiriTadi sakategorizacio niSania 

xeze modis Tu ara romelime kultura. rogorc am dialogma aCvena, 

mas imdenad mkacrad aqvs es sakategorizacio niSani formulirebuli da 

gaazrebuli, rom, maSinac ki, rodesac ar flobs am saxis informacias 

konkretuli xilis an bostneulis Sesaxeb, Tavis warmosaxvaSi qmnis Sesabamis 

informacias da amosacnob kulturas upirobod miawers am niSans. 

Tekle sazamTros, nesvsa da gogras upirobod bostneulis kategoriaSi 

aTavsebda da, rodesac SevecadeT, dagvedgina, Tekle amas Sinagani intuiciiT 

axdenda Tu garedan (deda, ufrosi da, mezobeli, megobari da a.S.) 

hqonda miRebuli Sesabamisi codna, aRmoCnda rom igi amas sakuTar codnasa 

da intuiciaze dayrdnobiT akeTebda, vinaidan misi ojaxis arc erTi 

wevri (arc misi debi da arc mSoblebi) sazamTros an nesvs bostneulad 

ar miiCnevda. 

aseve sainteresoa kesos, akakisa da anas pasuxebi: 

keso, 5 wlis, dadis baRSi, hyavs erTi ufrosi da. elodeba zafxul- 

Si dabadebis dRes da Semodgomaze skolaSi misvlas. ar uyvars xili: 

kesos xilis gaxseneba pirveli eqsperimentisas uWirs da ambobs, 

rom vaSlis garda araferi uyvars. samagierod, swrafad 

ixsenebs bostneuls da ambobs rom gansakuTrebiT stafilo uyvars 

_ yvela xils sjobiao. 

Tavidan vifiqre, rom kesos xil-bostneulis CamoTvlisas gadamwyveti 

mniSvneloba mis pirad damokidebulebebs hqonda, magram 

aRmoCnda, rom daskvna naadrevi iyo. mesame eqsperimentis 

dros baraTebze sxvadasxva bostneulis danaxvisas keso xSirad 

ambobda: „es kombostoa“. Tu kiTxvas gavumeorebdi: „keso, ai, es, 

rasac am baraTze xedav, xilia Tu bostneuli“, maSin ukve „kombostos“ 

nacvlad gvpasuxobda: „bostneuli“. 

rogorc Cans, misTvis kombosto imdenad bazisuria bostneulis 

kategoriaSi, rom mas gaucnobiereblad, zogadi kategoriis 

saxelis _ „bostneulis“ _ sinonimad miiCnevs. 

57

akaki, 6 wlis, hyavs 2 ufrosi da, dadis baRSi, elodeba skolaSi 

misvlas da mesame eqsperimentze kargavs moTminebas. ambobs, rom advil da 

mosawyen rameebs vekiTxebiT da Tavi unda davaneboT: 

akakim zustad icis, rom xili isaa, rac xeze modis, xolo 

yvela sxva danarCeni, maT Soris kenkrovani kulturebic, bostneulia. 

roca bebia da deda usworeben, sazamTro, Jolo da 

mayvali xilia da ara bostneulio, argumentirebulad uxsnis 

maT Tavisi poziciis siswores. 

akakisTan gamokiTxvam migvaniSna pirvelad, rom bavSvebi uproblemod 

cnobdnen xils, Tu is iyo mTeli da, miT umetes, xeze, 

magram, rodesac igive xili gaxleCili an daWrili iyo gamosaxuli 

suraTze, uWirdaT misi xilad aRqma da bostneulis kategoriaSi 

aTavsebdnen. mcdeloba, kiTxvebiT gagverkvia mizezi, 

uSedegod dasrulda. rogorc Cans, es imdenad gaucnobiereblad 

xdeba, rom Tavad bavSvebs aranairi axsna ar aqvT. 

58 

pirveli fotos SemTxvevaSi, akakim zustad gamoicno, rom 

fotoze gamosaxuli iyo xili, meoreze Tqva, rom bostneuli 

iyo, Tumca fotoze mocemuli arc erTi gamosaxulebis konkretizacia 

ama Tu im xilad Tu bostneulad ar mouxdenia _ mas 

aRarc ki axsovda leRvis saxeli. 

ana, 6 wlis, dediserTa, ar dadis baRSi, dRis ganmavlobaSi masze 

zrunavs ZiZa, aris alergiuli da garkveuli SezRudvebi aqvs zog sakveb- 

Tan dakavSirebiT. eSinia Secdomebis daSvebis: 

ana Tavidan ar laparakobs, ambobs, rom umjobesi iqneba, Tu 

ZiZa CamomiTvlis xilsa da bostneuls, vinaidan saWmels is ake- 

Tebs da man ukeT icis, ra ra ariso. pirveli eqsperimentis nacvlad 

jer vatarebT mesame eqsperiments, vinaidan vTvliT, rom 

baraTebi daexmareba mas gaxsnaSi. ana ambobs, rom ZiriTadad bostneuls 

Wams, vinaidan ZiZa xSirad ukeTebs borSs. ana erTader- 

Tia, romelmac xil-bostneulis kategorizaciisas maTi gamoyenebis 

areebic Semoitana kategorizaciis erT-erT faqtorad. man 

zustad icis, rom gaxexili bostneuli borSSi gamoiyeneba, daWrili 

komSi, atami da sxva xili _ namcxvrebsa da tortebSi. eqsperimentebis 

bolomde ana ver gaTavisuflda Secdomebis daSve-

is SiSisgan da yvela pasuxis siswores amowmebda ZiZasTan, miuxedavad 

imisa, rom Tavidanve icoda, Cven mxolod „vTamaSobdiT“ 

da swori da araswori pasuxebi Cven „TamaSSi“ ar iyo. 

meoTxe eqsperimentma aCvena, rom: bavSvebs ar aqvT Camoyalibebuli is 

kriteriumebi, ris mixedviTac axdenen kategorizacias da, miuxedavad imisa, 

rom isini xSirad sworad arTmeven Tavs davalebas, maTTvis jer ucnobia 

meqanizmi, romliTac xelmZRvaneloben. amis dasturi unda iyos is, 

rom maT ar aqvT gamokveTili sakategorizacio niSnebi da mxolod individualur, 

intuiciur codnas eyrdnobian. aqve aRsaniSnavia, rom is bav- 

Svebi, romlebic xilis sakategorizacio niSnad iReben imas, rom xils xe 

isxams, gamoricxaven yvela danarCen faqtors da, Sesabamisad, baRCeul da 

kenkrovan kulturebsac bostneulis kategorias miakuTvneben, radgan ician, 

rom isini xeze ar izrdebian. 

is bavSvebi ki, romlebsac xilis da bostneulis kategoriebis gamyofi 

niSani gamokveTili ar aqvT, an amboben, rom ar ician, ris mixedviT 

axdenen kategorizacias, an spontanurad wyveten, Tu ris mixedviT SeiZleboda 

gaemijnaT isini da amboben, rom gadamwyvetia, vTqvaT, feri an 

zoma, an kidev gemo. 

rac Zalian mniSvnelovania, arc erT cdispirs (anas garda) ar gaumaxvilebia 

yuradReba maT gamoyenebaze sxvadasxvagvar sakvebSi, rac Cven- 

Tvis moulodneli aRmoCnda. logikuri iqneboda, rom eTqvaT, rom bostneuli 

wvnian sadilebSi gvxvdeba, xolo xili _ tkbileulsa da wveneb- 

Si. Tumca, aqve aRsaniSnavia isic, rom erT-erTma cdispirma, romelmac 

stafilo xils miakuTvna, aRniSna, rom mas stafilo yvelaze metad uyvars 

da siamovnebiT miirTmevs umad _ e.i. savaraudod misTvis Rirebuli 

niSania, rom bostneuls garkveuli momzadeba (moxarSva, Sewva, moSuSva) 

sWirdeba, xils ki ara. 

mexuTe eqsperimentma aCvena, rom: ferebs ar mouxdenia gavlena pasuxebze. 

cdispirebma amocanis gadasawyvetad CvenTvis moulodneli strategia 

gamoimuSaves: baraTis danaxvisas isini iwyebdnen masze pirveli yvelaze 

nacnobi erTeulis moZiebas, anu maTTvis bazisuri kategoriis Sesabamisi 

gamosaxulebis povnas, da Semdeg iqidan iwyebdnen danarCenebze orientacias. 

saintereso iyo isic, rom Tu pirvelad dasaxelebuli iqneboda xili, 

maSin momdevnoebic xili iyo; analogiurad, bostneulis SemTxvevaSic. 

Tu yovelive zemoTqmuls ganvazogadebT, SegviZlia eqsperimentebis 

Sedegebi Semdegi daskvnebis saxiT CamovayaliboT: 

• bavSvebs ar aqvT mkveTrad Camoyalibebuli socializebuli bazisuri 

kategoriebi da kategoriis centraluri an/da periferiuli niSnebi. 

• eqsperimentebis Sedegebze, savaraudod, gavlena moaxdina iman, rom eqsperimentebi 

zamTarSi Catarda da SedarebiT naklebad iyo naxsenebi 

gazafxuli-zafxulisa Tu SemodgomisaTvis damaxasiaTebeli xil-bostneuli. 

59

• eqsperimentebis Sedegebze, rogorc Cans, gavlena moaxdina imanac, rom 

yvela respodenti qalaqSi mcxovrebi iyo; Sesabamisad, maT umetesobas 

bundovani warmodgena hqonda xil-bostneulis gamoyenebaze, maTi moyvanis 

wesebze da CamoTvlil xil-bostneulSic ar figurirebda soflebSi 

ufro xSirad gamoyenebadi xil-bostneuli: qliavi, panta, mayvali 

da sxv. 

eqsperimentebis Sedegebis axsna SesaZlebelia im gamocdilebiTac, rac 

fsiqologebma daagroves. magaliTad, Sveicarieli biologi piaJe, romelmac 

Tavisi Teoria bavSvebze dakvirvebiT SeimuSava da fsiqologiaSi Tvisebrivad 

axali midgomebi Semoitana. is Tvlida, rom bavSvis aRqma sakmaod 

gansxvavebulia mozrdilisagan, anu is sxvanairad xedavs samyaros 

(TevdoraSvili). 

bavSvis kognitiur ganviTarebaSi ramdenime stadias gamoyofen. aqedan 

meore stadia, romelic CvenTvis am sakiTxTan dakavSirebiT gansakuTrebiT 

sainteresoa, operaciamdeli periodia (2-7 weli) da masSi ori qveperiodi 

gansxvavdeba: cnebamdeli periodi (2-4 weli) da intuitiuri periodi 

(4/5-7). cnebamdeli periodisTvis damaxasiaTebelia animizmi da egocentrizmi. 

am asakis bavSvi ver arCevs socialur, fizikur da mentalur sinamdviles. 

intuitiuri periodisTvis bavSvs ukve SeuZlia gaarkvios socialuri, 

fizikuri da mentaluri sinamdvile, Tumca jer kidev SesaZlebelia maTi 

erTmaneTSi aRreva. magaliTad, am asakis bavSvebs sjeraT, rom Tovlis babua 

arsebobs. 

operaciamdel periodSi adgili aqvs simboluri warmodgenebis ganvi- 

Tarebas, anu moqmedebisa da xatebis saSualebiT sakuTari gancdebis gadmocemas. 

am stadiisTvis damaxasiaTebelia xuTi ZiriTadi Tavisebureba: 

1. konkretuloba _ bavSvis azrovneba piaJes mixedviT konkretulia. mas 

SeuZlia problemis gadawyveta mxolod konkretuli obieqtebis sa- 

SualebiT; 

2. Seuqcevadoba _ bavSvs ar esmis, rom obieqti SeiZleba gadavides er- 

Ti mdgomareobidan meoreSi: magaliTad, kiTxva-pasuxidan: – gyavs da? 

_ ki. _ misTvis avtomaturad ar gamomdinareobs Sebrunebul kiTxvaze 

Sesabamisi pasuxi: _ Sen das hyavs da? _ ara ); 

3. egocentrizmi _ sakuTari poziciidan xedva, rac, gansakuTrebiT, 4 

wlamdea gabatonebuli; 

4. bavSvi koncentrirebulia obieqtis romelime erT aspeqtze da sxva 

nawilebis ignorirebas axdens; 

5. realizmis principi _ bavSvi yuradRebas aqcevs mimdinare mdgomareobas 

da ara _ cvlilebebs: magaliTad, rodesac bavSvebs aCvenes erTnairi 

moculobis ori sinjara, romelTagan erTi dabali da gaberili 

iyo, meore ki maRali da wvrili, Semdeg ki wyali gadaasxes dablidan 

maRalSi, bavSvebi ambobdnen, rom maRalSi ufro meti wyali iyo. 

60

Tu gadavxedavT am 5 ZiriTad maxasiaTebels, aRmoCndeba, rom Cven mier 

Catarebul eqsperimentebTan isini winaaRmdegobaSi ar modian; piriqiT, 

mxolod amagreben am debulebebs. swored am fsiqologiuri Taviseburebebidan 

gamomdinareobs kategorizaciis Taviseburebebic skolamdeli asakis 

bavSvebSi. 

ZiriTadi daskvnebi 

• klasikuri Teoria kategoriis mkafio da xist sazRvrebs adgens, rac 

bavSvebis SemTxvevaSi ar amarTlebs, maT xSirad uWirT pasuxis gacema 

kiTxvaze, ra aris romelime kategoriis mTavari niSani, sad gadis 

sazRvrebi da a.S. 

• prototipul TeoriaSi nimuSis srulyofilebis mixedviT kategoriis 

dadgenac ver gvexmareba skolamdeli asakis bavSvebSi kategorizaciis 

procesebis gasaazreblad. eqsperimentebma aCvenes, rom bavSvebSi saer- 

To prototipuli an bazisuri kategoriis gamoyofa TiTqmis SeuZlebelia, 

ramdenadac maTi „prototipebi“ individualuria _ gemovnebaze, 

sezonze, ojaxis socialur mdgomareobaze da sxva amgvar faqtorzea 

damokidebuli da ar aris socializebuli. 

• prototipul modelSi kategoriis wevrebad xSirad qvekategoriebi 

ufro ganixileba, vidre konkretuli konceptebi; bavSvebSi xSiria 

swored aseTi SemTxvevebi _ konkretuli konceptis zogad kategoriasTan 

gaigiveba; mag., `bostneulis~ nacvlad kategoriad `kombostos~ 

dasaxeleba. 

• bavSvebSi kategorizacia mimdinareobs maTi ganviTarebis fsiqologiuri 

Taviseburebebis Sesabamisad: isini kategorizaciisas problemas 

wyveten mxolod konkretuli obieqtebis saSualebiT, maTi klasifikacia 

Seuqcevadia (mag. lukasTvis stafilo aris xili, imitom rom 

Zalian uyvars da umad miirTmevs, magram baraTebis dalagebisas man 

stafilo sxva bostneulTan erTad gadado), isini egocentrulad _ 

sakuTari poziciebidan axdenen kategorizacias da obieqtis romelime 

erT aspeqtze amaxvileben yuradRebas. 

• bavSvebi ZiriTadad individualur codnaze damyarebiT axdenen kategorizacias 

da socializaciis xarisxi maTTan dabalia. maTi kulturuli 

codna ara enciklopediur, aramed individualur codnas efuZneba. 

literatura 

barsalou 1992: Barsalou L.W., Cognitive Psychology, An overview for cognitive 

scientists, Hilsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. 

gamyreliZe... 2003: T. gamyreliZe, z. kiknaZe, i. Saduri, n. Sengelaia, Teoriuli 

enaTmecnierebis kursi, Tsu gamomcemloba, Tbilisi. 

TevdoraSvili: d. TevdoraSvili, ganviTarebis fsiqologia, internetuli gamocema: 

http://www.davit.ge/ganvitarebis_fsiqologia.pdf 

61

krofti, kruzi 2005: u. krofti, a. kruzi, kognituri lingvistika, èna, logika, 

kompiuterizacia~ I, „degaprinti“, Tbilisi. 

kvaWaZe 1965: g. kvaWaZe, mebostneoba, meore gamocema, Tbilisi. 

laCaSvili 1968: i. laCaSvili, botanikuri terminebis mokle leqsikoni, 

„mecniereba“, Tbilisi. 

loebneri 2010: s. loebneri, mniSvneloba da Semecneba, èna, logika, kompiuterizacia~ 

III, „nekeri“, Tbilisi. 

mayaSvili 1991: a. mayaSvili, botanikuri leqsikoni, mesame gamocema, „mecniereba“, 


niSnianiZe 2004: q. niSnianiZe, e. niSnianiZe, botanikuri leqsikoni, Tbilisi. 

qegl 1990: qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni: erTtomeuli, saq. ssr mecn. 

akad., enaTmecnierebis in-ti, qarTuli enciklopedia; qarT. enciklopediis mTav. 

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Natia Arabuli 

62 

Principles of Categorization: Conceptual Categories of Fruit and 

Vegetables in the Imagination of Preschool Children 

Summary 

This work is dedicated to conceptual symbols _ determinants of cognitive processes _ 

based on the example of categories of fruit and vegetables in the imagination of preschool 

children. The general thesis and conclusions derived from the research are based on the 

results of analyzing experiment materials in the frame of cognitive linguistics. Several 

peculiarities can be explained by specificities and principles of general categorization of 

perception, imagination and cognition – determinants of the psycho type of preschoolers.


rusudan asaTiani 

winadadebis sainformacio struqtura: `gaTiSuli~ (cleft) 

kiTxvebi megrulsa da lazurSi 

I. Sesavali: sakiTxis dasma da Teoriuli safuZvlebi 

informaciis struqturireba, misi `SefuTva~ sxvadasxvagvari enobrivi 

saSualebebiT metyvelis (resp. mTxrobelis) survilisda Sesabamisad 

cvlis winadadebis pragmatikul Rirebulebas da implikaciurad ufro 

farTo konteqsturi Sinaarsebis gadmocemas emsaxureba. 

winadadebaSi informaciis aqtualizebisas SeiZleba dawinaurdes da 

sainformacio nakadSi logikurad gamoikveTos pragmatikulad yvelaze 

mniSvnelovnad miCneuli an axali (resp. fokusi), an Zveli (resp. topiki), 

informacia. aseTi ‘dawinaurebuli’ informaciis lingvisturi kodireba 

gansxvavebul enobriv doneebze sxvadasxvagvari modelebiT xorcieldeba 

(asaTiani 2008). 

informaciis gamokveTis, dawinaurebis erT-erTi sintaqsuri modelia 

e.w. `gaTiSuli~ (cleft) konstruqciebi. es modeli sakmaod gavrcelebulia 

msoflios enebSi da gulisxmobs informaciis struqturirebas rTuli 

daqvemdebarebuli winadadebis saxiT. 

aseTi konstruqciebis asagebad sxvadasxva enaSi gamoiyeneba gansxvavebuli 

strategiebi, Tumca SeiZleba gamoiyos universaluri maxasiaTeblebic 

(harisi 1993): 

• winadadeba igeba ori Semadgenluri winadadebiT; 

• erT-erTi am Semadgenluri winadadebebidan aris mTavari, meore ki damokidebuli 

(ZiriTadad, e.w. mimarTebiTi damokidebuli); 

• mTavari winadadeba Seicavs meSvel zmnas ‘yofna’ da dawinaurebul 

wevrs; 

• romelime konkretuli enis strategiis Sesabamisad daqvemdebarebul- 

Si SesaZlebelia zedapirulad arc ki iyos warmodgenili kavSirebi: 

mimarTebiTi nacvalsaxelebi, mimarTebiTi zmnizedebi, maqvemdebarebeli 

kavSiri da sxv., rac ar cvlis damokidebuli winadadebis mimarTebiT 

winadadebad kvalifikaciis sakiTxs; 

• aseTi rTuli winadadebis mTavari funqciaa, diskursulad gamoikve- 

Tos da topik-fokusis kvalifikacia mieces winadadebis romelime 

wevrs. es SeiZleba iyos: saxeluri fraza, zmnuri fraza, Tandebuliani 

fraza, zmnizeda an mTlianad Semadgenluri winadadeba. 

ganvixiloT es niSnebi qarTulis magaliTze: 

diskursulad neitraluri winadadebis _ mag.: gogo xvdeba biWs universitetSi 

_ Sesabamisi Sinaarsi diskursuli funqciebis cvlis, rome- 

63

lime wevris logikuri gamokveTis mizniT, universalurad yvela enaSi da 

maT Soris qarTulSic, SeiZleba aqtualizdes Semdegi tipis gaTiSuli 

konstruqciebiT: 

1. (a) (es) gogoa, vinc biWs xvdeba universitetSi. // (b) (es) gogoa, 

biWs rom xvdeba universitetSi. 

aq logikurad gamokveTilia da sainformacio nakadSi dawinaurebulia 

subieqturi saxeli gogo. 

2. (a) (es) biWia, visac gogo xvdeba universitetSi. // (b) (es) biWia, 

gogo rom xvdeba universitetSi. 


obieqturi saxeli biWi. 

3. (a) (es) universitetia, sadac gogo xvdeba biWs. // (b) (es) universitetia, 

gogo rom xvdeba biWs. 


adgilis zmnizeda _ Tandebuliani fraza universitetSi. 

samive SemTxvevaSi, kavSirebad gamoyenebul mimarTebiT sityvebs (vinc, 

visac, sadac) gramatikuli struqturis rRvevis gareSe Tavisuflad 

enacvleba maqvemdebarebeli kavSiri rom, rac am kavSiris aramarkirebulobiT 

SeiZleba aixsnas _ rom kavSiri qarTulSi yvelaze neitraluri 

kavSiria da nebismieri saxis daqvemdebarebuli konstruqciebis sawarmoeblad 

misaRebia. diskursuli TvalsazrisiT, mniSvnelovania is faqtic, 

rom gaTiSul konstruqciebSi rom kavSiri SeiZleba ar iwyebdes damokidebul 

winadadebas, rac am kavSiris sxva kavSirebisgan ganmasxvavebeli ZiriTadi 

formaluri maxasiaTebelia _ rom kavSiri sxva kavSirebisgan gansxvavebiT 

moZravia; is SeiZleba mosdevdes daqvemdebarebuli winadadebis 

nebismier wevrs. Sedegad zemoT moxmobili (b) magaliTebi rom kavSiriani 

gaTiSuli konstruqciebis garkveul variantebs iZleva; magaliTad 1-(b)-s 

variantebia: 

4. (b-1) (es) gogoa, biWs rom xvdeba universitetSi. // (b-2) (es) gogoa, 

universitetSi rom xvdeba biWs. // (b-3) (es) gogoa, rom xvdeba biWs 

universitetSi. 

aseT SemTxvevaSi, informaciis struqturirebis ufro kompleqsur 

SemTxvevebTan unda gvqondes saqme _ aq erTdroulad markirebulia rogorc 

axali informacia (fokusi), ise Zveli informacia (topiki): yvela 

zemoT moxmobil SemTxvevaSi (b-1, b-2, b-3) gogo aris axali informacia, 

fokusi (misaRebia pasuxad kiTxvaze vin xvdeba biWs universitetSi?), xolo 

fonuri, Zveli informaciidan (b-1)-Si topikalizebulia biWi, (b-2)- 

Si _ universiteti, (b-3)-Si ki zmna xvdeba. 1 

1 es sakiTxi rom kavSiris funqciebis ufro gamowvlilviT Seswavlas moiTxovs, rac 

am etapze CvenTvis mxolod imdenadaa Rirebuli, ramdenadac is Cndeba sakvlevad 

SerCeul gaTiSul konstruqciebSi. 

64

informaciis fokusirebis aseTi modeli (resp. cleft, gaTiSuli konstruqcia) 

gansakuTrebiT bunebrivia kiTxvebSi, ramdenadac kiTxvis qveS 

nebismier informaciis moqceva ukve mis fokusirebas, sainformacio nakad- 

Si mis logikur gamokveTas gulisxmobs. amdenad, msoflios enebSi metad 

gavrcelebulia e.w. gaTiSuli kiTxvebi (metic, zogierT enaSi aseTi 

kiTxvebi erTaderTi formaluri meqanizmia zogadad kiTxviTi winadadebis 

formirebisaTvis): 

5. (a) vinaa (is), vinc biWs xvdeba? // (b) vinaa (is), biWs rom xvdeba? 

6. (a) vinaa (is), visac gogo xvdeba? // (b) vinaa (is), gogo rom xvdeba? 

(g) *visaa, gogo rom xvdeba? 

7. (a) sadaa, sadac gogo xvdeba biWs. // (b) sadaa, gogo rom xvdeba biWs? 

arsebobs kidev erTi saxis konstruqcia, sadac mimarTebiT sityvasTan 

erTad rom kavSiric aris warmodgenili: 

8. (a) vinaa (is), vinc rom biWs xvdeba? 

9. (a) vinaa (is), visac rom gogo xvdeba? 

10. (a) sadaa, sadac rom gogo xvdeba biWs. 

msgavs konstruqciebSi garkveul informaciul siWarbesTan gvaqvs 

saqme _ erTi da imave funqciis (mimarTebiTi damokidebulebis gamoxatva) 

mqone kavSiris orjer gamoyeneba. es ki gvafiqrebinebs, rom rom kavSiri 

amgvar winadadebebSi ara daqvemdebarebis (rac mimarTebiTi sityvebiT ukve 

gaformebulia), aramed damatebiT raRac sxva funqciis gamomxatvelia. SesaZloa 

es iyos informaciis ufro meti xarisxiT logikuri gamokveTa, 

dawinaureba, rac ufro cxadad swored rom frazis analizisas ikveTeba: 

11. swored rom gogo xvdeba biWs universitetSi. 

12. swored rom biWs xvdeba gogo universitetSi. 

13. swored rom xvdeba biWs gogo universitetSi. 

14. swored rom universitetSi xvdeba gogo biWs. 

am magaliTebSi rom ver iqneba Tavisi ZiriTadi funqciiT (daqvemdebarebis 

maCvenebeli kavSiri) gamoyenebuli, ramdenadac yvela es (11, 12, 13, 

14) winadadeba martivia. diskursulad es winadadebebi araneitraluri, 

markirebulia swored nawilakis wyalobiT, romlis matopikalizebeli 

funqcia da pragmatikuli Rirebuleba specifizirebulia rom-is damatebiT 

(wereTeli, asaTiani 2007): 

15. gogo swavlobs universitetSi. swored rom gogo // swored es gogo 

xvdeba biWs universitetSi (swored is gogo, romelic swavlobs 

universitetSi, xvdeba biWs). 

16. universitetSi arian gogonebi, biWebi, profesorebi... vin xvdeba biWs? 

swored (rom) gogo xvdeba biWs universitetSi. (gogo da ara sxva 

vinme, mag., profesori). 

65

(15)-Si rom aucilebelia, gansakuTrebiT im SemTxvevaSi, rodesac es 

CvenebiTi nacvalsaxeli, misaTiTebeli sityvis funqcias rom asrulebs, 

winadadebaSi ar aris warmodgenili (=topiki); maSin rodesac (16)-Si is 

aucilebeli ar Cans (=fokusi). 

amgvari gaTiSuli kiTxvebi qarTulSi _ garda (6-g) *visaa, gogo rom 

xvdeba? tipis konstruqciebisa, romlebic ufro dasavleT saqarTvelos 

dialeqtebisaTvis (guruli, imeruli) aris damaxasiaTebeli 1 da saliteraturo 

qarTulisaTvis naklebad misaRebia _ dadasturebulia, Tumca 

megrul-lazurTan SedarebiT naklebad gavrcelebuli. 

II. gaTiSuli kiTxvebi megrulSi 

megrulSi Cveulebriv kiTxviT winadadebasTan (17) erTad sakmaod gavrcelebulia 

gaTiSuli kiTxvebic (18): 

17. muSene meurki? 

ratom midixar? 

18. muSene re, meurki ni? 

ratom aris midixar rom 

ratomaa, rom midixar? 

(18) winadadeba aSkarad miRebulia ori Semadgenluri winadadebis gaerTianebiT: 

pirveli muSene re aris mTavari winadadeba fokusirebuli 

kiTxviTi sityviT muSene da yofna zmnis mesame piris formiT (re); meore 

ki daqvemdebarebulia, sadac ZiriTad zmnasTan erTad (meurki) warmodgenilia 

maqvemdebarebeli kavSiri ni, romelic rogorc wesi mosdevs zmnas 

da, ramdenadac zmna Cveulebriv winadadebis bolosaa, ketavs damokidebul 

winadadebas. (18)-Si, (17)-isgan gansxvavebiT, informaciulad gamokve- 

Tili fokusirebuli kiTxviTi sityva pragmatikulad damatebiT informaciul 

niuansebsac gadmogvcems: gabrazeba, gaRizianeba, gakvirveba, CaZieba, 

dazusteba da sxv. 

megruli gaTiSuli konstruqciebis morfosintaqsuri Tavisebureba 

aris is, rom mTavari winadadebis kiTxviTi sityva (Tu kiTxva subieqts 

an romelime obieqts exeba) brunvaSi imarTvis ara mTavari winadadebis 

yofna zmniT, aramed damokidebuli winadadebis (ZiriTadi informaciis 

gadmomcemi) zmniT: 

19. mu-su re, Waruns ni? 

ra-mic. aris wers rom 

rasaa, rom wers? 

20. mi-qi re, morTu ni? 

vin-moTx. aris movida rom 

vinaa, rom movida? 

1 

rogorc Cans, megrulis gavleniT, sadac amgvari modeli kanonikuria (ix. qvemoT 

megrulSi gaTiSuli kiTxvebis analizi). 

66

es bolo magaliTebi migvaniSnebs, rom megrulis gaTiSul kiTxvebSi 

mTavari winadadebis S/O amovardnilia mTavari winadadebis morfosintaqsuri 

modelebidan da CarTulia daqvemdebarebuli winadadebis morfosintaqsur 

modelebSi, rac sxvadasxvagvarad SeiZleba aixsnas (SesaZlebeli 

axsnebisaTvis ix. harisi, 1993). am konstruqciis siRrmiseul analizSi 

SesaZloa dagvexmaros lazuris monacemebi. 

III. gaTiSuli kiTxvebi lazurSi 

lazurSi gaTiSuli konstruqciebis analizisas a. harisi (harisi 

1993) Semdeg interpretaciebs gvTavazobs: 

• megrulisagan gansxvavebiT, sadac es modeli ZiriTadad fokusis sintaqsur 

markirebas emsaxureba, lazurSi topikalizaciis gamomxatveli 

konstruqciaa; 1 

• megrulsa da, rogorc wesi, sxva enebSic sainformacio nakadSi dawinaurebuli 

wevri (resp. topiki) da yofna-zmna mTavar winadadebaSia 

warmodgenili, lazurSi ki specifikuri viTarebaa da gaTiSuli konstruqciis 

ZiriTadi maxasiaTeblebi: topiki da yofna-zmna _ damokidebulSi 

dasturdeba: 

21. maJura-fe na (r)en, va uWum-es. 

sxva-mravl.saxelobiTi rom arian, ar laparaki.warsuli-subieqti.3.mxol. 

sxvebi rom arian, (maT) ar ilaparakes. 

(rac Seexeba sxvebs, (maT) ar ilaparkes _ a. harisis Targmani) 

• megrulSi informaciulad dawinaurebuli saxeli, romelic mTavarSia 

ganTavsebuli, imarTvis ara mTavar winadadebaSi warmodgenili yofnazmniT, 

aramed damokidebuli winadadebis (ZiriTadi informaciis gadmomcemi) 

zmniT, lazurSi ki aseTi formaluri kavSiri dawinaurebul 

saxelsa da ZiriTad zmnas Soris ar dasturdeba _ informaciulad 

dawinaurebuli saxeli, romelic damokidebulSia ganTavsebuli formalur 

mimarTebebs amyarebs damokidebulSive mocemul yofna-zmnasTan. 

• megrulSi mimarTebis damamyarebeli kavSiri ni damokidebuli winadadebis 

zmnis momdevnod aris ganTavsebuli da, rogorc wesi, ketavs 

mTlianad winadadebas, lazurSi ki Sesabamisi na mosdevs topiks da 

win uswrebs yofna-zmnas; orive damokidebulSia da, amasTanave, damokidebuli 

winadadeba Cveulebriv uswrebs mTavars. 

a. harisi am naSromSi (harisi 1993) saerTod ar iZleva gaTiSuli 

kiTxvebis magaliTebs, romlebic xofurSi, megrulis msgavsad, gavrcelebulia 

(yovel SemTxvevaSi, Cveni informantebis monacemebiT): 

22. mi (r)en, na mulun? 

vin aris, rom modis? 

1 

ris gamoc, a.harisi amgvar konstruqciebs Targmnis topikisaTvis damaxasiaTebeli 

fraziT As for X… (mag., rac Seexeba gogos, is xvdeba biWs). 

67

23. mu (r)en, na Warums? 

ra aris, rom wers? 

24. so (r)en, na mulun? 

sad aris, rom modis? 

25. mundes (r)tu, ma moxtu? 

rodis iyo, rom movida? 

es konstruqciebi lazurSi, megrulis msgavsad, fokusis gamosayofad 

gamoiyeneba da erTaderTi sxvaoba morfosintaqsuri donisaa _ lazurSi 

fokusirebuli wevri imarTvis mTavarSi mocemuli yofna-zmniT da ara, 

megrulis msgavsad, damokidebulSi warmodgenili ZiriTadi zmniT. 

amgvarad, lazurSi SeiZleba gamoiyos ori tipis gaTiSuli konstruqciebi: 

erTi (a. harisis naSromSi ganxiluli) topikis formalizacias 

emsaxureba, meore ki fokusis markirebis modelia. es diskursulfunqciuri 

sxvaoba ganapirobebs, rogorc Cans, maT formalur gansxvavebulobebs: 

fokusi mTavarSia, misi foni ki (Zveli informacia) damokidebulSi. 

topikalizaciisas ki, piriqiT, topiki (gamokveTili wevri) damokidebulSia, 

xolo is informacia, romelsac masze movipovebT – mTavar- 

Si. es konstruqcia formalurad asaxavs im faqts, rom informaciulad 

Rirebulia ara mxolod Txrobis Temis dawinaureba da misi topikalizacia, 

aramed gansakuTrebiT is informacia, romelic gvatyobinebs, Tu ra 

SeemTxva topiks; am informacias ki gadmogvcems ZiriTadi zmna, romelic 

mTavar winadadebaSi struqturirdeba. 

lazurisa da megrulis gaTiSuli kiTxvebis SepirispirebiTi analizi 

gviCvenebs, rom lazuris kiTxviTi konstruqciebi gaTiSulobis ufro ma- 

Ral xarisxs gviCveneben, vidre megrulisa. lazurSi mTavari winadadeba 

iketeba morfosintaqsuri mimarTebebiT _ informaciulad dawinaurebuli 

wevri marTulia mTavarSi warmodgenili yofna-zmniT da yovelTvis saxelobiTSia 

maSin, rodesac megrulSi mTavari winadadeba struqturulad 

Riaa da masSi warmodgenili fokusi marTulia damokidebuli winadadebis 

zmniT: 

68 

megruli: 

mu-su re, Waruns ni? 

ra-mic. aris wers rom 

rasaa, rom wers? 

lazuri: 

mu (r)en, na Warums? 

ra.sax. aris rom wers 

ra aris, rom wers?

literatura 

asaTiani 1974: ir. asaTiani, Wanuri (lazuri) teqstebi, `mecniereba~, Tbilisi. 

asaTiani 2007: r. asaTiani, informaciis struqturirebis sintaqsuri modelebi 

qarTulSi, `semiotika-II~, WavWavaZis sax. universiteti, 7-29, ùniversali~, 


kartozia 1968: g. kartozia, masalebi lazuri zepirsityvierebisaTvis, qarTuli 

literaturis sakiTxebi, Tbilisi, 132-178. 

Ciqobava 1929: arn. Ciqobava, Wanuri teqstebi I: xofuri kilokavi, univerisiteti, 

tfilisi. 

givoni 1979: Givon T., From Discourse to Syntax: Grammar as Processing Strategy. 

Discourse and Syntax (Syntax and Semantics 12), ed. by Talmy Givon. Academic Press, 

New York, 81-112. 

lemani 1984: Lehmann Ch., Der Relativsatz, Guter Narr, Tubingen. 

harisi 1993: Harris A.C., Toward Universal Definition of Clefts: Problematic Clefts in 

Megrelian and Laz, Proceedings of the Second International Symposium in Kartvelian 

Studies, TSU Press. Tbilisi, 336-352. 

harisi 2000: Harris A.C., Megrelian. The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus. Vol. I. 

The Kartvelian Languages, ed. by Harris A.C., Caravan Books, Delmar&New York, 313- 

396. 

harisi-delisli 1978: Harris A., Delisle H., Contrastive Emphasis and Cleft Sentences, 

Universals of Human Language, vol. 4. ed. by Greenberg J. H., Stanford University 

Press, Stanford, 419-186. 

holiski 2000: Holisky D.A., Laz. The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus, Vol. I. 

The Kartvelian Languages, ed. by Harris A.C., Caravan Books, Delmar&New York, 397- 

472. 

Rusudan Asatiani 

Information Structures of a Sentence: Cleft Questions in Megrelian and Laz 

Summary 

The Kartvelian Languages (Megrelian and Laz) provide examples of interrogative 

constructions that can be qualified as “Cleft Constructions”. Cleft constructions play a 

specific role in discourse of those languages, and in that way include both the focus and the 

topic clefts; e.g. in Megrelian cleft questions introducing the focus are very common: 

(1) mušeni re meurki=ni? 

why be.PRS.S.3.SG S.2.go.PRS.SG-that 

‘Why is it that you are going?’ 

Structurally, this type of constructions seems to be in confirmation with the universal 

description of clefts (Harris 1993): 

• There are two clauses – (a) mušeni re and (b) meurki=ni; 

• The first clause contains the focused constituent – the question word mušeni; 

• The copula re is presented in the first clause as well; 

• The first clause is the superordinate clause; 

• The second clause is the subordinate one and has the structure of a relative clause 

with the clause final conjunction ni; 

69

• It is not expected to find a pronominal place holder comparable to English it, since 

Megrelian does not use one otherwise (Chikobava 1936). 

Harris (1988, 1993) has discussed only one type of cleft constructions in Laz, the one which 

developed from the relative clause construction, and which she dubs a ‘top-heavy cleft’ 

because the copula and the focused noun phrase are not in the superordinate clause as they 

are in English clefts, but in the subordinate clause that starts the whole sentence. The 

function of such constructions is to indicate a shift in topic or to introduce a new episode: 

(2) arteɣi k’ulani na yen, ka=gami-q’on-u amu-k. 

one.NOM girl.NOM that be.PRS-S.3.SG AFF-PR-bring-AOR.S.3.SG 3.SG-ERG 

‘As for the girl, he brought her out.’ 

Yet, there exists another type of clefts as well – cleft questions (similar to the Megrelian 

ones) that mark the focus: 

(3) mu (r)en, na č’ar-um-s? 

what-NOM be.PRS.S.3.SG that write-TM-S.3.SG 

‘What is it that s/he is writing?’ 

The structural difference between the Megrelian and the Laz cleft questions is that in 

Megrelian the focused constituent is governed by the verb presented in the subordinate 

(resp. the second) clause and the conjunction ni is at the end of the sentence closing the 

whole construction, while in Laz the case of the focused constituent is defined by the 

copula presented in the superordinate (resp. the first) clause and the conjunction na takes 

the first position in the subordinate (resp. the second) clause. 

70 

Megrelian: Laz: 

mu-su re, č’ar-un-s=ni? mu (r)en, na č’ar-um-s? 

what-DAT be.PRS.S.3 write-TM-S.3.SG=that what-NOM be.PRS.S.3.SG that write-TM-S.3.SG 

‘What is it that s/he is writing?’ ‘What is it that s/he is writing?’


irealisi Sumerul enaSi 

zurab baraTaSvili 

cocxali enebisgan gansxvavebiT, mkvdari enebis semantikuri interpretaciis 

dros xSirad Zneldeba ama Tu im morfemis mniSvnelobis dadgena, 

rac mkvlevrebs Soris azrTa sxvadasxvaobas iwvevs. Cveni mizania, ganvixiloT 

Sumeruli enis sufiqsuri {-d} morfemis semantika Tanamedrove 

Teoriuli enaTmecnierebis meTodebis gamoyenebiT da SeZlebisdagvarad 

davadginoT misi gramatikuli mniSvneloba. 

zmnuri modalurobis semantika sxvadasxvagvaria, rac arTulebs mis 

aRweras. Tumca modalurobis mniSvnelobebi SesaZlebelia daiyos or ZiriTad 

jgufad: molaparakis mimarTeba situaciasTan anu situaciis Sefaseba, 

da situaciis statusi realur samyarosTan mimarTebiT anu irealuroba 

(plungiani 2000:309). 

pirveli jgufi _ SefasebiTi mniSvnelobebi _ warmoaCens samyaros 

ara realur saxes, aramed mis subieqtur Sefasebas molaparakis mier 

(plungiani 2000:309). 

ganirCeva SefasebiTi mniSvnelobis ramdenime tipi. tipebis gamoyofa 

damokidebulia imaze, Tu situaciis romel parametrs afasebs molaparake, 

da ris mixedviT xdeba Sefaseba. 

irealurobis gramatikalizaciis Sedegad miiReba situaciis realurobis 

gramatikuli kategoria, romelic Seicavs or gramemas _ realissa 

da irealiss. realisi gamoxatavs situaciis kuTvnilebas realuri samyarosadmi, 

xolo irealisi _ ararealuri, hipoTezuri samyarosadmi. aRniSnuli 

kategoria sxva zmnur gramatikul kategoriebs or ZiriTad klasad 

yofs _ realurad da irealurad (urmanCieva 2004:28). 

enebSi zRvari realissa da irealiss Soris sxvadasxvagvaria: situaciis 

realurobis gramatikuli kategoriis maCveneblebi sityvaformis 

farglebSi sxvadasxvagvarad kombinirebs drois, aspeqtisa da kilos kategoriaTa 

maCveneblebTan. irealisis gramema erTsa da imave zmnur sityvaformaSi 

SeiZleba aformebdes irib kiloebs, aspeqtis kategoriis habitualisis 

gramemas, momavali drois mniSvnelobas, polarulobis kategoriis 

negatiur mniSvnelobas (urmanCieva 2004:47). habitualisisa da irealisis 

maCveneblebis Tanaarseboba dasturdeba enaTa mxolod mcire nawilSi, 

Tanac irealisi aformebs mxolod warsuli drois habitualiss 

rogorc araaqtualizebul situacias (kristofaro 2004:261). 

logikuri TvalsazrisiT, realisis gramema gamoxatavs realizebul 

movlenebs, situacias, romelic ganxorcielda warsulSi, an xorcieldeba 

Tu ganxorcieldeba momavalSi, xolo irealisis gramema _ movlenebs, 

romlebic ar ekuTvnian realur samyaros, situacias, romelic arc war- 

71

sulSi ganxorcielebula da arc axla xorcieldeba an ganxorcieldeba 

momavalSi (urmanCieva 2004:54). 

imis mixedviT, Tu rogor kombinireben realisisa da irealisis gramemebi 

drois, aspeqtisa Tu modalurobis sxvadasxva mniSvnelobebTan, gamoyofen 

enaTa komunikaciur-pragmatikul da logikur modelebs. am ori 

modelis mixedviT SesaZlebelia gamoiyos enaTa eqvsi tipi (urmanCieva 

2004): 

1. realisi ixmareba axlandel da warsul drosTan, xolo irealisi 

_ momavalTan: 

2. realisi ixmareba axlandel, warsul da gansazRvrul momaval 

drosTan, xolo irealisi _ ganusazRvrel momavalTan: 

3. realisi ixmareba axlandel da axlo warsul drosTan, xolo 

irealisi _ momaval da Soreul warsulTan da warsuli drois habitualisTan: 

72 

warsuli 

realisi 

realisi 

irealisi 

axlandeli 

momenti 

warsuli axlandeli 

momenti 

habitualisi 

Soreuli 

warsuli 

irealisi 

realisi 

irealisi 

warsuli 

axlandeli 

momenti 

Cveulebrivi 

momavali 

momavali 

gansazRvruli ganusazRvreli 

irealisi 

momavali

4. realisi ixmareba axlandel, axlo warsul da gansazRvrul momaval 

drosTan, xolo irealisi _ ganusazRvrel momavalTan, Soreul 

warsulTan da warsuli drois habitualisTan: 

irealisi 

warsuli 

axlandeli 

momavali 

habitualisi 

Soreuli 

momenti 

gansazRvruli 

Cveulebrivi 

ganusazRvreli 

5. realisi ixmareba warsulisa da axlandeli drois gramemebis mtkicebiT 

formebTan, xolo irealisi _ warsulis, axlandeli da momavali 

drois uaryofis gamomxatvel mniSvnelobebTan da momavali drois mtkicebiT 

formasTan: 

realisi 

irealisi irealisi 

warsuli axlandeli 

momenti 

6. realisi ixmareba nebismieri drois mtkicebiT formebTan, xolo 

irealisi _ uaryofiT formebTan: 

realisi 

irealisi 

realisi 

irealisi 

momavali 

afirmativi 

negativi 

afirmativi 

negativi 

73

iseT enebSi, sadac ar aris warmodgenili drois gramatikuli kategoria, 

iribi kiloebi SeiZleba ixmarebodes mxolod imperfeqtivis formasTan. 

aseTi sistema gvaqvs, magaliTad, saliteraturo arabul enaSi. 

mkvlevrebi miuTiTeben, Sumerul enaSi absoluturi dro ar aris 

gramatikalizebuli, amitom drois gadmocema xdeba aspeqtis (perfeqtivi 

da imperfeqtivi) gramatikuli kategoriis saSualebiT. 

martiv winadadebaSi perfeqtivis forma, rogorc wesi, gadmocems 

warsul dros: 

74 

lugal-le hi-li mu-dim2 

{lugal+e hili+Ø Ø-mu-n+dim+Ø-Ø} 

mefe+erg pariki+abs ind-or-3p:mx:sub+damzadeba+perf-3p:mx:ob 

`mefem (saritualo) pariki daamzada~, 

xolo imperfeqtivis forma _ arawarsuls: 

lugal-le hi-li ib2-dim2-me 

{lugal+e Ñili+Ø Ø-i-b+dim+e-Ø} 

mefe+erg pariki+abs ind-or-3p:mx:ob+damzadeba+imp-3p:mx:sub. 

`mefe (saritualo) pariks amzadebs (an: daamzadebs)~. 

swored amitom uwodeben meoce saukunis pirveli naxevris Sumerologebi 

perfeqtivis formas preterits, xolo imperfeqtivis formas _ 

prezens-futurums (a. poebeli, a. falkenStaini). 

Tumca Tu konteqstiT mocemulia dro, maSin perfeqtivis forma 

SeiZleba gadmocemdes moqmedebas, romelic moxdeba momavalSi, xolo imperfeqtivis 

forma _ moqmedebas, romelic moxda an xdeboda warsulSi: 

u4 im-šu2-šu2 igi im-la2-e ša3-ka-tab i3-zu-zu 

{u+Ø Ø-im+šušu+Ø igi+Ø 

dRe ind-or-dabneleba:imp-3p:mx:sub Tvali-abs 

Ø-im+la+e-Ø šakatab+Ø Ø-i+zuzu+Ø} 

ind-or-Semcireba-imp-3p:mx:sub SimSiloba-abs ind-dawyeba:imp-3p:mx:sub 

`dRe bneldeboda, mxedvelobis are mcirdeboda, SimSiloba iwyeboda~. 

rTul winadadebaSi perfeqtivis forma SeiZleba gadmocemdes taqsisis 

kategoriis uwinaresobis gramemas, xolo imperfeqtivis forma _ arauwinaresobis 

gramemas: 

uru u3-mu-niĝin2 ...uru e2-gal-la-ka i3-ĝin-e-en 

{uru+Ø u-mu-n+niŋin+Ø-Ø ... 

qalaqi+abs pros-or-3p:mx:s+Semortyma+perf-3p:mx:obO 

uru-egal+ak-a Ø-i+ŋin+e-en} 

qalaqi-sasaxle+gen-lok ind-or+Sesvla+imp-3p:mx:sub 

ìgi garsSemoertya qalaqs ... (da Semdeg) sasaxlis qalaqSi Sevida~.

mocemul winadadebaSi perfeqtivis forma (u3-mu-niĝin2) gamoxatavs 

uwinaresobis gramemas, xolo imperfeqtivis forma (i3-ĝin-e-en) _ arauwinaresobis 

gramemas (am konkretul SemTxvevaSi _ Semdgomobas). 

zogadad SeiZleba iTqvas, rom martiv winadadebaSi, Tu konteqstiT 

mocemuli ar aris absoluturi dro, perfeqtivis formiT gamoxatuli 

moqmedeba uwinaresia axlandel drosTan SedarebiT, xolo imperfeqtivis 

formiT gamoxatuli moqmedeba _ arauwinaresia, anu imperfeqtivis formiT 

gamoxatuli moqmedeba emTxveva sametyvelo aqts an mosdevs mas. 

rogorc magaliTebidan Cans, perfeqtivis forma SeiZleba gamoxatavdes 

momentobriv moqmedebas, xolo imperfeqtivis forma _ gangrZobiTs. 

aqedan gamomdinare, am formebs zogierTi mkvlevari uwodebs punqtivsa da 

durativs (Tomseni 1984:118), an _ punqtivsa da kursivs (diakonovi 

1979: 29). punqtivi gamoxatavs erTgzis dasrulebul moqmedebas, xolo 

kursivi _ gangrZobiT moqmedebas, an moqmedebas, romelic jer ar dawyebula 

(diakonovi 1979:30). 

Sumerul enaSi gamoyofen /-d/ sufiqss, romlis Sesaxeb sxvadasxva 

azria gamoTqmuli. tradiciuli analizis Tanaxmad, misi fonemuri Sedgenilobaa 

/ed/, magram m. iosikavam uCvena, rom /e/ fonema warmoadgens sxva 

afiqsis, imperfeqtivis /-e/ maCvenebels, xolo /-d/ SeiZleba gamoxatavdes 

prospeqtivs (relative Prospective aspect). aseTi analizis mixedviT, /-d/ 

sufiqsi daerTvis mxolod imperfeqtivis formas. es midgoma gansxvavdeba 

tradiciulisagan, romlis mixedviT, mocemuli sufiqsi SeiZleba orive 

tipis aspeqts ukavSirdebodes. 

rogorc fiqroben, /-d/ sufiqsi gamoxatavs or ZiriTad mniSvnelobas 

_ momaval drosa da modalurobas. modaluri mniSvnelobebidan gamoyofen 

SesaZleblobas, saWiroebas, valdebulebas (foqsvogi 2009:104). rogorc 

wesi, Tu mocemuli mniSvnelobebi enebSi gramatikalizebulia cal-calke, 

maSin maT gamoxatavs kilos gramatikuli kategoriis posibilitivisa da 

debitivis gramemebi. aseve umateben survilis, natvrisa da ganzraxvis 

mniSvnelobebs, radgan SumerulSi calke ar dasturdeba maTi gamomxatveli 

Zireuli morfemebi (kaneva 1996:100). 

zogierTi mecnieri fiqrobs, rom /-d/ sufiqsis pirveladi mniSvnelobaa 

momavali dro (d. edcardi), modalurobis gamoxatva ki meoreulia; 

xolo sxvebi fiqroben, rom pirveladia modalurobis gamoxatva (i. diakonovi), 

xolo momavali drois mniSvneloba modalurobisgan aris 

ganviTarebuli. 

aseve gamoTqmulia mosazrebebi, rom /-d/ sufiqsi SeiZleba gamoxatavdes 

uSualod winmswreb an momdevno moqmedebas (preactional and postactional 

occurrences; T. iakobseni). es mosazreba axlos dgas m. iosikavas mosazrebasTan, 

romlis Tanaxmad, aRniSnuli sufiqsi prospeqtiulobas gamoxatavs. 

Cveni azriT, Znelia am mosazrebaTa gaziareba, radgan SumerulSi 

prospeqtivis gramemas gamoxatavs {u-} prefiqsi (edcardi 2003:121). d. 

edcardi miiCnevs, rom /-d/ sufiqsis damatebiTi mniSvneloba aris inqoativi 

(anu ingresivi; ingressive Aktionsart). albaT, ufro sarwmunoa m. 

75

Tomsenis mosazreba, romlis Tanaxmad imperfeqtivi damatebiT SeiZleba 

gamoxatavdes inqoativsac (Tomseni 1984: 121). amasTan, igi SeniSnavs, rom 

mocemuli formis imperfeqtiuloba Tu duratiuloba damokidebulia 

mkvlevris subieqtur interpretaciaze (Tomseni 1984:120). 

/-d/ sufiqsi, rogorc wesi, ixmareba kilos kategoriis negatiur gramemebTan 

(/nu-/ _ negatiuri indikativi, /na-/ _ prohibitivi, /bara-/ _ 

negatiuri hortativi), aseve TxrobiT kilosTan da /Ñe-/ (hortativi) da 

/ša-/ (kontrapunqtivi) sufiqsiT gamoxatul gramemebTan, xolo /na-/ (dadasturebiTi), 

/ga-/ da /u-/ sufiqsebTan igi ar dasturdeba (kaneva 1996:100). 

76 

še Gi-zu-na ki -ta mu-tum2-da Nibru ki Ña-bi2-ib2-da-e. 

{še+Ø Gizuna+ta Ø-mu-n+tum+e-d-Ø-a 

marcvali+abs gizuna+abl ind-or-3p:mx:ob+motana+imp-ir-3p:mx:s-rel 

Nibru+Ø Ña-bi-b+da+e-Ø} 

nifuri-abs hort-or-3p:mx:ob-datoveba-imp-3p:mx:sub 

`marcvali, romelsac is gizunidan moitans (unda moitanos) nifurSi, 

dae, datovos~. 

Nam-egi-ni-dug3-e geme2 nu-u3-gi4-gi4-da mu-lugal-bi in-pad3. 

{nameginidug+e geme+Ø nu-i-n+gigi+d-Ø-a 

nameginidug+erg mona+abs neg.ind-or-3p:mx:ob+dabruneba:imp+ir-3p:mx:s-rel 

mu-lugal+bi i-n+pad+Ø-Ø} 

saxeli-mefe+gen or-3p:mx:sub+Zebna+perf-3p:mx:ob 

`nameginidugma daifica, (rom) monis (saqmes) ar daubrundeba~. 

dumu-Akal-la in-tag4-de3-en6 Geme2- d Kal-kal-la ba-ra-tuku-tuku. 

{dumu-akal+ak Ø-i-n+tag+e-d-en 

qaliSvili-aqala+gen ind-or-3p:mx:ob+gayra+imp-ir-2p:mx:s 

Gemekalkala(k)+Ø bara-n+tukutuku+Ø} 

gemeqalqala+abs neg.hort-3p:mx:ob+moyvana:imp+3p:mx:sub 

`(Tu) aqalas qaliSvils gaeyrebi, gemeqalqalas colad ver moiyvan~. 

a2-aĝ2-ĝa2 lugal-ĝa2-ke4 i3-gub-be2-en nu-tuš-u3-de3-en 

{ a-aŋ-ra (a’aŋa) lugal-ŋa-ak-e 

miTiTeba+dat mefe-Cemi+gen-erg 

Ø-i-b-gub-e-en nu-tuš-e-d-en} 

ind-or-3p:mx:ob+damorCileba+imp-1p:mx:sub neg.ind+dajdoma+imp-ir-1p:mx:sub 

`Cemi mefis miTiTebas vemorCilebi, me ar unda davjde~. 

ĝa2-e u4-ba ša-ba-gurum-e-de3-en 

{ ŋa+e u-bi-a ša-ba-n+gurum+e-d-en} 

me dRe+is-lok kontr-or-3p:mx:ob+dakvra+imp-ir-1p:mx:sub 

ìm dRes aucileblad davukrav Tavs mas~. 

imis safuZvelze, rom /-d/ sufiqsi gamoxatavs modalurobasac da momaval 

drosac, SegviZlia vifiqroT, rom mocemuli sufiqsi gamoxatavs

irealiss. SumerulSi gamoyofili situaciis realurobis kategoria 

ganekuTvneba zemoT gamoyofil meore tips, romelSic realisi ixmareba 

axlandel, warsul da gansazRvrul momaval drosTan, xolo irealisi _ 

ganusazRvrel momavlTan. 

safiqrebelia, rom Sumerul enaSi modalurobis ori ZiriTadi jgufi 

cal-calke morfologiur kategoriebad gramatikalizdeba: situaciis Sefaseba 

molaparakis mier erTi morfologiuri kategoriaa, xolo situaciis 

statusi realur samyarosTan mimarTebiT _ sxva morfologiuri 

kategoria. amgvarad, SumerulSi TxrobiTis, kohortativis, vetitivis, 

prekativis, prohibitivis, prospeqtivis gramemebi warmoadgenen kilos 

gramatikul kategorias (aRniSnul gramemebs gamoxatavs prefiqsuli morfemebi), 

xolo realisisa da irealisis gramemebi Sedian situaciis realurobis 

gramatikul kategoriaSi (irealiss gamoxatavs sufiqsuri {-d} 

morfema, xolo realiss _ sufiqsuri {-Ø} 1 morfema). 

ra Tqma unda, ver vityviT, rom {-d} sufiqsis semantika da funqciebi 

sabolood aris garkveuli. aucilebelia ufro meti magaliTis gaanalizeba, 

ramac SeiZleba gamoavlinos mocemuli sufiqsis aspeqtsa da dros- 

Tan Tanaxmarebis sxva SemTxvevebi da Secvalos misi (da saerTod situaciis 

realurobis kategoriis) realisisa da irealisis zemoganxiluli 

tipebisadmi mikuTvnebis sakiTxi. 

literatura 

diakonovi 1979: Дьяконов И.М., Шумерский язык, Языки Азии и Африки, 

Москва. 

edcardi 2003: Edzard D.O., Sumerian Grammar, Brill, Boston-Leiden 

Tomseni 1984: Thomsen M., The Sumerian Language: An introduction to its history and 

grammatical structure, Copenhagen. 

kaneva 1996: Канева И.Т., Шумерский язык, Санкт-Петербург. 

kristofaro 2004: Cristofaro S., Past Habituals and Irrealis, Исследования по теории 

грамматики III: ирреалис и ирреальность, Москва. 

plungiani 2000: Плунгян В.А., Общая морфология: введение в проблематику, 

Москва. 

urmanCieva 2004: Урманчиева А.Ю., Седьмое доказательство реальности ирреалиса. 

Исследования по теории грамматики III: ирреалис и ирреальность, Москва. 

foqsvogi 2009: Foxvog D.A., Introduction to Sumerian Grammar, University of 

California, Berkeley. 

haiesi 1997: Hayes J., Sumerian, München – Newcastle. 

1 CvenTvis misaRebia is mosazreba, romlis mixedviTac opoziciis aramarkirebuli 

wevri nulovani morfemiT gamoixateba (i. melCuki) 

77

Semoklebebi 

1p _ pirveli piri 

3p _ mesame piri 

mx _ mxolobiTi ricxvi 

sub _ subieqti 

ob _ obieqti 

imp _ imperfeqtivi 

perf _ perfeqtivi 

abs _ absolutivi 

gen _ genetivi 

erg _ ergativi 

abl _ ablativi 

Zurab Baratashvili 

78 

dat _ dativi 

ind _ indikativi 

lok _ lokativi 

neg.ind _ negatiuri indikativi 

hort _ hortativi 

neg.hort _ negatiuri hortativi 

prosp _ prospeqtivi 

kontr _ kontrapunqtivi 

or _ orientacia 

ir _ irealisi 

rel _ relativaizeri 

Irrealis in the Sumerian Language 

Summary 

The article concerns the grammatical meaning and function of the Sumerian suffixal 

morpheme {-d}. There are various opinions about the given suffix. Some scholars think 

that its main function is to express the future time, and the secondary _ modal meanings 

(D. Edzard). Others think that the primary meaning is modality, and the secondary _ the 

future tense (I. Diakonoff). Yet, others think it expresses wish, desire and intention (I. 

Kaneva). 

Because the suffixal morpheme {-d} expresses the future tense and modal meanings, we 

can think that it represents the grammeme of the irrealis of the grammatical category of 

situational reality. In this case, there will be represented the grammatical category of 

situational reality consisting of two grammemes _ realis (expressed by {-Ø} suffixal 

morpheme) and irrealis (expressed by {-d} suffixal morpheme) in the Sumerian language. 

The article also deals with the general theory of the irrealis according to which the 

grammemes of the realis and irrealis divide all the verbal grammatical categories into two 

classes _ real and unreal. Languages are grouped according to the combination of various 

meanings of the tense, aspect and modality with the grammeme of the irrealis, which makes 

up six types of languages. 

On the basis of the discussed examples, the Sumerian language can belong to such type of 

languages in which irrealis is used only with the indefinite future tense. Though other 

occurrences and examples might be discovered, where {-d} suffix will be used not only 

with the indefinite future. In this case, the Sumerian language will be located in another 

type of languages.


SHEMIRAN DIALECT GROUP 

Habib Borjian 

A blurry region in the dialectology of Iran is the central Alborz, an extensive area 

bounded by the Caspian littoral in the north and the plain of Tehran in the south. 

While some linguistic data on the northern valleys of central Alborz (namely those 

of the Kojur and Nur river valleys) that clearly defines them as varieties of 

Māzandarāni has been available for some time, the data on the Jājrud valley, 

immediately north of Tehran across the Towchāl range, and on Shemirān, now 

within the municipal boundaries of the capital, have only been published recently. 

This development has persuaded this author to undertake an extensive study of 

these districts, resulting in the present paper (among others), which attempts to 

cover Shemirān, the southernmost district of central Alborz. I dedicate this paper as 

homage to the festschrift of Professor Jemshid Giunashvili, whose scholarly 

contribution to the field of Iranian linguistics cannot be overemphasized. When he 

was being raised and educated in Tehran, the dialects in question had not entirely 

died out as they are today, and Professor Giunashvili probably remembers villagers 

of Shemirān speaking in vernaculars hardly intelligible to city dwellers. 

The linguistic situation of Shemirān caught the attention of scholars as early as the 

nineteen century. The Russian orientalist Valentin Zhukovskij, who visited Persia 

in 1883, states: 

Moshir al-Dowla told me that the old inhabitants of Tehran still 

spoke the old language and dialect of Rey. I found that in 

Shemirān there is a group that still speaks a language that is not 

understood by the citizens of Tehran. Even Sheikh Mohammad 

Hasan, my teacher of Persian in Tehran, said that the people 

around Tehran speak the dehāti [“rural”] language. 1 

There are three major sources for the dialects of Shemirān. In his monumental 

work on the dialectology of Persia, Valentin Zhukovskij compiled a chapter on the 

dialect of Tajrish, the central village of Shemirān. 2 Collected in the mid-1880s, this 

consists of several texts in Russian transcription and a glossary. The other two 

sources are recent, and were collected after the dialects had already gone extinct, 

from aged informants who no longer used their native tongue in everyday speech. 

One source is an article, also on Tajrishi, 3 but quite limited compared with 

Zhukovskij’s texts. This other is a book on the dialects of the Jājrud valley and 

1 

V. A. Zhukovskij, Materialy dlja izučenija persidskix’ narečij, vol. 1, St. Petersburg, 1888, p. ix. 

2 

V. A. Zhukovskij, Materialy dlja izučenija persidskix’ narečij, vol. 2, Petrograd, 1922, pp. 

395-432. 

3 

Ḥ. Sāme‛i, “Guyeš-e tajriši,” Majalla-ye zabānšenāsi 19/2, 2005, pp. 27-36. 

79

Shemirān. 1 Its chapter on Shemirān 2 covers sixteen localities, including Tajrish, 

from each of which several sentences are listed. As the Persian translations do not 

often match with the dialect data, much of the interpretation of the dialect material 

in this collection requires a great deal of guesswork. Moreover, questionable data is 

a constant cause of concern in this work; for instance, the use of the locative verb 

(see §3.5, below). Unfortunately, its supplemented glossary 3 is of no use because it 

glosses together lexemes of non-cognate nature from various places, in both 

Shemirān and the Jājrud basin, without specifying their provenance. Nevertheless, 

the book is of extreme helpfulness in providing unique linguistic material from a 

region that would otherwise be obscure in comparative dialectology. 

The localities of Shemirān on which linguistic data is available form a relatively 

even distribution across Shemirān district. Beginning from the northwest, there 

were Rendān, Sulqān, Keshār-e Pāyin, and Kan, all within the rural district of Kan 

and Sulqān, which was formed along the southerly flowing Sulqān stream and 

located to the east of what used to be Shemirān proper. Further southeast, Ṭarasht 

rural district consisted of the settlements Ṭarasht and Ḥeṣārak. 4 Within Shemirān 

proper, in the west were Fara(ḥ)zād and Evin, and in the center was Tajrish and 

Emāmzāda Qāsem, with Pas-qal‛a-ye Darband in the extreme north. Farther east 

were Jamārān, Jamālābād, Niāvarān, and Kāshānak. All these fifteen settlements 

fell within the Greater Shemirān, or Shemirānāt, if not strictly within the 

administrative borders of Shemirān proper. 5 A list of settlements included in this 

study, their population in the 1940s, when the dialects were still extant, and their 

abbreviations as used in this study can be found in Table 1. 

Most of these toponyms are still in use, though they no longer demarcate distinct 

villages but rather northern neighborhoods of Tehran. They have been subjected in 

the last few decades to an intensive wave of building construction and a huge influx 

of population. The original speech communities of Shemirān have been melted down 

into-or are rather completely overlaid with _ the new urban pattern, particularly in 

the last three decades. The residents of the new neighborhoods are generally unaware 

of the dialects which were spoken there one or two generations ago. 

The present study is meant to complement the more comprehensive one on the 

dialect of Tajrish, 6 on which a fair amount of data is available, as explained above. 

1 

G. Deyhim, Xorda-guyešhā-ye manṭaqa-ye Qaṣrān ba enżemām-e vāžanāma-ye qaṣrāni, 

Tehran, 2005. 

2 

Idem, pp. 104-124. 

3 

Idem, pp. 135-235. 

4 

See the map of Tehran and its suburbs in M. Keyhān, Joghrāfiā-ye mofaṣṣal-e Irān, vol. 2, 

Tehran, 1921; the supplementary map in Ḥ. Karimān, Qaṣrān, 2 vols., Tehran, 2006. See also 

Gh. Mosāhab, Dāyerat-al-Ma`āref-e fārsi, s.v. “Shemirānāt,” vol. 2, p. 1496. 

5 

Dulāb however is an old quarter of Tehran, not Shemirān, and its presence among the data in 

Deyhim is unexplainable. See also §3.5 for the suspicious use of the locative verb in Dulābi. 

6 

H. Borjian, The extinct dialect of Tajrish: Caspian or Persian?, Journal of Persianate Studies 

4/2, 2011, pp. 246-271. 

80

The Tajrishi materials incorporated here are therefore kept to a minimal quantity. 

Zhukovskij’s data on Tajrishi can be distinguished easily by its particular 

transcription with the stress marks it carries. The transcription of the data from 

Deyhim has been altered slightly to avoid diagraphs such as t∫, instead of the more 

familiar š. Moreover, I have cited all usable material on the Shemirāni dialects 

other than Tajrishi, regardless of their redundancy, as the total amount of the 

available material is still scant. Only the features that distinguish the dialects from 

standard Persian are discussed here, and a thrust is made to show their degree of 

closeness to the Māzandarāni language group. 

Table 1 

The localities and their population (1940s) 

Abbreviation Name Population 1 

Dul. Dulāb - 

EQ Emāmzāda Qāsem 1,110 

Evi. Evin 840 

Far. Faraḥzād 1,200 

Hes. Ḥeṣārak - 

Jml. Jamālābād - 

Jmr. Jamārān 740 

Kan. Kan 3,500 

Kāš. Kāshānak 320 

Kšr. Keshār-e Pāyin 200 

Niā. Niāvarān 670 

PQ Pas-qal‛a-ye Darband 250 

Ren. Rendān 210 

Sul. Sulaqān 1,400 

Taj. Tajrish 10,000 

Tar. Ṭarasht 1,460 

§1. PHONOLOGY. The fronted vowels ü and ö in Tajrishi are not reflected in 

Deyhim’s collection. The latter however has the following feature, which is absent 

in Zhukovskij’s data. The plosives are voiced in the consonantal clusters, i.e. the 

original West Iranian ft, xt, št, sp, šk are altered quite systematically to fd, xd, šd, 

sb, šg, respectively, 2 while the old st has yielded sd, or, more frequently, ss. The 

following words demonstrate this trait: EQ deraxd “tree”, befdâ “it fell”,bešgesse 

“broken”; Evi. dorošd “full-size”, minvišdim “we would write”; Far. dâšd “it had”; 

Hes. menevešdim “we would write”, pusd “skin”; Jml. gofd- “said”; Jmr. mendâxd 

“he would throw”; Kāš. miofdân “they would fall”; Kšr. deraxd “tree”, vaxdi 

1 Ḥ.-‛A. Razmārā, Farhang-e Joghrāfiā’i-e Irān, vol. 1, Ostān-e Markazi, Tehran, 1949. 

2 This feature is documented only sporadically in the few short texts available to me on the 

Persian variety of Tehran. See A. Christensen, Contribution à la dialectologie iranienne, vol. 

2, Copenhagen, 1935, pp. 295-298. As for the Persian variety of Isfahan, my own notes show 

that a voicing similar to that of Shemirāni is characteristic. But this point is missed in L. P. 

Smirnova, Isfaxanskij govor (Moscow, 1978), save for šk > šg (p. 17). 

81

“when”, ofdâ- “fall”, dâšd “it had”, megzešd “it was passing”, bakošdian “they 

killed”, dakâšde “sowed”, xošg “dry”, gusband “sheep”; Niā. raxd “clothes”, 

esdekân “cup”; PQ gofdeš “he said”; Ren. xofdan “they slept”, zemesdon “winter”, 

gusband “sheep”; Sul. bagofd “he said”; Taj. mefde “it is falling”, dâšd- “have”, 

begzešd “it passed”; Tar. Darašd “Ṭarasht”, damkâšdim “we would sow”. 

§2. NOUN PHRASE 

§2.1. The use of the eżāfa marker -e shows a substantial variation depending on the 

speaker and the subject of the speech in most of the data from various localities. 

Therefore, as I have discussed in my study of Tajrishi, one may tend to assume that 

for this syntactic feature Shemirān is positioned aptly, true to its geographical 

location, between Persian and Caspian. While Persian uses its eżāfa marker -e 

inherited from the Middle Persian -ī, and Māzandarāni uses its own “reverse eżāfalike” 

connector, the dialects of Shemirān probably used neither in their 

uncontaminated forms. For example, Tajrishi mu ser “head’s hair” corresponded to 

Pers. mu-ye sar and Māz. sər-e mi. 

§2.2. Direct and indirect objects are marked by the postposition-re/-ro, which is 

normally reduced to a single vowel after consonants. As in the Persian varieties of 

Tehran and elsewhere, the marker may be repeated, e.g. EQ go-re dombeš-o 

bekand “he pulled off the tail of the cow”. The examples with the postposition 

marking the indirect objects follow. 

Evi. mâ-ro dars hâmdâ “he would teach us" 

Evi. ye sar-š-o (instrumental) xatt-e dorošd minvišdim “with one end we would 

write calligraphy” 

Hes. madrasa bašuan-mun-e bagam “I should say about our going to school" 

Jmr. mixâm bašam guhâ-re xorâk hâdam “I want to go feed the cows" 

Ren. gusband-e kâh hamdân “they would give fodder to the sheep" 

Ren. pesarhâ-re mege “he would say to the boys" 

Taj. ūn püsérrō báge “that he tell the boy" 

Taj. ūÏrū pūÏli siyōÏh hōÏmdan (i.e. u-ro...) “they are giving him copper coins" 

Taj. her dútō zénū hōÏde “give [it] to both women” 

§2.3. Personal and demonstrative pronouns are Persian, but note the following 

peculiarities. 

(1) EQ inâhân, Jmr. unâhân “they.” 

(2) Demonstratives are also expressed by i and u: EQ i yâlak kuje dare? “where is 

the child?”; Hes. ru u halabiâ menevešdim “we used to write on those tin plates”; 

Kšr. u-r bazam “I hit him.” 1 Note that the differentiation Tajrishi possibly makes 

1 See Borjian, “The extinct dialect of Tajrish,” op. cit. no. 2.4.3. 

82

etween the third singular personal pronoun u and the demonstrative pronoun/adjective 

un 1 is not supported by the material from the neighboring dialects. 

(3) The form ina, for which the position of stress is unknown, is employed not only 

as direct object (in Ren. ina hey mekene “ (he) digs this repeatedly") but also as 

subject: 2 

Hes. ina daftare mâ bu “this was our notebook" 

Dul. ina bičâre dare 3 “he is desperate" 

Sul. ina pulaki bo “he was venal" 

Dul. ina íâle ki dare “whose is this child?” 

Dul. iniâl nejib dare “this child is noble” 

(4) The enclitics are used regularly to denote possessive pronouns, e.g. Jmr. xone 

bozorg-tar-šon “the house of their elder”. The third person plural may designate a 

group of relatives in Tajrishi. The third person singular, used as the ending in PQ 

goft-eš “he said”, is probably a borrowing from Tehrani Persian. 

§2.4. Prepositions. A notable deviation from Persian is the preposition mon “in”, 

corresponding to the Māzandarāni postposition -mion. But as an alternative some 

speakers have used tu, possibly a loanword from Tehrani Persian. Examples are: 

Evi. mon un sarmâ... mimum “we used to come in that chill" 

Jml.maqâza-ro dambendom o merim mon xune “we shut the store and go home“ 

(lit. "into the house") 

Taj. nanjun-am mon ye bâq yâl bezâ’i “my grandmother gave birth to a child in a 

garden" 

Kan. mon xiâbunâ “on the streets" 

EQ a mon-e eyvun befdâ pâ’in “he fell down from (the middle of) the porch" 

Ren. čârtâ boz šekâr to-ye barf xofdan “four wild goats are sleeping in the snow" 

Kāš. tu masjed “in the mosque”. 

A preposition shared with Tehrani is vâs(e) “for”, which corresponds with the 

Māzandarāni postposition -vəsse: 

Far. mixâm vâs pesar-am arusi konam “I want to arrange marriage for my son" 

PQ balg-e kefâlad vâse-mun hâgid “he obtained for us an exemption certificate" 

Taj. vâs man tarif mikerd “he would relate [it] for me" 

Jml. ye či sar suqât vâse in yâlâ biurdam “I brought something as souvenir for 

these children”. 

1 Idem, 2.4.1. 

2 See also idem, 2.4.2. 

3 For the use of the locative verb, see §3.5. 

83

Note also min “in the middle“ and a “from”: Kan. šam min-eš davu “there was a 

candle in [its] middle”; Jmr. a- llâ-yedar “from the opening of the door”. 

§3. VERB PHRASE 

§3.1.Preverbs. The nineteenth-century materials collected by Zhukovskij reveals a 

much richer preverb repertoire (e.g. Taj. vâ-xur- “drink") than the more recent data. 

Based on the latter the most common preverbs are hâ- and da-. 1 Hâ- is sometimes 

weakened to â- and may even be overlaid by the durative or negative prefixes or 

vanish in compound verbs. Examples: 2 

da-bend-: -bass- 3 “tie; close”: Jml. dambendim "we close”, EQ dabas "he tied”, 

Tar. davessim “we tied" 

da-kâr-: -kâšd- “sow”: Tar. damkâšdim “we would sow”, Kšr. dakâšde “he planted" 

hâ-gir: -(g)id- “seize”: PQ hâgid “he took”; Hes. hâytan “they took”, miytim (no 

preverb) “we would pick up”; Ren. hâgir “get!”; Sul. hâmgiri “you take”, hâytan 

“they took”, beytan “they seized”; Evi. nun migitim “we would buy bread”; Jmr. 

nun-e zir polto-š migid “he would take the bread under his overcoat”; Sul. beyta 

bon “they had seized" 

hâ-d-: -dâ- “give”: Jmr. hâdam “that I give”, hâdâ “he gave”; Evi., Jmr. hâmdâ 

“he would give”; Hes. hâmdâ “she would give”, dars medân “they would teach”; 

Ren. hâdam “that I give”, hâmdân “they would give”; PQ âdan “that they give”, 

âdân “they gave”; Sul. hâdân “they gave”, nešun badâ “he showed”, hânamdan 

“they don’t give”; Tar. hâmdam “I give”, hânemdam “I don’t give”, hâdâ “he 

gave”; Far. hâmedâ “he would give”; Kaš. hânadan “that they give not”, ejâza 

namedâ “he wouldn’t permit”; Niā. âdâm “I gave”, hâdâ “he gave”; Ren. boruj 

nedin (= Pers. boruz nadehid) “reveal not!" 

§3.2. Prefixes. Modal prefixes are the perfective ba- and durative me-, the vowel of 

each of which may vary with the phonological environment and the locality. ba- is 

used in the imperative and subjunctive, but contrary to Persian, it also marks the 

preterit, as in EQ bavord “it went”, Hes. baxundim “we read”; the past participle, 

as Taj. bengessa “thrown“ (see also §3.7); and the infinitive, as Niā. baxunessan 

“to read”; but it may drop in compound verbs: EQ ferâr kedan “they ran away”, 

Sul. xâli kedan “they emptied”, Tar. dir kedan “they are late.“ The durative prefix 

specifies the present indicative and the imperfect, as in Persian: Dul. me/mi-g-e “he 

says”, Ren. m-enjen-an “they chop”, Jmr. me-ked-an “they would do”. 

The negative is prefixed before the durative particle: Kāš. na-me-ness-an “they 

wouldn’t sit”, hâ-na-dan “that they give not”, Tar. hâ-ne-m-dam “I don’t give”. 

1 

There is also Pers. darin Evi. sedâ-tun dar-niâ! “don’t you utter a word!”; sedâ-mun-am darmiâmo 

“if our voice would come out.” 

2 

See also the verbs “be” and “become” (§§3.5, 3.6). 

3 

A colon symbol (:) separates the present and past stems. 

84

§3.3. Personal endings. There is only a single set of personal ending for all tenses, 

the form of which depends on the terminal sound of the stem (Table 2). In this 

regards therefore Shemirāni dialects are different from those of Māzandarāni, 

which normally have three sets of personal endings. 

Table 2 

Personal Endings 

post-consonantal postvocalic 

Sg. 1 -am -(a)m 

2 -i -(e)y 

3 -e (pres.), zero (past) 

Pl. 1 -im -(e)ym 

2 -in -(e)yn 

3 -an -(a)n 

Examples: “come”: Evi. mi-(â/e)mu-m “we would come”, dar-mi-âmo-ø “it would 

come out”; PQ bi-âmo-n/biâmun “they came”; Jml. bi-âmo-y “you came”; Hes. miâmo-ym 

“we would come”; Ren.miâ-ø “he comes”, mi-â-n “they come”, mi-âmo-n 

“they would come”; Tar. bi-mo-y, bi-âme-y “you came”; Kšr. mi-â-ø “he comes”, 

bi-â-ø “that he come”; Kāš. mi-omu-n “they would come”; Niā. bi-âmo-n “they 

came”; Kan. miân “they come”,biâmo/u “he came“ _ “eat”: Sul. be-xeri-eym “we 

bought”; Evi. ye dune qalam mâ me-xeri-eym sannâr “we would buy a pen for 

sannār”; Niā. me-xeri-am “I would buy"_“give”: Niā. â-dâ-m “I gave”; Kāš. 

râmiofdâ-n “they set out” _ “go”: Evi. mi-šu-ym “we would go”,; PQ ba/na-šu-ym 

“we went/not”,; Jml. ba-šu-m “I went”; Hes. mi-š i -im “we would go”,ba-šu-an “to 

go”; Kāš. (na-)me-šu-n “they would (not) go”; Niā. ba-šo-m “I went”; Ren. me-šuø 

“it becomes” (see §3.6.3); Far. bašoe “has gone”; Kan. mi-šu-n “they would go” 

_ “hit”: Tar. mi-zi-eym “we would hit”; Kšr. ba-z i -am “I hit”; Kan. mi-zi-an “they 

hit”,bazia bu “he had hit” _ “kill”: Kšr. ba-košd-i-an (-i- ?) “they killed” _ “see”: 

Sul. be-di-eym “we saw”; Jml. ba/ne-diam “I saw/not”, mediam “I would see”; 

Kšr. be-di-am “I saw”. 

§3.4. Tenses. There are five simple forms: imperative, present indicative, present 

subjunctive, preterit, and imperfect; the present perfect appears to exist only in the 

third person singular (§3.4.3). Of the periphrastic tenses, only the pluperfect is 

cited. The progressive formation reported by Sāme‛i for Tajrishi 1 has no 

occurrence the materials of Zhukovskij or Deyhim, except Kan dâšdam nâhâr 

moxordam “I was eating lunch.” 

§3.4.1. The imperative is formed similar to both Persian and Māzandarāni, e.g. Kan 

bešo “go!” However, we come across an unexpected form with the durative me-: 

Kan pey harf-e bâbâ-t mišu “follow your father’s advice”. Similar forms exist 

1 See Borjian, “The extinct dialect of Tajrish,” op. cit., 3.5.4. 

85

occasionally in formal Persian, e.g. in the proverb to niki mikon o dar Dejla andāz! 

“Do good and through [bread] into the Tigris!” and in this famous verse of Iraj 

Mirzā: mibāš ba ‛omr-e x w od saḥar-xiz “be an early riser all your life!” 

§3.4.2. The formations on the past stem distinct themselves from Persian in that 

they incorporate the ba- (except for the imperfect), e.g. the preterit forms: EQ iâlâ 

beytan bavordan baxordan “the children carried [it] away and ate [it]”. 

§3.4.3. The present perfect. When the data is unambiguous, we find the following 

occurrences, with the present perfect formed with the past participle (§3.7): 

EQ pišni-š baxord be deraxd bešgesse “his forehead hit the tree; it broke/is broken” 

Kšr. ye deraxd čenâr inje dakâšde “he has planted here a plain tree” 

Far. emruz tašrifât bašoe bâlâ “today lavishness has gone up”. 

This supports Sāme‛i’s statement to the effect that the present perfect existed in 

Tajrishi only for the third person singular. For persons other than the third singular, 

we find the preterit is employed when the present perfect is expected, which means 

that the present perfect merges with the preterit, a distinctive characteristics of 

Māzandarāni. These are the relevant occurrences: 

Ren. bâbâ-šun miâ gusbandhâ-re sar bezane, bedi čârtâ boz šekâr to-ye barf 

xofdan 1 “when their father comes to see the sheep, he saw that four wild goats were 

sleeping in the snow” 

Tar. čan sâl-e bimoy 2 Darašd? “how many years have you been in Ṭarasht?” 

§3.4.4. The pluperfect is formed by the past participle (§3.7) followed by the past 

forms of the substantive verb (§3.5). Examples: 

Kan. bašia bo “he had gone” 

Kšr. bašia bun šekâr bezia bun“they had gone and had shot prey” 

Sul. baša boym “we had gone” 

Niā. baxorda bo “it had come across” (lit. “had eaten”) 

Kan. sar-š-am gel bezia bu “he had rather put mud on his head” 

Kāš. nessa bun “they were sitting” 

Sul. nessa bu “he was sitting” 

Sul. Engelisiâ berixda bon Te:run-o beyta bon “the English had poured [in] and 

had seized Tehran”. 

§3.5. “Be” consists of two verbs, the substantive and the locative. The copula has 

the present stem zero and the past stem bu-, e.g. bu/bo “it was”,bun “they were.” A 

negative form appears in Kāš. al’ân dige ne “now it is not [as such] any longer.” 

1 But the position of the stress is unknown; cf. Tehrani Persian xâbídan “they slept” ~ xâbidán 

“they have slept”; formal Pers. xóftand “they slept” xoftáand “they have slept.” 

2 Note that the form biâmey “you came” is also used in the material from Ṭarasht. 

86

The locative or existential verb incorporates the preverb da(r)- and the past stem 

vo-/vu- (cf. Taj. bu- in Zhukovskij), as shown in the following occurrences: 

EQ i yâlak kuje dare? “where is this child?” 

Taj. ketâb koje dare? “where is the book?” 

Dul. šab koja davoy? “where were you at night?” 

Tar. dišo koje davoy? “where were you last night?” 

Sul. ye nafar... injâ davo “there was a person here” 

Sul. ye nafar Kendi davo “there was an inhabitant of Kan(d)” 

Evi. ye Âqâ Seyyed-i davo “there was a [certain] Aqa Sayyed” 

Kan. šam min-eš davu “there was a candle in its middle” 

Kāš. un-vaxdâ xeyr o barkat davu “in those days there was decency and blessing”. 

The use of the locative verb should be treated with caution in the rest of 

occurrences: EQ taxsir-e man denabo “it was not my fault”; Dul. ina íâle ki dare 

“whose is this child?”; in iâl nejib dare “this child is polite”; če xabar davo? “what 

was new?”; bad denie “ [he] is not bad [in character]”; hame či-šun ruberâ dare 

“they are fine in every way.” All these sentences call for the copula instead of 

locative. Four out of five sentences are from the same speaker from Dulab, 

implying that the speaker could barely recall the lost speech of his parents. A 

“hypercorrection” of the substantive for the locative may also come from the 

collectors of the dialects. 

§3.6. “Become” is expressed principally by gedian, corresponding to Pers. 

gardidan, and the stems gin-, girt-, and gal- in Central Dialects. There are however 

two more roots that convey the same meaning: Māz. bavoan and Pers. šodan. 

Existence of three distinct roots to express this verb of high frequency attests once 

again to an isoglossal overlap situation in Shemirān. Interestingly, the roots may 

co-occur: Kšr. un češma xošg âvu... o-eš râ’i migede... o-eš râ’i bavu “that source 

ran dry... its water will flow... its water gushed.” Here are all occurrences: 1 

(1) gedian 

Kšr. sangin gede “that it get heavy” 

Evi. xafa gerdin “shut up!” 

Kšr. o-eš râ’i migede "its water will flow “ 

Kāš. kas-i... jam namgede “nobody gets together” 

Kan. agar amsâl vašand kone, hâsel-mun xob megede “if it precipitates this year, 

our crop will turn fine” 

Jmr. šo/pâyiz ke megedi “when it became night/autumn” 

Kāš. Moharram migidi “it would become Moḥarram” 

Taj. mariz/xob megedian “they would get sick/well” 

Jmr. har šo jam migedian “every night they used to gather” 

1 Mor More examples on Tajrishi can be found in Borjian, “The extinct dialect of Tajrish,” op. cit. 

87

Kāš. vâred migedian “they would enter” 

Kāš. baččehâ jam migidian “the children used to gather” 

(2) bavoan 

Kšr. un češma xošg âvu 1 “that source got dry” 

Kšr. o-eš râ’i bavu “its water flowed” 

Kan. avaz bavo “it was changed” 

Niā. xurd bavum “I was crashed” 

(3) šodan 

Jml. qorub ke meše “when the night falls” 

Niā. bolan mišim “we get up” 

Ren. nezdik-e Hut mešu “it is getting close to [the month of] Ḥut (Pisces)” 

Dul. nomâz-e sob-eš emru qezâšod “his morning prayer was delayed today”. 

§3.7. The past participle (p. p.), formed by ba-/preverb + the past stem + -a, is used 

in the pluperfect (§3.4.4); in the available data only the verb “sit” takes the prefix: 

Kan. bašia “gone”, bezia “hit”, Kāš. nessa “sat”, Kšr. bašia “gone”, Niā. baxorda 

“eaten”, Sul. baša gone”, berixda “poured, nessa “sat.” However, we find that in 

the present perfect (§3.4.3) the suffixed vowel is -e: EQ bešgesse “has broken”, 

Kšr. dakâšde “has sown”, Far. bašoe “gone”; this implies that the suffix here might 

be the third person singular ending, but more data is needed to support this 

conjecture. 

§3.8. Modals are no different from those in standard Persian. e.g. Jmr. bâyad hâde 

“he must give.” Worth mentioning is the absence of Tehrani gâs/gâhâs (= Pers. 

šāyad) “maybe”, bâs/bâhâs (Pers. bāyad, bāyest) “must”. 

§4. LEXIS. The new data add little to the vocabulary already known for Tajrishi. An 

idiosyncratic word in Shemirāni is yâl/iâl “child.” Note also Kan. vašand 

“precipitation”, mardun “people”, pereyru “day before yesterday”; Sul. gusi (Pers. 

gosil) “send(ing)”, girya “cry” (cf. Caspian bərma), and the adverbs darvâ 

“outside” and bas “often”: 

Ren. dar-e vâ mikone, darvâ miâno mezanan be kuh “he opens the door, they come 

out and hit the mountain” 

Taj. xudōÏ dervōÏ nisté “God is sitting outside” 

Evi. mâ bas xod-mun mišuym hizum miârdim “we would often go ourselves and 

would bring firewood”. 

§4.1. Verb stems show these idiosyncratic forms: 

enjen- “chop”: 2 Ren. kâh benjenin “chop the hay!” menjenan “they chop” 

1 -â can be the preverb hâ- shortened (§3.1). 

2 Cf. Tehrani Pers. enje-enje “chopped.” 

88

in- “see”: Ren. mine “he sees”; Taj. béinam “that I see”, mīÏnī “you see”, etc. 

nüs-: nüšt-/nvišd “write”: Taj. bénüs “write!” bénüštam “I wrote”; Evi. minvišdim 

“we would write” 

šin-: ness-/šind- “sit”: Taj. mīÏšīne “he sits”, báness “he sat”, ménessam “I would 

sit”, mišind “he would sit”, nesté/banessa (p. p.); Jmr. menessan “they would sit”; 

Kāš. namenessan “they wouldn’t sit”, nessa bun “they had sat, they were sitting”; 

Sul. injâ nessa bo “he had taken residence here” 

šušd- “wash”: Kan. nešušd “she didn’t wash” 

xon-: xund-/xuness- “read”: Hes. baxundim “we read”; Taj. baxondim “id.”, mo/mixund 

“he would read”; Niā. baxunessan “to read” (the only occurrence of the 

Māzandarāni form with the secondary past-stem formant -ess-) 

âr-: ârd-/urd “bring”: EQ biâr “bring!”; Hes. miârdim “we would bring”; Jml. 

biurdam “I brought” 

“Go” has the past stem šu- or the form with ši-, in which the back vowel is fronted: 

EQ, Evi., Jml., PQ, Taj. šu-; Kan., Kāš. šu-/šo-; Far., Jmr., Niā. šo-; Hes. šu-/ši-; 

Kšr. ši-; Sul.? (bašabom “I had gone”). Most of the dialects have the present stem 

š-, e.g. EQ bešu “go!” mišuan “they would go.” Tarashti and Dulābi have the past 

stem raft-: Dul. baraftam “I went”, Tar. mirafdim “we would go.” Jamālābādi is 

mixed, with present stem r-, as in Tehrani Persian, and past stem šu-: mere “it 

goes”, merim “we go”, bašum “I went”. 

CONCLUSIONS 

The extinct vernaculars of Shemirān shared with those of the Jājrud valley to their 

northeast certain idiosyncratic features at the lexical level. In morphological 

categories, however, Shemirāni was close to standard Persian, though it with a rich 

Caspian impression. The noun phrase is marked by the weakness of the eżāfa 

construction and by the use of -rā for indirect objects. The verbal paradigm is 

distinguished by its Caspian preverbs and past tense forms, and by non-Perside 

“be” and “become.” These features make the designation “Fāsi-Māzandarāni” 1 

quite relevant for the Shemiran dialects. 

In spite of the striking similarity among the vernaculars of Shemirān, we may 

logically expect some geographical variation. Sāme‛i quotes his informant that the 

dialects were mutually intelligible but sufficiently distinct to reveal the home 

village of a speaker. Nevertheless, the data on each locality is too scanty to allow 

one to draw isoglosses among them; each feature is found only in a few localities. 

The older data on Tajrishi suggests that the dialects of Shemirān have been 

subjected to intensive influence of Persian within a century. Borrowings from 

Persian could result in semantic shift. When Jamālābādi borrowed the stem r(av)- 

1 

M. Bazin, E. Ehlers, and B. Hourcade, “Alborz,” Enc. Iranica, vol. I, fasc. 8, New York, 1985, 

pp. 810-821. 

89

“go” from Persian, it caused the stem š- to undergo a shift of meaning from “go” to 

“become” (§3.6.3), and this resulted in a mixture of stems for “go” (§4.1). 

References 

Bazin M., Ehlers E. and Hourcade B., Alborz, Enc. Iranica, vol. I, fasc. 8, New York 1985. 

Christensen A., Contribution à la dialectologie iranienne, vol. 2, Copenhagen 1935. 

Deyhim G., Xorda-guyešhā-ye manṭaqa-ye Qaṣrān ba enżemām-e vāžanāma-ye qaṣrāni, 

Tehran 2005. 

Karimān Ḥ., Qaṣrān, 2 vols., Tehran 2006. 

Razmārā Ḥ.-‛A., Farhang-e Joghrāfiā’i-e Irān, vol. 1, Ostān-e Markazi, Tehran 1949. 

Sāme‛i Ḥ., “Guyeš-e tajriši” Majalla-ye zabānšenāsi 19/2, 2005. 

Smirnova L.P., Isfaxanskij govor, Moscow 1978. 

Zhukovskij V.A., Materialy dlja izučenija persidskix’ narečij, vol. 2, Petrograd 1922. 

habib borjiani 

90 

Semiranis dialeqturi jgufi 

reziume 

Semiranis gadaSenebuli dialeqtebi istoriulad gavrcelebuli iyo elbrusis 

mTiswineTSi, Teiranis CrdiloeTiT. isini sparsuli enis lokaluri nairsaxeobebisa 

da elbrusis mTagrexilis CrdiloeTis gaRma mxares gavrcelebuli 

kaspiispira dialeqtebis narevi iyo. Semiranuli metyvelebis winamdebare gamokvleva 

emyareba gamocemul teqstebs, romlebic TiTqmis mTeli saukunis manZilze 

ikribeboda. es gamokvleva Seexeba amJamad didi Teiranis SemadgenlobaSi Semaval, 

Semiranis yofili ramdenime soflis metyvelebas. diaqroniuli Sedareba gviCvenebs, 

rom sparsuli enis gavlena Semiranul dialeqtebze TanamimdevrulobiT 

xorcieldeboda.


ONOMASTICA IRANO-IBERICA 

I. THE NAME OF VAKHTANG GORGASALI’S PERSIAN WIFE 

Jost Gippert 

In his account of the life of Vakhtang Gorgasali, part of the chronicle Kartlis 

Cxovreba, ǯuanšer informs us that the Georgian king married the daughter of the 

King of Kings of Persia, Urmizd (i.e., Hormizd III.), in order to secure peace with 

the latter. Later on, the biographer reports about the queen’s death, which occurred 

when she gave birth to Vakhtang’s twins, a boy and a girl. In the passages in 

question, which are preserved in all major manuscripts containing the chronicle, 

the name of the Persian princess is not attested in unique form, however. Most of 

the witnesses, esp. those of the redaction undertaken by Vakhtang VI., provide it in 

the form Balendux÷, a spelling that was accepted for the text in both critical 

editions of Kartlis Cxovreba, 1 in accordance with the Armenian version of the 

chronicle (the Patmowt ʿiwn Vracʿ ) 2 reading Balendowxt. This name form has also 

been taken as the basis for the etymological explanation that is most widespread 

today. Basing herself upon a proposal by Ferdinand Justi, Mzia Androniìašvili 

states: `saxeli balenduxt niSnavs balenis asuls, SeadareT sagduxt, 

miranduxt da sxva. xolo sakuTari saxeli balen aris albaT sparsuli 

Balan. axali sparsuli forma saxelisa Wardan, f. iustis azriT, igivea, 

rac Golanduxt.” 3 

As a matter of fact, the form Justi relied upon was not Balendux÷ but Balandux÷. 4 

This spelling is once met in XVI c. ms. C (= Q 207), 5 but is not the only 

noteworthy variant of the queen’s name. In its first occurrence, the same ms., C, 

calls her Šanduxa÷ instead, a spelling quite close to the form Bandox÷ which we 

find in three other pre-Vakhtangian mss., M (= S 30, of A.D. 1633-6), Q (= 1219, 

1 Kartlis Cxovreba, ed. S. Q̣auxčišvili (hereafter: K.Cx.Q.), Tbilisi 1955, p. 158, ll. 11-16 and p. 

178, ll. 12-14; Kartlis Cxovreba, red. Roin MeÔreveli (hereafter: K.Cx.M.), Tbilisi 2008, p. 

171, ll. 11-16 and p. 193, ll. 6-8. 

2 Kartlis cxovrebis Þveli somxuri targmani, ed. Ilia AbulaÞe, Tbilisi 1953, p. 152, l. 8 – p. 153, l. 3. 

3 M. AndroniÊašvili, NarÊvevebi iranul-kartuli enobrivi urtiertobidan / Studies in Iranian- 

Georgian Linguistic Contacts, I., Tbilisi 1966, 445. 

4 Cf. F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, Marburg 1895, 62: “Balanduχt, Tochter des Hormizd III, 

Gattin des Waχtang von Georgien, Dorn, Bullet. Acad. St. Petersb. April 1842, 37. Brosset, 

Hist. 1, 160. 176. Vgl. Golandux. Wardandūχt”. Note that the works Justi refers to (Histoire 

de la Géorgie depuis l’antiquité jusqu’au XIX e siècle, traduite du géorgien par M. Brosset, 1 re 

partie, S.-Pétersbourg 1849, pp. 160/176, and B. Dorn, ‘Versuch einer Erklärung von drei 

Münzen mit Sasaniden-Gepräge’, Bulletin de la Classe des Sciences historiques, 

philologiques et politiques de l’Académie Impériale des Sciences de Saint-Pétersbourg, I/3, 

1844, p. 37) exhibit the forms Balendoukht and Balendocht instead. 

5 K.Cx.Q., p. 178, l. 13 / K.Cx.M., p. 193, l. 7, crit.app. 

91

of A.D. 1679), and m (= H 2135, of A.D. 1736), at the same place. A quasiintermediate 

position is taken at the given position by XV c. ms. A (= Q 795), the 

oldest Georgian manuscript of the chronicle available, which reads Šalendux÷ 

instead. 1 Interestingly enough, a similar reading (Šalendox÷) is met with in the 

second attestation of the queen’s name, too, but this time in mss. M and m; ms. Q 

has Balendox÷ here, while ms. A reads Balendu÷. 2 

Taking this amount of variation into account, the etymology quoted above may be 

questioned. This is all the more true since the case for Justi’s (and Androniìašvili’s) 

proposal is rather weak, except for the fact that we have a compound 

name here, the second element of which is the Iranian word for ‘daughter’, Pers. 

duxt, the variants with -dox÷, -du÷, or -duxa÷ showing deformations that are typical 

for the transmission of the chronicle. 3 In contrast to that, the identification of the 

first compound member with the elements Wardan- and Golan- as proposed by 

Justi is anything but evident. It is true of course that the latter two elements can be 

taken to represent the same etymon, i.e., the word for ‘rose’ in what may be its 

plural form, gulān showing the typical Persian development of intervocalic -rd- > 

-l-; by-forms such as balān or bālān (neither Justi nor Androniìašvili note the 

quantity of the vowels explicitly) are hard to accept, however, as these would 

reflect the same – Persian – sound change, but in combination with a non-Persian 

vocalism. To corroborate this, it is necessary to reconsider the sound changes 

involved in more detail. 4 

First of all, we do find New Persian words beginning with gu- where this is likely 

to go back to older *u»a-; 5 examples are NP. gurāz ‘boar’ < MP. warāz- ‘id.’ (cf. 

Avest. varāza- and OInd. varāhá-), or NP. gurz ‘club, mace’ < MP. warz ‘id.’ 

(besides wazr, cf. Avest. vazra- and OInd. vájra-). 6 It is further true that in most 

other cases, older * u»a- developed into NP. ba- 7 as in barf ‘snow’ < MP. bafr ‘id.’ 

(cf. Avest. vafra-) or bahār ‘spring’ < MP. wahār ‘id.’ (cf. Avest. *vaŋhar-), 8 and 

that this could lead to pairs such as barz ‘work, efforts’ < MP. warz ‘id.’ (cf. Avest. 

varəz-) contrasting with gurz ‘club’ < MP. warz ‘id.’ (cf. above), or doublets as in 

the case of the name Bahrām < MP. Wahrām contrasting with gu- in its Georgian 

variant Gu(a)ram. It is also noteworthy in this context that the vowel of ba- was 

prone to being assimilated (in open syllables) to that of a following (stressed) 

1 

Cf. the crit.app. pertaining to K.Cx.Q., p. 158, l. 13 / K.Cx.M. p. 171, l. 14. 

2 

Cf. the crit.app. pertaining to K.Cx.Q., p. 178, l. 13 and 177, 10 / K.Cx.M., p. 193, l. 7. 

3 

Cf. J. Gippert, ‘Zur historischen Onomastik des Georgischen’, Georgica 7, 1984, pp. 37-42 mit 

Anm. 12. 

4 

My special thanks to Agnes Korn who read a previous version of this article and provided 

valuable suggestions and corrections. All the remaining errors are mine, of course. 

5 

Cf. H. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, Straßburg 1895, p. 157, § 47. 

6 

Cf. J. Gippert, Iranica Armeno-Iberica. Studien zu den iranischen Lehnwörtern im Armenischen 

und Georgischen, Vienna 1993, [vol. I] pp. 305-316 s.v. vazr-. 

7 

Cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 155, § 44. 

8 

The form vaŋri in the Frahang-ī ōīm (VIII.) is likely to be a locative case; cf. P. Horn, 

Grundriss der neupersischen Etymologie, Straßburg 1893, p. 56 nr. 243. 

92

syllable as in bihišt ‘best’ < MP. wahišt ‘id.’ (cf. Avest. vahišta-, OInd. vásis.t.ha-); 

this assimilation may even have occurred in pre-Islamic times, as in buzurg < MP. 

wuzurg 1 < OP. vazərka- 2 . Additionally, we find * u»a- > NP. ga- in gaštan ‘turn, 

return, become’ < MP. waštan ‘id.’, gardiš ‘change, turning’ < MP. wardišn and 

other derivates of the root meaning ‘to turn’ (cf. Avest. varət-, OInd. full grade 

vart-); 3 in these cases, the change can be shown to have occurred in Sasanian 

Middle Persian, too, as spellings like = gardīdan ‘turn, revolve’ or 

= gardišn ‘revolution’ show. It is likely that the sound change leading 

from w- to g(u)- (via *gu»-) was a general feature of early Sasanian Middle Persian 

as it is clearly reflected in the Greek version of the inscription of Šāpūr I. at the 

Ka˓ba-i Zardošt (ŠKZ) in names such as Γοραζδουκτ (i.e., gurāzduxt, vs. MP. 

, cf. NP. gurāz < warāz- ‘boar’) or Γουαραθραν (i.e., g u» ararān, vs. 

MP. , cf. Georgian Gu(a)ram). 4 

Apart from the few cases mentioned above where gu- is likely to reflect *u»a-, gu- 

has more regularly emerged from older *u»i- as in guzardan / guzaštan ‘to pass by’ / 

guzārdan ‘to let pass by’ < MP. widardan / widaštan / widārdan ‘id.’, gunāh ‘sin, 

crime’ < MP. wināh ‘id.’, guš ‘poison’ < MP. wiš ‘id.’, or the name Guštāsp < MP. 

Wištāsp (cf. Avest. Vištāspa-). 5 This change, too, is already attested for Sasanid 

Middle Persian; cf., e.g., NP. guwāh ‘witness’ < MP. gugāy ‘id.’ < *u»i-kāy-a- (cf. 

Arm. vkay) 6 or NP. MP. gumān ‘doubt’ < *u»imāna- (vs. Avest. vīmana-). 7 To these 

instances we may add a list of words where NP. MP. gu(r)- reflects *u»ə(r)- < zerograde 

*u»r8- as in NP. gurda, MP. gurdag ‘kidney’ < *u»ərt-ak-a- < *u»r8t-k-a- (cf. 

Avest. vərəδka-, OInd. vrrÛ8kka-), NP. MP. gurg ‘wolf’ < *u»ərka- < *u»rrÛ8ka- (cf. 

Avest. vəhrka-, OInd. vrrÛ8ka-), or NP. MP. gušn ‘male, stallion’ (also in the name 

Gušnāsp) < *u»ə(r)šni- < *u»r88šni- (cf. OInd. vr8 s. n.í- ‘ram’, vs. Avest. varəšni-). 8 

1 This is the spelling preferred by D.N. MacKenzie, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, London 

1971, p. 93, in accordance with Arm. vzurk/vzruk (cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 157, 

§ 48); the variant with gu- we would expect as the NP. outcome of *wu- is present in Pāzend 

guzurg (cf. Hübschmann, ib.). 

2 The usual vocalization of OP. wa-za-ra-ka-, vazraka-, is improbable as this would not have led 

to wazurg, the -ur- presupposing a syllabic -r- (typically realized as -ər-); cf. already H. 

Hübschmann, ‘Iranica’, Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Sprachforschung 27, 1885, pp. 108-12 

and Persische Studien, p. 29 nr. 214. Note that a stem *wazrak- ‘club’ must have existed in 

Middle Iranian as a derivate of wazr / warz ‘id.’, as Georgian mazra k. -i / marza k. -i shows (cf. 

Gippert, Iranica, p. 305-316 s.v. vazr-). 

3 Cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, pp. 156-7, §46. 

4 Cf. M. Back, Die Sassanidischen Staatsinschriften, Leiden 1978, pp. 131 and 152. 

5 Cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 154, § 43 and pp. 155-6, § 45. 

6 The etymology tentatively proposed by Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 156, § 45 (“guvāh 

‘Zeuge’ = phl. gukās, skr. *vikāça-”) is based on a wrong reading of the MP. word as occurring 

in Book Pahlavī ( instead of ), the correct reading (for which cf. 

MacKenzie, Dictionary s.v.) now being clarified by the Manichean spelling (, 

attested e.g. in the Manichean text KPT 36, cf. W. Sundermann, Mittelpersische und parthische 

kosmogonische und Parabeltexte der Manichäer, Berlin 1973, p. 102, l. 13=1988). 

7 Cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 95, nr. 932 and p. 156, § 45. 

8 Cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 156, § 45. 

93

When initial *u» was followed by a long vowel or (monophtongized) diphthong, the 

development to g- seems not to have occurred. Instead we usually find *u» > b-, 1 as 

in NP. bād ‘wind’ < MP. wād ‘id.’ (cf. Avest. vāta-, OInd. vā́ta-), bārān ‘rain’ < 

MP. wārān ‘id.’ (cf. Avest. vāra-, vs. OInd. vā́r-, vā́ri- ‘water’), or bāzār ‘market’ 

< MP. wāzār ‘id.’ (< O.Iran. *u»āičāra-); NP. bēd ‘willow’ < MP. wēd ‘id.’ (cf. 

Avest. vaēiti-; OInd. vetasá- ‘reed, cane’), or bēxtan ‘sieve’ < MP. wēxtan ‘id.’ (cf. 

OInd. √vic ‘winnow’); NP. bīst ‘twenty’ < MP. wīst (cf. Avest. vīsaiti-, vs. OInd. 

viÔśatí-), or bīmār ‘ill’ < MP. (Pāz.) wīmār. 2 It is important to note that there is no 

case where we would find doublets with b- and g- side by side in these 

constellations, and in no case do we find g- besides b- where the latter reflects OIr. 

b- (as in NP. banda ‘slave’ < MP. bandag < OP. bandaka- or NP. MP. bun ‘base, 

bottom’, cf. Avest. buna-, OInd. budhná-). 

Second, we have to reconsider the sound change leading from -rd- > -l-, which is 

regarded as a “shibboleth” for South-West Iranian. 3 In contrast to the examples like 

NP. MP. dil ‘heart’ < *j́r8d- (< PIIr. *ã h r8daa-, cf. Avest. zərədaiia-, OInd. 

hrÛ8daya-), NP. MP. buland ‘high’ < *brr8dant- < PIIr. *br8j́ h ant- (cf. Avest. 

bərəzant-, OInd. br8hánt-), or NP. mul ‘wine’ < *mr8d- (cf. OInd. mr8dvīkā- ‘vine, 

grape’) 4 where the -l- is preceded by a short vowel probably reflecting a shewa 

again that emerged anaptyctically in combination with *r8 5 (*j́ərd-, *bərd-, *mərd-), 

we regularly find a lengthening when *-rd- follows the vowel a 6 as in NP. MP. sl 

‘year’ < *sard- (cf. Avest. sarəδa-; OInd. śarád-); this is also true when the *-rd- 

relies upon older *-rj́- (< PIIr. *-rj́ (h) -) as in mālīdan ‘rub, sweep’ < PIr. *marj́- (cf. 

Avest. marəz-), or bāliš ‘cushion’ < PIIr. *barj́ h iš- (cf. Avest. barəziš-, OInd. 

barhíó-), and when a former vowel was elided between *-r- and *-d- as in pālēz 

‘garden’ < *pardēz < *paridēz- (cf. Avest. pairi.daēza-). 7 What is important now, 

is that the same rule of lengthening also applies when *-rd- was preceded by *u»a-, 

the constellation leading to MP. wāl-, NP. bāl-; cf. NP. bālīdan ‘grow, increase, 

prosper’ < MP. wālīdan ‘id.’ < *u»ard- (cf. Avest. varəd-/varəδ-, OInd. full grade 

1 Cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 154, § 43 with n. 1. 

2 Cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 34, nr. 259. _ Examples for *wō- and *wū- are not 

available as these constellations did not occur in Middle Iranian. 

3 Except for Persian proper, the change seems only attested in neighbouring “Kurdish” varieties; 

cf. D.N. MacKenzie, ‘The Origins of Kurdish’, Transactions of the Philological Society 1961, 

78 (/ Iranica Diversa, vol. II, 379); examples from more “North-Western” languages such as 

Semnānī or Gorānī (cf. L. Paul, ‘The Position of Zazaki among West Iranian Languages’, in: 

N. Sims-Williams (ed.), Proceedings of the Third European Conference of Iranian Studies, Pt. 

1, Wiesbaden 1998, 169) are more likely to be borrowings. 

4 Cf. Horn, Neupersische Etymologie, p. 222, nr. 990 (after H. Hübschmann, ‘Armeniaca III’, 

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 36, 1882, p. 133 n. 2). 

5 Cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 149, § 37 as to this “unbestimmten Vokal”. 

6 Cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, pp. 131-2, § 9a and, more explicitly, p. 260 § 157. 

7 Cf. Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 123, § 3; p. 260, § 157; and p. 189, § 84. The Syriac 

spelling for the place name Mīlādgird (mentioned l.c.) proves that a preceding -h- 

(of *Mihr-) did not prevent the change from -rd- > -l-. The lengthening of the ī in NP. Mīlād < 

Mihrdād < *Mira-dāta- is likely to be due to the loss of the h; cf. the examples adduced by 

Hübschmann, o.c. 268, § 165. 

94

vardh-). In all these cases, variants with gu- do not exist, nor do we meet † gū- or 

the like. 

All this renders it rather unlikely that bāØl- in the name of Vakhtang Gorgasali’s 

Persian wife might represent a variant of the Persian word for ‘rose’, gul. As a 

matter of fact, the evidence provided so far forces us to assume that gul must 

reflect a zero-grade base, quasi *u»ərd-a- < *u»rrÛ8d-a- matching Greek ·óδος < * 

vρóδος < *u»rÛ8d-o-, since a full-grade variant *u»ard-a- would not have led to gul. On 

the other hand, bāl- might well represent such a full-grade base, which seems also 

to be attested in Avestan varəδa-, Parthian wār ‘flower’, 1 and in Armenian in the 

stem vard (with Georgian vard-i matching this) and the name Vardan. However, it 

is a priori doubtful that a thematical stem of the given type might have shown root 

ablaut and that both ablaut types might have manifested itself within one Iranian 

language. As a matter of fact, we might have a case of vr8ddhi formation here, but 

this would imply a derivational status (*u»ard- ‘flower’ = “belonging to a * u»r8d- 

‘plant’ ”?). The crucial point that remains is that both gul and bāl- would have to 

be identified as Persian, i.e., South-West Iranian forms, given that the -l- they 

contain can only be motivated by a purely South-Western sound change. And, to be 

sure, only the zero-grade variant is attested outside of Iranian, in the Greek word 

mentioned above, so that only gul can be regarded as the regular Persian outcome 

of this word. 

But how, then, to account for Arm. vard (and Georgian vard-i)? 2 As a matter of 

fact, this stem need not represent a full-grade form * u»ard-a-, as it may (and is 

likely to) be a borrowing from another, probably North-West Iranian layer where 

*r8developed to *ar, not † ər (or, later, † ir, † ur). That such a layer existed and left its 

traces in the Caucasus, is clear from the Arm. word for ‘prophet’, margarē, which 

together with its newly found counterpart in Caucasian Albanian, marġaven, has 

been suggested to contain the word for ‘bird’ (as a compound ‘bird-seer’, with -rē 

< -dai» – and -ven < *-u»ēn- representing the preterite and present stems of the verb 

‘to see’, resp.), 3 in a form *marγ contrasting with NP. murġ, MP. murw (cf. also 

MP. murw-nīš ‘augur, soothsayer’, lit. ‘bird-observer’), and Avest. mərəγa- ‘id.’ 

(cf. also OInd. mr8gá-). 4 

This raises the question whether bāØl- in the name of Vakhtang’s wife might not 

represent *u»ard- as a borrowing from North-West Iranian into Persian that was 

later affected by inner-Persian sound changes (*u»- > b- and *-rd- > -l-). 5 It is true, 

1 

Cf. V.S. Rastorgueva / E.K. Molčanova, ‘Parfjanskij jazyk’, in: Osnovy iranskogo jazykoznanija 

2, Moskva 1981, 162. 

2 

Cf. the question raised by Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 156, § 45: “gul ‘Rose’ aus vr8d‐?, 

vgl. arm. vard.” 

3 

Cf. J. Gippert, ‘Armeno-Albanica’, in G. Schweiger (ed.), Indogermanica. Festschrift Gert 

Klingenschmitt, Taimering 2005, pp. 163-5. 

4 

*marγ is also presupposed by Georg. paršamang-i and Arm. siramarg ‘peacock’, cf. Gippert, 

Iranica Armeno-Iberica, vol. I, p. 194. 

5 

Parthian wār can hardly be the source for such a borrowing as it presupposes the loss of the -d-. 

95

of course, that Persian is well equipped with dialectal elements stemming from 

other, mostly North-West, Iranian languages and that these may have undergone 

“Persian” changes after their incorporation; and doublets with ba- instead of gu- as 

dealt with above may be good candidates for such an assumption. Indeed, we find 

good evidence for names like Bahrām or words like barz ‘effort’ being loan words 

in Persian, 1 given that the former contains -hr- < *-r- (*u»rr8ra-γna- ‘enemykilling’, 

cf. Avest. vərəraγna-, OInd. vr8traghn- [weak stem of vr8trahán-]) which 

in Persian should be represented by -s- (cf. pus ‘son’ < *pur-a-, cf. Avest. pura-, 

OInd. putrá-), and the latter exhibits the sequence -rz- < *-rj́- (cf. the Avest. root 

varəz- corresponding to German wirken etc.) which in Persian would have yielded 

-l- (via -rd-). 2 In both cases, we may wonder again whether the *-ar- of the first 

syllable represents a former full-grade or, rather, a zero-grade, – r8-. In the case of 

barz, the former solution is preferrable as its etymon (*u»arj́-) may thus be taken to 

be identical with Gk. ›ργον and German Werk (PIE. *u»érgv -o-). For the name 

Bahrām, we have to take into account that its “Persian” counterpart is reflected in 

Old Georgian in the form Guaram, not (yet) Guram, 3 which together with Greek 

Γουαραθραν speaks in favour of an original -a-; 4 however, the name might also 

represent the long-grade (vr8ddhi) derivate that we have in Avest. vārəraγni- so 

that this cannot be taken to prove the development of *-r8- > *-ar-. Be that as it 

may, 5 both cases illustrated above only show that in borrowings from other Iranian 

languages, *u»a- could develop into ba- (or even gua-) in Persian. There is no case, 

however, which would prove that a sequence of *-rd- contained in a borrowing 

could undergo the change to -l- in this language. As a matter of fact, it is likely that 

the latter change was accomplished relatively early within the history of Persian, in 

Arsacid times, 6 as it did not affect the great many sequences of secondary -rd- 

emerging from *-rt- in Sasanian Middle Persian. 

Returning to the name of Vakhtang Gorgasali’s Persian wife, the case for 

Balenduxt being an equivalent of *Gulānduxt or *Wardānduxt is thus really weak, 

1 The same is true for NP. gawāžā ‘abuse’ vs. MP. wad-wāzag ‘id.’ which can hardly be 

“Persian” because of its -ž-. 

2 The fact that gurz ‘club’ does contain -rz- albeit it exhibits gu- < *u»a- does not contradict its 

being “Persian” proper, for in this word, z has not emerged from *j́ but from *d h s or a similar 

constellation (PIIr. *u»ád h sra-, cf. OInd. vájra-). Furthermore, the metathesis implied (-rz- < 

*-zr-) may have occured later than the development of *-rd- > -l-. 

3 The spelling guram occurs once in the Č̣eliši redaction of Mokcevay Kartlisay (95, 17); in all 

other attestations, the same redaction has guaram throughout (97,13 2 ; 97,21) as does the 

ŠaÔberdi text (326,17; 327,13 2 ; 327,16; 327,18). guram in Č̣ may therefore be regarded as an 

abbreviated spelling. 

4 Note also Balōčī Gwahrām which, however, might as well “have been borrowed from MP 

Wahrām or modelled on NP Bahrām” (A. Korn, Towards a Historical Grammar of Balochi, 

Wiesbaden 2005, 279). 

5 The name requires further investigation, also with respect to its Arm. representatives Vahagn, 

Vahram and Vñam; this is to be addressed in a later part of the present treatise. 

6 Back, Staatsinschriften, p. 137 assumes the change to have taken place between “spap.” = late 

Old Persian and “mp.” = Middle Persian. Note that Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. 260, 

§157 still considered Arm. vard etc. as Middle Persian (“Pehlevi”) loans. 

96

and it seems worth while looking for other solutions. First of all it is clear that a 

derivation from MP. bālēn, a word meaning both ‘top, peak’ and ‘cushion, 

pillow’, 1 is semantically unsatisfying in both these senses. The same is true for the 

MP. plural form bālān ‘heights’ that is obviously attested in the MP. inscription of 

Kartīr in Sar Mašhad. 2 What is more important, these derivations would not 

account for the spelling variation of the name we find in the manuscripts 

containing Kartlis Cxovreba. To begin with, there is no doubt that a variation of 

and as presupposed by the readings Šanduxat., Šalendux t. and Šalendoxt. 

is well attested elsewhere in the Georgian tradition and anything but astonishing if 

we consider the shape of the respective Nuskhuri minuscules, b and S. What is 

more essential in the given context is the lack of the second consonant, l, and the 

vowel following it, in variants like Bandoxt. and Šanduxat.. As a matter of fact, 

much of the variation of proper name forms we find in the manuscripts of the 

Georgian chronicle is due to the fact that they were written in abbreviated form; 

however, the suspension of a word-internal syllable beginning with -l- remains a 

rather irregular case as it was usually only vowels that were suspended, not 

consonants, except in words of common usage such as the pronouns romeli spelt 

r˜i, or upali ‘Lord’ spelt o˜i. It is therefore legitimate to propose an analysis not 

substantiated as such by the attestations. If we consider that in both the (majuscule) 

Asomtavruli script and its minuscule (Nuskhuri) successor, the character that is 

most often confused with was (cf. Ⴊ and Ⴠ, l and h), we might wonder 

whether the name in question might not have contained an instead of the 

preserved in the majority of manuscript attestations. 3 In intervocalic position, this 

might have been lost in the other group of variant readings, as elsewhere in the 

Georgian tradition. 4 We thus arrive at *bahe/anduxt. (> *bae/anduxt. > banduxt.) 

and *šahendux t. (> *šaenduxt. > šandux t.) as possible candidates, of which only the 

latter, interpreted as *šāhēnduxt, reveals a promising etymological perspective. 

Considering the amount of Iranian names relying upon šāhēn ‘falcon’, 5 we are led 

to suppose that the given name might designate the daughter of Hormizd III. as the 

‘daughter of a falcon’, a name well matching the principles of Iranian onomastics 

of Sasanian times. 6 As an alternative solution, we might assume an underlying 

1 Cf. MacKenzie, Dictionary s.vv. 

2 KSM 48; cf. Back, Staatsinschriften, pp. 136, 200-1 and 467. 

3 Cf. Gippert, ‘Onomastik’, p. 38. 

4 Cf., e.g., doublets of names such as abraham vs. abraam, iohane vs. ioane (vs. iovane), or 

hypercorrect spellings such as aherni vs. haerni and aerni (as in mss. BC of the 

Bala(h)variani, ch. 63, cf. the edition by I. AbulaÞe, Balavarianis kartuli redakciebi, Tbilisi 

1957, p. 153 l. 23). 

5 Cf. Justi, Namenbuch, pp. 274-5, with more than 20 instantiations of this name, and F. Wolff, 

Glossar zu Firdosis Schahname, Berlin 1935 / repr. Hildesheim 1965, p. 551 as to attestations 

of NP. šāhīn ‘(Jagd-)Falke’. The proposal by Ph. Gignoux, Noms propres sassanides en 

moyen-perse épigraphique (Iranisches Personennamenbuch, II/2), Wien 1986, II/163, to 

regard Šāhēn as an “autre hypocoristique de l’appellatif du roi šāh” is also valid; however, the 

existence of several MP. names containing sēn ‘griffin’ (ib. II/158) speaks in favour of 

assuming the bird’s name here. 

6 Cf. St. Zimmer, ‘Zur sprachlichen Deutung sasanidischer Personennamen’, Altorientalische 

Forschungen 18, 1991, pp. 117-9 as to MP. women’s names containing -duxt. 

97

compound *šāhāØnduxt. ‘daughter of kings’ which, however, would only be 

supported by one witness, viz. the isolated variant reading Balanduxt. of the XVI th 

c. ms. C (= Q 207) mentioned above; as such a name is attested elsewhere in the 

Caucasian tradition, 1 this solution cannot be excluded but it remains less probable 

given the preponderance of the second syllable vowel -e- in the written tradition. 

*Šāhēnduxt thus remains the best candidate for being the original name of 

Vakhtang Gorgasali’s Persian wife. 

The assumption that the divergent forms of the name of the daughter of Hormizd 

III. lastly depend on an letter that was prone to being misread or lost, is further 

supported by other names in the given context. These will be the subject of future 

treatises. 

Abbreviations 

Avest. Avestan OP. Old Persian 

MP. Middle Persian PIE. Proto-Indo-European 

NP. New Persian PIIr. Proto-Indo-Iranian 

OInd. Old Indic PIr. Proto-Iranian 

OIr. Old Iranian 

iost giperti 

98 

iranul-qarTuli onomastika 

I. vaxtang gorgaslis sparseli colis saxeli 

reziume 

statiaSi ganxilulia vaxtang gorgaslis sparseli colis saxeli, romelic 

sxvadasxva formiT warmogvidgeba istoriul wyaroebSi (qarTlis cxovrebasa da 

mis somxur versiaSi). dasabuTebulia, rom tradiciuli etimologia, romelic 

emyareba variants Balenduxt. da ukavSirdeba `vardis~ aRmniSvnel sityvas gul, ar 

aris gasaziarebeli. SemoTavazebulia varaudi, rom am saxelis variantebi momdinareoben 

sawyisi formidan *Šāhēnduxt, romlis mniSvnelobaa: àrwivis qaliSvili~. 

1 Cf. Justi, Namenbuch, p. 273 s.v. Šahandūχt with 4 instantiations.


naTia dundua 

zeciuri arsebebis amsaxveli terminebi bibliaSi 

I. Sesavali: sakiTxis dasma 

axali religiis Semosvla, bunebrivia, yovelTvis dakavSirebulia azrovnebis 

axali stilis, axali cnebebis, axali leqsikis damkvidrebasTan 

adamianTa cnobierebasa da enaSi. am cvlilebis gzisTvis Tvalis gadevneba 

SedarebiT iolia, rodesac gvaqvs werilobiTi Zeglebi, romlebic enis 

ganviTarebis sxvadasxva etaps asaxaven: magaliTad, berZnul enaSi qristianuli 

cneba-terminebis damkvidrebis, arsebulis axliT Canacvlebis danaxvasa 

da gaanalizebas aiolebs winaqristianuli werilobiTi Zeglebis 

arseboba. am TvalsazrisiT, imis garkveva, Tu ramdenad Seicvala qarTuli 

ena qristianobis Semosvlisa da wmida werilis Targmnis Semdeg, ufro 

rTulia, radgan xelT ar gvaqvs winaqristianuli qarTuli werilobiTi 

Zeglebi, arsad ar aris dafiqsirebuli winaqristianuli religiuri warmodgenebi 

da masTan dakavSirebuli leqsika. 

II. kvlevis mizani 

amjerad CvenTvis sainteresoa, bibliis teqstis qarTulad gadmotanisas 

rogor aisaxa Targmanis Sesrulebis periodis enobrivi viTareba da 

rogor, ra safexurebad ganviTarda religiuri leqsika: 

1. ra daxvda mTargmnels (amis dasadgenad erTaderT gzas warmoadgens 

winaqristianuli religiuri sistemebis, warmodgenebis, maTTan dakavSirebuli 

ritualebis atributikis Sesabamisi leqsikis etimologiuri Ziebebi, 

maTi semantikis dadgena da dazusteba). 

2. ra gziT moxda axali cnebebis aRmniSvneli terminebis Seqmna (arsebuli 

mniSvnelobebis gafarToeba/daviwroeba, sesxeba, Canacvleba...). 

3. ra cvlilebebi ganicades am terminebma qristianuli mwerlobis 

ganviTarebasTan erTad (rogor gafarTovda an dakonkretda, dazustda 

cnebebi, daixvewa, Cajda cnebiT-terminologiur sistemaSi...). 

am TvalsazrisiT ganvixilavT bibliis qarTul TargmanSi dadasturebul 

zeciur arsebaTa amsaxvel Semdeg terminebs: angelozi, qerubimi, serabini, 

eSmaki, demoni, satana, asmodeosi, virdevi, sirinozi, drakoni, gmiri, 

goliaTi. gasaanalizebeli masala amoRebulia Zveli da axali aR- 

Tqmis yvela Cvenamde moRweuli xelnaweridan da dajgufebulia Sinaarsisa 

da formis mixedviT. 

1. ebr. %a;l.m;;; berZn. a;ggeloj; qarT. angelozi/angelosi 

1.1. H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon: 1. macne, despani, 

mociquli, Sikriki; 2. zogadad, is, visac moaqvs ambavi werilobiT an ze- 

99

pirad; 3. LXX: angelozi; 4. warmarT filosofosebTan: naxevrad RvTaebrivi 

arseba. 

G. W. H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon: 1. macne, gansxeulebuli 

angelozi; 2. angelozi; termini, romelic gamoxatavs sulier arsebebs. 

Полный Православный Богословский Энциклопедический словарь: 

sityva angelozi ebraulad aRniSnavs wargzavnils, berZnulad _ macnes. 

wmida werilSi es sityva ixmareba RmerTis, uflis, qristes, aseve adamianis 

aRsaniSnavad. angelozi ewodeba RmerTis mier Seqmnil maRali gonebis, 

Tavisufali nebis, didi Zalis mqone sulier arsebebs, romlebic mudam 

Tan axlavan ufals, emsaxurebian, adideben mas da warigzavnebian uflis 

mier adamianTa gadasarCenad. angelozebi arian keTilebic da borotebic, 

maTi ricxvi Zalian didia da sxvadasxva rangebad iyofian. 

Библейский словарь: angelozi bibliaSi aRniSnavs mociquls an macnes. 

Cveulebriv, is gamoiyeneba gansakuTrebuli saxis gonieri arsebebis 

aRsaniSnavad. isini RmerTs axlavan, RmerTi maTi meSveobiT marTavs samyaros, 

isini exmarebian adamianebs. angelozebi an namdvili sulebi arian, an 

aqvT Txeli saSualo simaRlis tani, magram maT ar aqvT adamianebis 

msgavsi garegnoba da ar aqvT sqesi. 

Библейский словарь: angelozi momdinareobs berZn. a;ggeloj-idan (`macne~). 

bibliaSi gvxvdeba msaxuri sulebis, RvTis Svilebis, wmindanebis, 

sulieri arsebebis aRsaniSnavad. isini, rogorc wesi, uxorconi arian, 

Tumca raRaca doziT maRali Tvisobriobis xorcielebasac Seicaven. 

Библейская Энциклопедия: angelozi berZnulad da ebraulad niSnavs 

macnes, xSirad adamianebsac miemarTeba. is aris RmerTis survilis 

ganmcxadebeli. 

LXX-mde a;ggeloj berZnulSi ixmareboda macnis, despanis, mociqulis, 

Sikrikis aRsaniSnavad. am sityvis ebrauli ekvivalentic (%a;l.m) aseve 

aRniSnavs macnes, mociquls, RvTisagan gamogzavnils, e.i. berZnulSi 

ebrauli sityvis pirveladi mniSvneloba iTargmna da Semdeg am berZnul 

sityvas ebraulis meoreuli mniSvneloba mieniWa. a;ggeloj ewoda RvTisgan 

adamianTan wargzavnil arsebas; qristian mamebTan am sityvas mieniWa kidev 

erTi mniSvneloba _ RmerTis gancxadebis saxe. 

magram, amave dros, a;ggelοι Seesabameba sxva ebraul sityvasac ~yhil{a/h'_ 

RvTis Svilebi (mag., iob. 1.6.), Tumca es ebrauli sityva pirdapirac 

iTargmneba xolme – oi` uiòi. tou/ qeou/ (mag., dab. 6.2,4), romelic qarTuladac 

ZeTa RmrTisaTa-d gadmodis. 

1.2. bibliis qarTul TargmanebSi berZnuli a;ggeloj gadmodis, rogorc 

fizikuri da arafizikuri arseba. 

roca konteqstSi laparakia xorciel arsebaze, mTargmnelebi mas 

unacvleben amave mniSvnelobis sxvadasxva fuZidan nawarmoeb leqsikur 

erTeulebs: mociquli, mimTxrobeli (mimTxrobi), qadagi, moanbe (moambe), 

RaRadisi, warvlinebuli: 

msaj. 1.16 movida sxuaÁ RaRadisi da hrqua iobs (BODS) 

100

msaj. 6.35 da qadagni waravlinna yovelTa mimarT manassissa da 

asirissa (G) 

msaj. 9.31 da miavlinna mimTxrobni abimelixis mimarT farulad (G) 

I mak. 5.14 da aha sxuani moambeni movides galileasagan (B) 

II neSt. 18.12 xolo moanbe mivida momwodebelad miqiasa(B) 

II neSt. 36.16 da igini hyuedrebdes warvlinebulTa RmerTTa 

(B)(>DFIS) 

luk. 9.52 da waravlinna mociqulni winaSe missa (DECX) 

1.3. roca konteqstSi laparakia uxorco arsebebze, mTargmnelebs es 

sityva yovelTvis erTnairad gadmoaqvT, berZnuli sityvis 

transkribirebiT: 

a) mxolobiTi ricxvis formiT: 

I neSt. 21.27 da hrquaÁ ufalman angelozsa mas (angelozisa mimarT (B)) 

(FISDB) 

b) mravlobiTi ricxvis formiT: 

dab. 19.16 da upyres angelozTaÃelsa missa (CBASO) 

maT. 13, 39 da muSakni igi arian angelozni (DEC) 

1.4. zogjer angeloz-s axlavs semantikis damazustebeli gansazRvreba, 

yvelaze xSirad _ uflisaÁ, RmrTisaÁ: 

dab. 28.12 angelozni RmrTisani aRvidodes da gardamovidodes mas zeda 

(CBAS) 

dab. 31.11 da mrqua me angelozman uflisaman Zilsa Sina: iakob, iakob! 

(AKSO) 

maT. 1.20 eCuena mas angelozi uflisaÁ Cuenebasa Ramisasa da hrqua mas 

(DC) 

maT. 28.2 da aha esera ZrvaÁ iyo did, rameTu angelozi uflisaÁ 

gardamoÃda zeciT (DEC) 

ioan. 1.51 ixilneT cani ganxumulni da angelozni RmrTisani (DEC) 

1.5. xSiria SemTxvevebi, rodesac angeloz-s msazRvrelad axlavs 

nacvalsaxelebi, romlebic zog SemTxvevaSi RmerTs gamoxataven, zog 

SemTxvevaSi ki – adamians. 

a) nacvalsaxeli gamoxatavs RmerTs: 

ricx. 20.16 da moavlina angelozi TÂsi da gamogÂyuanna Cuen egÂptiT 

(B) 

maT. 18.10 angelozni maTni maradis caTa Sina hxedven pirsa mamisa 

Cemisasa (DECX) 

b) nacvalsaxeli gamoxatavs adamians: 

gam. 33.2 da Tana-mivavlino angelozi Cemi uwinares Sensa (SOBAK) 

ricx. 24.12 ara angelozTaca SenTa (mociqulTa SenTa (AKBS)), romelni 

moavlinen Cemda, vetyode, metyueli (G) 

ricx. 22.34 da hrqua balaam angelozsa mas (S) 

101

1.6. sainteresoa angeloz-is xmarebis is konteqstebi, romlebSic aRniSnuli 

fuZe warmodgenilia gansxvavebuli gansazRvrebebiT _ dazustebulia 

raodenoba, Tviseba da a.S. 

a) raodenoba: 

rjl. 32.8 daadginna sazRvarni Teslebisani ricxÂsaebr angelozTa 

RmrTisaTa (msgavsad ricxuTa maT angelozTa RmrTisaTa (BDES))(G) 

tob. 12.15 me var rafael, erTi SÂdTagani wmidaTa angelozTaÁ (angelozi 

erTi SÂdTagani (B))(OIDF) 

iob. 33.23 iyvnen RaTu aTasni angelozni makudinebelni (aTasni angelozni 

sikudilSemosilTa (B))(S) 

ioan. 20.12 da ixilna orni angelozni spetakiTa mosilni (DEC) 

b) Tviseba: 

igav. 13.17 xolo angelozman brZenman (//moanbe brZeni(B)) gamoiÃsnas igi 

(S) 

igav. 25.13 viTarca gamoslvaÁTovlisaÁmkaTa zeda sicxesa sargebel, 

egrÀca mociquli sarwmunoÁ (//maxarobeli sarwmuno (B)), romelTa waravlinon 

igi (OS) 

zaq. 2.3 da angelozi sxuaÁ gamovidoda SemTxuÀvad missa (GSBOJ) 

II mak. 15.23 awca, meufeo Zliero, zeciT moavline angelozi Seni ke- 

Tili winaSe Cuensa (B) 

SeiZleba vifiqroT, aRniSnuli sityvis berZnulidan transkrifciiT 

gadmotana dakavSirebulia im faqtTan, rom ar arsebobda a;ggeloj-is Sesabamisi 

zusti cneba winaqristianul qarTul religiur warmodgenebSi. 

1.7. angelozi, rogorc uxorco Zala, bibliis teqstebSi yvelgan gamoxatavs 

keTil Zalas, mxolod erTi SemTxvevaa, sadac boroti Zalis 

aRmniSvnel terminadaa gadmotanili: 

es. 30.4 rameTu arian taneasa Sina winamZRuarni mociqulni borotni (OJ) 

rogorc Cans, qarTveli mTargmnelisaTvis angelozi mxolod keTil 

ZalasTan asocirdeba da iq, sadac boroti mniSvneloba aqvs, cvlis ekvivalents 

_ gadmoaqvs ara rogorc angelozi, aramed rogorc mociquli. 

1.8. cxadia, rom sityva angelozi qarTulSi wmida werilidanaa Semosuli. 

vnaxoT, rogor aris ganmartebuli igi leqsikonebSi: 

sulxan-saba orbeliani: angelozi: momTxrobeli, gina qadagi. ese ars 

arseba gonieri, univTo, usxeulo, dasabamieri da dausrulebadi, suli 

naTeli da mswrafl mimdreki (+ da A) winaSe R–Tisa mdgomeli (+24,7 

dabad. ZAa) ZA. momTxrobeli: es ars kaci migzavnili sasaqmod rasme zeda 

mociquliviT B. mociquli: (+14, 32 luka ZAa) ese ars R–Tisa mier 

movlinebuli Sjulis maswavlelad; despani ars mefisagan mefesTan migzanili 

mociqulad saqmesa rasame zeda; omira ars despani xangrZlad myofi; 

momTxrobeli da mivlinebuli ars kacman vinme amxanags(a) anu uaRressa 

miugzavnos saqmesa rasame zeda ZA. 

102

ilia abulaZe: angeloz-i: mociquli, mivlinebuli, RvTis mcnebaTa 

mimtani, RvTis msaxuri: àngelozi uflisaÁ CuenebiT gamouCnda mas~ mT. 

1.20; àngelozni movides da hmsaxurebdes mas~ mT. 4.11. 

sinonimTa leqsikoni: angelozi: avadmyofoba batonebi, wiTela, angelozebi. 

qarTul kilo-TqmaTa leqsikoni: angeloza (mTiul.) saxlis angelozis 

dekeuli, misTvis Sewiruli. 

a. SaniZis mTis kiloTa leqsikoni: angelozi: (xevs.) sazogado saxelia 

sxvadasxva `xatisTvis~ (kopala, kviria, gudanis jvari da sxv.). mowaRmarTe 

angelozi (xevs.). n. xTiSvili: (< RTiSvili < RvTiSvili < 

RmrTis Svili) `xati anu jvari~ (bes.), `xatisad vityviT~ (Ã. bakurÃ.). 

àngelozebi, xatÀbi~ (mTiul.) ama Tu im gvarisa Tu kuTxis salocavi, 

warmodgenili RvTaebrivi Zalis mqoned. xTiSvilebia sxvadasxva `jvari~: 

gudanisa, ÃaÃmatisa, arxotisa, laSarisa da sxv. xTiSvilebia agreTve kopala, 

iaÃsari da sxva salocavebi, romlebsac Zveli saxelebi daukargavT 

da maT nacvlad qristianuli miuRiaT: wmida giorgi, saneba (e.i. sameba), 

kviria. qristianuli gavleniT aixsneba agreTve angelozi, romelic xTiSvilad 

aris warmodgenili. TviT xati anu jvari, romlebic xTiSvilis 

sinonimebia, qristianul niadagze warmoSobili terminebia, magram maTi 

mniSvneloba da Sinaarsi Zvelia: saliteraturo qarTulSi cnobil saeklesio 

xatTan da jvarTan maT, saxelis garda, araferi saerTo ara aqvT. 

n. TiÃa: xvTis (xTis) TiÃis kaci (mTiul. _ Ã. arx.); qristes TiÃis kaci 

(xevs. _ fS.); eSmakis TiÃisa (mTiul.). 

qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni: [berZn.] 1. usxeulo arseba, 

romelic RvTis mociqulad hyavdaT warmodgenili. 2. gadat. ityvian lamaz, 

naz, wynar qalze an bavSvze. 

1.9 yuradRebas iqcevs saxarebis uZveles fragmentebSi _ xanmet palimfsestebSi 

(V-VIII) dadasturebuli forma _ angelos-, rac SedarebiT 

gviandel teqstebSic (ix. Teodore abukura) meordeba: 

luk. 2.21 da xuwodes sax⎡eli⎤ misi iesu, romel igi xew ⎡oda⎤ angelosisa 

misgan ⎡vidre⎤ yofadmde misa mucelsa dedisas⎡a⎤(X). 

Cans, rom Zvel qarTulSi angelozi ixmareboda mociqulis, adamianis 

winaSe RvTis macnis aRsaniSnavad, da am mniSvnelobiT es sityva bibliidan 

Semovida qarTulSi. mogvianebiT am mniSvnelobebs daemata aseve zogadad, 

uxorco keTili Zalis, evfemizmisa da atributis gagebac [Sdr. mogviano 

naTargmni da originaluri saero literatura (`visramiani~, “Sahname”, 

“Timsariani”...)]. zogan ki qristianuli termini _ angelozi _ Caenacvla 

warmarTuli kulturis cnebebs. 

2. aseve, transkribirebiT gadadis uxorco keTili Zalebis amsaxveli 

terminebi qerubimi da serabini ebraulidan berZnulSi, Tanac, araelinizebuli 

formiT (e.i. brunvadi formiT). es terminebi qarTuladac transkrifciiT 

gadmodis, mcire fonologiuri saxecvlilebebiT: 

103

2.1. ebr. birK, bWrK, ~ybirK.h;;; berZn. cerou,b, ceroubei,m, ceroubei,n, ceroubi,m, 

ceroubi,n; qarT. qerubimi. 

G. W. H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon: qerubimi _ angelozuri 

arseba, qmnileba, RvTiuri ierarqiis pirveli sameulidan meore. 


sityva qerubimis etimologia bundovania da ar iZleva naTel warmodgenas 

am arsebis Sesaxeb. qerubimebi RmerTTan yvelaze axlos myofi Zalebi 

arian. wmida werilSi cxadadaa miTiTebuli, rom igi aris cocxali arseba, 

romelic flobs umaRles yofierebas. ezekielTan qerubimebi Semdegnairad 

arian aRwerilni: TiToeul maTgans aqvs 4 saxe da 4 frTa, frTebis 

qveS – xelebi, Tavze ki raRac kristalismagvari sinaTle, sxivi akravT. 

isini angelozebTan erTad iTvlebian winaswarmetyvelebad da maT 

ricxvSi Sedian, oRond ar moiazrebian mociqulebad, aramed ukaviaT ra- 

Rac gansakuTrebuli, angelozebisgan gansxvavebuli, wodeba zeciur ierarqiaSi. 

isini iTvlebian RvTisgan yvelaze metad dajildoebul arsebebad, 

maTSi srulad aris gacxadebuli uflis dideba. dionise areopagelis 

zeciur ierarqiaSi isini meore adgils ikaveben serabinebis Semdeg. 

Библейский словарь: qerubimi RmerTma daayena sicocxlis xisken mimavali 

gzis dasacavad. maT Sesaxeb cxadi warmodgenis Seqmna Zalian 

rTulia. sazogadod maT ganixilaven, rogorc ieRovas didebulebisa da 

Zalis simbolur gamoxatulebas. am cnebaSi moiazreben egviptur sfinqss, 

asiriul frTosan xarebs, romlebsac adamianis saxe aqvT, berZnuli miTebis 

grifonebs arwivis frTebiTa da lomis brWyalebiT da sxv. es arsebebi 

simbolurad gamoxataven mTeli samyarosa da sulieri arsebebis msaxurebas 

RmerTis mimarT. 

Библейская Энциклопедия: qerubimebi Zalian axlos dganan Rmer- 

TTan, gamudmebiT mas emsaxurebian da yovelTvis mzad arian misi survilis 

asasruleblad. 

2.2. qarTulSi cerou,b, ceroubei,m, ceroubei,n, ceroubi,m, ceroubi,n gadmosulia 

transkrifciiT, rogorc qerobini, qerabini, qerovimi, qeruvimi: 

gam. 25.19 da iqmnen qerobini erTi klitisaÁ amisgan da qerobini er- 

Ti klitisagan meorisa salxinebelisa amis, da hqmnne orni qerobinni or- 

Ta zeda kliteTa misTa (CSAK) 

gam. 36.37 da qmnes kreTsabmeli igi karisa mis karvisa sawamebelisa 

iakinTisagan, Zoweulisa, da mewamulisa sTulisa da zezisagan Zaxilisa 

qmnuli qsoviT qerabinad (AK) 

ezek. 9.3 da didebaÁ RmrTisa israÀlisaÁ aRvida qerovimTagan, romeli 

iyo mas zeda usafrTulosa saxlisasa (SW) 

ezek. 41.18 gamoqandakebul qerobinebi da xÀ danakiskudisaÁ Soris qerobinsa 

da qerobinsa. ori piri iyo qerobinisaÁ mis (//gamowaxnagebulTa 

qeruvimTa da finikTa da finiki saSual qeruvimTasa da qeruvimTasa, orni 

pirni qerobinsa (GSW)) 

2.3. sulxan-saba orbeliani: qerobini – guli aRdgomili ZABC. n. 

enakim – gmiri, gina didi. enakim qerobini – daRonebulT aRdgoma ZAB. 

104

Zveli qarTuli enis leqsikoni: qerabin-i, qerafin-i, qerobin-i: `dafares 

qerabinTa maT kidobani igi~ O, III mf. 8.7; `frTeTa queSe qerafinTa 

maT~ O, III mf. 8.6; `hqmnne orni qerobinni oqroÁsani qandakebulad~ O,gamosl. 

25.18. 

qerabin-serabin-i: `SewevniTa... zecisa ZalTa qerabin-serabinTaÁTa~... A 

– 484,315r. 

3. ebr. ~ypir'f;; berZn. serafei,n, serafei,m; qarT. serabini 

3.1. H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon: ebr. serafimi, 

LXX Is.6.2. 

G. W. H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon: serafimi, angelozTa dasSi 

umaRlesi safexuri; LXX-Si zogan gagebulia, rogorc mociquli. 


serabinebi cxridan erT-erTi zeciuri dasis warmomadgenelni arian. winaswarmetyveli 

esaia maT ierarqiis umaRles safexurze mdgomebad warmoadgens, 

romlebic RmerTis garemocvaSi arian; serabinebs aqvT adamianuri 

garegnoba da yovel maTgans eqvs-eqvsi frTa, oriT ifaraven saxes, oriT 

– fexebs, oriT – dafrinaven da gamudmebiT mRerian: `wminda, wminda, 

wminda iaRova WeSmariti, mTeli samyaro savsea misi didebiT~. rac Seexeba 

am sityvis etimologias, is ar aris sakmarisad cxadi, zogi miiCnevs, 

rom momdinareobs ebraulidan da niSnavs wvas, xolo nawilis azriT – 

cnobils, didebuls. 

3.2. serafei,n, serafei,m bibliis qarTul TargmanebSi aseve transkribirebiT 

– serabin-ad gadmodis: 

es. 6.2 da serabinni dges garemo misa; equsni frTeni edgnes erTsa da 

equsni erTsa; da oriTa ifarvides pirTa maTTa da oriTa ifarvides 

ferÃTa maTTa da oriTa frinvides (OJ) 

es. 6.6 da moivlina Cemda erTi serabini (OJ) 

3.3. sulxan-saba orbeliani: serafimi _ cecxlis pireba, gina momwvel 

pirisa ZAB. 

ilia abulaZis Zveli qarTuli enis ganmartebiT leqsikonSi serabini 

ganmartebulia, rogorc angelozTa erT-erTi dasi: ìqmna... mobaZav serabinTa~ 

sak. wig. II 4.25. 

qronologiurad gviandel ZeglebSi am sityvebis gamoyeneba sxva cnebebis 

aRsaniSnavad ar momxdara. 

leqsikas, romelic asaxavs uxorco keTil, angelozur Zalebs (qerubims 

da serabims), qarTulSi ar Seenacvla erTi zogadi uxorco Zalis 

amsaxveli termini (mag., angelozi) da qarTul TargmanebSi gadmotanil 

iqna gansxvavebuli formebiT. 

boroti Zalebis aRsaniSnavad berZnul wminda werilSi ramdenime 

terminia gamoyenebuli: di,aboloj, dai,mwn, satan// satanaj, Asmodauj, Tumca 

105

gansxvaveba am sityvebiT aRniSnul cnebebs Soris mTlad naTeli ar aris. 

gansxvavebiT angelozisgan, bibliis qarTveli mTargmnelebi sityva eSmaks 

ganazogadeben da yvela CamoTvlili berZnuli sityvis ekvivalentad xmaroben. 

4. di,aboloj – eSmaki 

4.1. di,aboloj – A. cilismwamebeli, B. eSmaki, satana, demonTa princi, 

boroti angelozebis winamZRoli (Lampe 1961); 1. cilismwamebeli, 2. 

LXX-Si cilismwamebeli, mteri, eSmaki, 3. usamarTlod, Seuracxmyoflad 

(Liddell, Scott 1996). 

4.2. di,aboloj bibliis qarTul TargmanebSi yovelTvis gadmodis, 

rogorc eSmaki: 

I ricx. 21.1 xolo aRdga eSmaki israÀlsa zeda da ebirna daviT, 

raTa aRricxnos israÀlni (FISDB) 

iob. 2.4 xolo miugo eSmakman ufalsa da hrqua: tyavi tyavisa wil, 

da yoveli, ravdeni aqus kacsa, misces sulisa TWsisaTWs (BCDS) 

iob. 2.6 xolo hrqua ufalman eSmaksa: aha, migcem Sen mas, garna 

sulsa missa eride (BCDS) 

zaq. 3.2 da Tqua ufalman eSmakisa mimarT: Segrisxenin ufalman Sen 

Soris, eSmako! da Segrisxenin ufalman Sen Soris gamomrCevelman iÀrusalimsa! 

ara aha ese viTarca muguzi gamotacebuli cecxlisagan? (GSBOJ) 

maT. 4.1 mas Jamsa mihyvanda iesu udabnod sulisagan, raYTa gamoicados 

eSmakisagan (DE) 

luk. 4.2 da ormeoc dRe gamoicadeboda eSmakisagan da araraY Wama 

maT dReTa Sina (DE). 

106 

5. dai,mwn – eSmaki (demoni) 

5.1. dai,mwn – demoni, eSmaki, boroti suli, 1. Zveli SexedulebiT àngelozebsa~ 

da qalebs Soris qorwinebis STamomavali (Zveli mosazrebiT 

_ xorcielni, SedarebiT axliT – uxorconi); 2. LXX-Si: warmarTi RmerTebi; 

3. demoni: ama Tu im ubedurebis momtani (Lampe 1961); RmerTi, 

RvTaeba; bediswera, Zala, romelic gansazRvravs adamianis beds; zogadad, 

sulieri an naxevrad RvTiuri arsebebi, romlebic eqvemdebarebian RmerTs 

(Liddell, Scott 1996). 

R. R. Ottley-s ganmartebiT, dai,mwn ebrauli sityvaa da niSnavs `Txebs~ 

(Tmianebs): zogi mkvlevris azriT, `babuinebs~, zogi ki miiCnevs, rom aq 

Txis formis demonebi igulisxmeba. demonebis amgvari aRreva cxovelebTan 

ar Cans warmarT mwerlebTan, magaliTad, horaciusTan, miT umetes esaias- 

Tan (Ottley 1909)!

5.2. dai,mwn-ic qarTulSi gadmodis eSmak-ad: 

a) mxolobiTi ricxvi: 

tob. 6.14 maSin miugo tobia da hrqua: mesma, rameTu micemul iyo 

SWdTa kacTa da momkudar arian, aramed da aha, mesma, rameTu eSmakman 

moklna igini 

(OIDFB) 

tob. 6.8 da miugo angelozma da hrqua misa mimarT: nawili gulisa 

Tevzisa ukueTu dasdva nakuercxalsa zeda, da kuamli misi gandevnis yovelsa 

naTesavsa eSmakisasa, anu kacisagan anu dedakacisagan, da Semdgomad 

misa veraodes mieaxlebis misa mimarT (OIDFB) 

tob. 3.17 da moivlina rafael angelozi... Sekrvad asmodeosi, boroti 

eSmaki (IDFS) 

b) mravlobiTi ricxvi: 

tob. 8.3 xolo angelozman rafail waritacna eSmakni da Sekrna igini 

udabnosa Sina umaRles egWptisa (OIDFB) 

fs. 105.37 dauklnes Zeni da asulni maTni eSmakTa (ABCDEF) 

5.3. erTi SemTxvevaa, rodesac baqaris redaqciaSi dai,mwn gadmosulia 

demonad, rac, albaT, gviani sworebis Sedegia: 

tob. 3.8 vinaTgan micemul iyo SWdTagan kacTa. da saxeliT demon 

azmodeos anazdad mokla igini, myis, odes vidoden mis Tana (B) 

amave adgilas IDF redaqciebSi gvaqvs boroti eSmaki: 

tob. 3.8 rameTu micemul iyo igi SWdTa qmarTa, da asmodeosi, 

boroti eSmaki, mosrvida maT vidre Seslvamde maTa mis Tana, viTarca ars 

wesi dedaTaY 

(IDF). 

6. satan/satanaj – eSmaki (satana) 

6.1. satan – satana, eSmaki (Lampe 1961) ebrauli sityvaa da aRniSnavs 

mowinaaRmdeges, mters, moqiSpes (Liddell, Scott 1996). 

6.2. satan-ac ZiriTadad qarTul TargmanebSi eSmak-ad gadmodis: 

Zvel aRTqmaSi sul orjer aris dadasturebuli satan, romelic 

orivejer qarTulad naTargmnia, rogorc eSmaki: 

zaq. 3.1 da miCuÀna me ufalman iisu mRdeli didi, mdgomare winaSe 

pirsa angelozisa uflisasa da eSmaki udga marjuÀniT mas wina-aRdgomad 

missa 

(GSBOJ) 

iob. 1.6 da iyo viTarca dRe ese da aha, movides angelozni RmrTisani 

dgomad winaSe uflisa, da eSmakica movida maT Tana (BODS) 

rac Seexeba axal aRTqmas, aq SedarebiT ufro metjer aris naxsenebi 

satan, isic qarTulad umetesad eSmakad gadmodis: 

luk. 10.18 hrqua maT iesu: vxedevd eSmaksa, viTarca elvasa, zeciT 

gardamovrdomilsa (DEC) 

107

mark. 1.13 da iyo mun ormeoc dRe da gamoicadeboda eSmakisagan da 

iyo mÃecTa Tana, da angelozni hmsaxurebdes mas (DECX) 

6.3.sainteresoa erTi SemTxveva, rodesac berZnuli Satana naTargmnia 

qarTulad rogorc mÃdomi: 

kor. II gardareuli ese gamocxadebaY amisTWs, raYTa ara aRvimaRlo, 

momeca me sawerteli ÃorcTaY _ angelozi mÃdomi, raYTa mqenjnides me, 

raYTa ara aRvimaRlo. 

6.4. mxolod organ aris axali aRTqmis teqstebSi satan transkribirebiT 

_ satanad gadmotanili: 1. axali aRTqmis xanmet teqstSi da 2. 

aseve erTganaa vanis, eCmiaZinisa da gelaTis (HIK) redaqciebSi: 

maT. 16.2. xolo Tavadi mieqca petres da hrqua: warved Cemgan, satana, 

sacTur Cemda xar, rameTu ara zraxav RmrTisasa, aramed kacTasa (X) 

maT. 4.10 maSin hrqua mas iesu: warved Cemgan marTlukun, eSmako, rame- 

Tu weril ars: ufalsa Sensa Tayuanis-sce damas mxolosa hmsaxurebde 

(FGDC). maSin hrqua mas iesu: warved Cemgan marTlukun, satana, rameTu 

weril ars: ufalsa Sensa Tayuanis-sce da mas mxolosa hmsaxurebde 

(HIK). 

6.5. qarTuli eSmaki iranulidan Semosuli sityvaa. igi momdinareobs 

saS. iran. *ēšmak-idan (romelic aris avest. aēšma-s `sasikvdile gacofeba, 

brazi~ etimoni), xolo saS.parT. teqstebSi vxvdebiT c yšmg grafemas 

(Gippert 1994). 

sulxan-sabasTan eSmaki: dasabamad (dasabams B) keTilisa arsebisagan 

Seqmna RmerTman, aramed aRzvavna da ampartav(a)nebisa mier daeca, 

gar(d)mocvivnes da bnel iqmn(n)es. eSmaki gamoiTargmanebis Semasmenelad, 

gina sawuTod, gina Jamierad, gina mWmunavad (+maTe ZAa) ZAB. 

ilia abulaZesTan eSmaki: satana, macTuri, boroti, avi suli. 

satan, satana: `mÃdomi~, mowinaaRmdege. 

macTuri: Semacdeneli, matyuara. 

boroti: `ZWri~, ùkeTuri~, cudi, saZageli, avi suli. 

sinonimTa leqsikoni: eSmaki, eSma, qaji, mavne, avi suli, boroti suli, 

satana, tartarozi, SaiTani, macTuri belzebeli, eSmakis mociquli, 

demoni, Winka... 

qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni: eSmaki _ 1. (Zv. crumorw.) 

boroti, avi suli, satana, macduri. 2. (saub.) moxerxebuli; daqnili, 

cbieri. 3. (mofer.) celqi, cuRluti, oinbazi. 

rogorc davinaxeT, berZnulis boroti Zalebis aRmniSvnel sxvadasxva 

leqsikur erTeuls qarTulSi Caenacvla iranulidan Semosuli saxeli 

hēšm. 1 es nasesxoba, rogorc Cans, aris Zalian Zveli, radgan eSmaki 

qarTuli enis dialeqtebsa da sxva qarTvelur enebSic dasturdeba (Sdr. 

eSma xevs.: eSma&i, TuS.: eSmaki; megr.: eSmaki, qaji; svan.: qAj, heSmAY). 

1 sainteresoa naTargmni hagiografiuli teqstis `qristines wameba~ xanmet fragmentSi 

dafiqsirebuli forma heSmaki (http://titus.uni-frankfurt.de/texte/etcs/cauc/ageo/at/oskijer/ 

oskijlex.htm ), romelic sxvagan ar meordeba. 

108

7. Asmodauj _ asmodeosi 

7.1. saxeli Asmodauj unda momdinareobdes avesturi *aēšma-daēva-dan, 

Tumca werilobiT arsad ar aris dadasturebuli. igi aris demonebis 

mefe. es sityva orjer gvxvdeba bibliis qarTul TargmanebSi da orivegan 

berZnulis transkribirebiT gadmodis: 

tob. 3.8 rameTu micemul iyo igi SWdTa qmarTa, da asmodeosi, 

boroti eSmaki, mosrvida maT vidre Seslvamde maTa mis Tana, viTarca ars 

wesi dedaTaY 

(IDF) 

tob. 3.17 da moivlina rafael angelozi... Sekrvad asmodeosi, boroti 

eSmaki (IDFS). 

8. ovnoke,ntauroj – virdevi 

8.1. ovnoke,ntauroj – kentavri (Lampe 1961), 1. kudiani maimunis msgavsi; 

2. LXX demonis saxeoba, romelic binadrobs velur adgilebSi (Liddell, 

Scott 1996); vir-kentavri, miTologiuri qmnileba (kentavri, romelic hgavs 

ufro metad virs, vidre cxens); neolog. (Lust, Eynikel, Hauspie 1996). 

ovnoke,ntauroj berZnuli kompozitia, ar aris ebraulis Targmani, amave 

dros, es sityva, Liddell & R.Scott-is Tanaxmad, LXX-mdec arsebobda berZnulSi. 

J. Lust, E. Eynikel, K. Hauspie ki aRniSnaven, rom is neologizmia. 

ciglers miaCnia, rom es. 34.11.14 aris 13. 22-is analogiiT naTargmni da 

erTi da imave gamogonili cxovelis saxelia (gv.142). sirenebi da onokentavrebi 

berZnul miTologias ekuTvnian da aleqsandrieli mkiTxvelisTvis 

miTebidan iyo cnobili (gv. 191). 

8.2. ovnoke,ntauroj qarTulad naTargmnia, rogorc virdevi, mdrinveli: 

es. 13.22 da virdevni mun daemkWdrnen, da grZRabTa marTue-isxnen 

saxlTa Sina misTa (OJ) 

es. 34.11 daemkWdrnen mas Sina mdrinvelni da grZRabni, da yoranni 

mkWdr iyvnen mas Sina da ganemartos mas zeda sabeli queyanis-sazomi 

oÃrebisaY, da virdevni iyofodin mas zeda (OJ) 

es. 34.14 da SeimTxWnen eSmakni da virdevni urTierTas, da 

RaRadebdes moyuasi moyuasisa mimarT. mun ganisuenebdes virdevni, rameTu 

poes Tavisa [TWsisa] gansasuenebeli (OJ) 

8.3. Teodorite kvipreli – esaia 13.21. demonebis buneba usxeuloa, 

magram, ramdenadac maTi Cveulebaa adamianebis SecdomaSi Seyvana, sxvadasxvagvar 

saxes iReben. amis mixedviT iwodebian virdevad, rasac Zvelebi 

èmpusas~-s (vampiris saxeoba) uwodebdnen da dRes – ònoskelidas~-s. 

ioane oqropiri: rasakvirvelia, onokentavrosi ar arsebobs sinamdvileSi 

da igi ar cxovrobs babilonSi... magram wm. werili iyenebs adamianisaTvis 

Cveul enas. 

sulxan-saba orbeliani: vir-devi _ romelnime vir-kentavros (vinkentavros 

A) ityvian, romelnime udabnosa (udabnoTa B) Sina myofsa 

rasme cxo(v)elsa, welaRmarT kacTa msgavsTa (msgavssa B), (+ xolo ZA) 

109

weldaRma _ virTasa ZAB. ese ars, romelsa mezRapreni (mozRapreni Ca) 

ityvian da macTursa rasame gamoxatven saSinelsa sicru(v)iT, gina 

udabnosa Sina ars msgavsi welzeiT kacisa, welsqveiT virisa, romelsa 

ewodebis vir-kentavros C. zRaparSi rom devi sweria, is ari vir-devi. 

esaia: `da mobaZav arian urCxulTa, gZRarbTa da vir-devTa~. `SeemTxvivnen 

mas eSmakni da vir-devni~ E. 

devi: somxurad eSmaks(a) hqvian, xolo qarTulad romelTame werilTa 

Sina devi gvel-veSapis adgils aRuweriaT da gareSeTa werilTa, 

romelisa warmarToY aRuweriaT, av-saxe kacis msgavsi, rqiani; igi 

mogonebuli tyu(v)ilia ZA. 

devi somxuri Ziri ar aris, is sparsulidan momdinareobs. devis iranuli 

etimologia aseTia: Zv.ir. daiva-, av. daēva- `demoni, eSmaki, boroti 

suli~, skr. deva- `RmerTi~, laT. deus, divus, saS.spars. dēv `boroti suli, 

demoni~, ax. spars. dīv 1. èSmaki, devi, demoni, boroti suli~, 2. `giganti, 

goliaTi~, sir. daiva `demoni~. saS. spars. dēv `demoni, boroti 

suli~ = qarT. devi èSmaki, boroti suli~ (andronikaSvili 1966). 

sityva devi – èSmakis, boroti sulis~ mniSvnelobiT (qristianuli 

gagebiT) – SedarebiT iSviaTad gvxvdeba uZveles qarTul ZeglebSi. igi 

ufro mogvianebiT vrceldeba, rogorc gigantis, qvabTa mcxovrebis mniSvnelobiT, 

da Zalian gavrcelebulia saero literaturasa da folklorSi. 

110 

9. seirh,n – sirinozi 

9.1. seirh,n – sirinozi, frinvels hqvia ase misi tkbili xmis gamo, 

gaigivebulia beRurasTan an bulbulTan (Lampe 1961). 

9.2. seirh,n qarTuladac zogjer sirinozad gadmodis da bibliis 

qarTul TargmanebSi Semdeg adgilebSi gvxvdeba: 

iob. 30.29 ZmaY viqmen sirinozTa, xolo moyuas _ sirTa (B) 

miq. 1.8 amisTWs iglovdes da tirodes da vidodes uÃamloY da SiSu- 

Àlman yos tyeba, viTarca veSapTaY, da gloaY, viTarca asulTa sirinosTaY 

(SB) 

bibliis zogierT redaqciaSi gvxvdeba magaliTebi, sadac seirh,n gadmosulia, 

rogorc urCxuli: 

miq. 1.8 amisTWs etyebdes da godebdes da vidodes igi SiSueli da 

uÃamuri. da yos tyebaY, viTarca devTaY, da glovaY, viTarca asulTa 

urCxulTaY (OJ) 

es. 13.21 aramed ganisuenebdnen mun mÃecni, da aRivsnen saxlni maTni 

oxriTa, da mun ganisuenebdnen urCxulni, da eSmakni rokviden mun (OJ) 

es. 34.13 da aRmoscenden qalaqTa misTa ekalTa xeni, da Znelovanni 

iyvnen sayofelad urCxulTa da samkWdrebelad sirTa. 

es. 43.20 makurTxevden me mÃecni igi velisani da dedaWuavni da 

asulni velurTani (OJ)

9.3. sulxan-saba orbeliani: sirini berZnulia, qarTulad urCxuli 

hqvian ZAB. urCxuli: (50,39 ierem.) ese ars, romelsa berZenni sirin 

uwodeben, xolo laTinni dregon(a)sa. didis gvel(v)eSapis tolia, frTeni 

asxen, viTarca mRamiobTani, ara Tu safrinavad, aramed slvisa samalebelad. 

mraval wel icocxlebs. umravles xnierni, viTarca vasi(s)ko, 

TvaliTa kacs(a) avnebs. indoeTis Tems gvarobs. orgvari arian, erTi ara 

geslovani(a) da kacni mis Temisani Wamen ZAD. 

oCxoli (oCxoli Tu urCxuli E) (mZrom.) urCxuli ZAB. urCxuli 

C. ama frinvelsa arabuladda berZnulad sirin ewodebis, romlisaTvis 

ityvian, gvelni marTvesa mouklavso da Tvisisa mkerdisa sisxlisa dawvwTebiTa 

ganacocxlebso. romelsame CvenTa mTargmnelTa urCxulis 

nacvlad sirinozi aRuweriaT, romlisaTvis ityvian wels aRma saxesa 

qalisasa da bolosa Tevzisasa. gina Tavsa qalisasa da tansa frinvel- 

Tasa. 

sirinozi (Tevz.) (43,20 esaia) amas ityvian zRvaSi cxo(v)elsa; wels 

zeiT qalis msgav(s)sa da bolos Tevzisasa, tkbilad mÃmobelsa ZA. 

ilia abulaZesTan sirinos-i _ `dedaWuavi~. urCxuli, urCuli – 

`veSapi~, `sirinosi~. 

Sdr. sulxan-sabasTan Wia (mZrom.) ese ars abreSumisa da yaWis 

matli; xolo Wua – sxuani wvrilni mZromelni. 

sinonimTa leqsikoni: urCxuli, gveleSapi (gvel(v)eSapi), gonji, sastiki. 

veSapi, drakoni. 

Cveni azriT, urCxuli qarTveluri etimologiis fuZe unda iyos, 

amaze migvaniSnebs rogorc sityvis morfologiuri struqtura, aseve is 

faqtic, rom megrulSi gvaqvs: urCxu/Ê (urCxu/Ê-s) fuZeebi, imave semantikis, 

rac qarTuli urCxuli. Sdr. mimR.uary. rCxuns zmnisa – gaurecxavi; 

qarT. recx-av-s: megr. rCx-un-s. megrulSi paralelurad dasturdeba 

urCxul-i (urCxul-s) fuZec. 

qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni: sirinozi: [berZ.] berZnul 

miTologiaSi zRvis arseba, romelic Tavisi simReriT xiblavda, saxifaTo 

adgilebSi ityuebda da Rupavda mezRvaurebs; warmodgenili hyavdaT qalis 

Tavis mqone frinvelis saxiT. 

amrigad, berZnulSi Sesuli ebrauli seirh,n bibliis qarTul TargmanebSi 

gadmosulia sirinozad, urCxulad da dedaWuavad. aqedan, sirinozi 

aris berZnulis transkrifcia qarTulad, urCxuli da dedaWuavi, savaraudod, 

qarTveluri fuZeebia. qarTul enobriv sistemaSi damkvidrda sirinozi 

da urCxuli, magram ara sinonimuri mniSvnelobiT, aramed gansxvavebuli 

semantikiT. 

10. dra,kwn – drakoni 

10.1. dea,kon – ebr. gveli, drakoni, 1. warmarTuli Tayvaniscemis obieqti, 

kerpi; 2. pirvelyofili monstri, romelic iyo sikvdilis Zalis 

da eSmakis simbolo; identificirebulia eSmakTan; 3. antiqristes Zala, 

111

eSmakis simbolo, eSmakis Zala transformirebuli tiran adamianebSi 

(Lampe 1961); drakoni, gveli, wylis gveli (Liddell, Scott 1996). 

10.2. qarTulSi ZiriTadad gadmodis, rogorc veSapi: 

gam. 7.9 moiRe kuerTxi ege da miagde queyanasa winaSe faraosa da 

msaxurTa misTa da iqmnes veSap (AKSOB) 

gam. 7.12 da miagdo kacad-kacadman kuerTxi TWsi da iqmna igi veSapeb 

(AKSOB) 

iob. 7.12 aw ukue zRuaY var me, anu veSapi, rameTu daawese Cem zeda 

sacoY? (ODSB) 

ier. 9.11 da mivsce ierusalimi gardasaxlebad da samkWdrebelad 

veSapTa da qalaqni iudaYsni uCino saqmnelad davsxne ardamkWdrebisagan 

(GWOJ) 

es. 1.1e muxlis gansxvavebul redaqciebSi gvaqvs sami gansxvavebuli 

Targmani: 

es. 1.1e da aha, orni veSapni didni, ganmzadebulni, gamovides orniv 

urTierTisa brZolad (B); 1.1e da, aha esera, orni devni didni, ganmzadebulni 

ganslvad, da movides urTierTars brZolad (DFI) 

1.1e (11.6) aha esera, orni urCxulni didni ganmzadebul iyvnes 

ganslvad da movidnen urTierTs mbrZolad (S) 

baqaris redaqciaSi dea,kon samgan naTargmnia, rogorc gveli: 

sibr. 16.10 xolo ZeTa SenTa arca guelTa geslianTa kbilTa sZles (B) 

iob. 26.13 xolo brZanebiTa mokla gveli gardamslveli (B) 

iob. 4.10 Zali xuadisa lomisa, xolo ÃmaY ZuYsa lomisa, xolo Sveba 

gvelTa daSrta (B) 

10.3. saS.iran. vēšap ùrCxulis saxeli~ = qarT. veSapiùrCxuli~. 

sulxan-saba orbelianTan: Tevzia didi zRvasa Sina ukianes, romelman 

iona STanTqa ZA. (v)eSapad yovelTave ufrosad didTa cxovelTa 

wyalTasa uwods werili C. 

i. abulaZesTan: veSapi ùrCxuli~, `devi~, kiti; draco, cetus: `veSapi~ 

O, ùrCxuli~ M. 

qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni: 1. zRvis yvelaze didi ZuZumwovari 

cxoveli, 2. (Zv.) igivea, rac gveleSapi, 3. gadat. boroti, 

ulmobeli adamiani. 

berZnulSi gadmosuli bibliuri ebraizmi dea,kon qarTulad iTargmna: 

veSapad, gvelad, urCxulad, devad. am fuZeebidan *g–el- Ziri aRdgeba 

saerTo-qarTul-zanur doneze: *g–el- qarT. guel- guel-i; guel-Tevz-i; 

megr. gver-/ngver- gver-i/ngver-i `gveli~; laz. mgver- mgver-i. 

amdenad, CamoTvlili fuZeebidan ori (veSapi, devi) nasesxobaa, ori – 

qarTveluri Ziria. Tanamedrove qarTulSi maT gansxvavebuli semantikuri 

gageba aqvT, rac, albaT, gaxda mizezi imisa, rom dRes oTxive fuZe 

ixmareba. aRsaniSnavia isic, rom maT mogvianebiT daemata drakon- fuZec, 

romelic bibliis teqstebSi ar dasturdeba. 

112

11. gi,gaj – gmiri 

11.1. gi,gaj – goliaTi, 1. angelozebis da qalebis STamomavlebi, visi 

sulebic arian moxetiale demonebi, romlebic Semdeg gaxdnen warmarTTa 

RmerTebi, 2. ZiriTadad xasiaTdebian, rogorc didxans mcxovrebni, biwierni 

da aranormalurad maRlebi (Lampe 1961), goliaTi (Liddell, Scott 1996). 

11.2. berZnuli gi,gaj qarTulad TiTqmis yvelgan gadmodis, rogorc 

gmiri: 

dab. 6.4 da gmirni iyvnes queyanasa zeda maT dReTa Sina da Semdgomad 

misa, viTarca Sevidodes Zeni RmrTisani asulTa mimarT kacTasa da Sobdes 

TavTa TWsad. da igini iyvnes gmirni saukuniTgan, kacni saxelovanni (SBA) 

ricx. 13.33 da mun vixileniT gmirnica da viyueniT Cuen maT winaSe 

viTarca mkalni, aramed esreT viyueniT maT winaSe (GBAK) 

iob. 13.12 yoveli sameufo ogisi basans Sina, romel mefobda astaroTs 

da edrans Sina; ese daSTomil iyo gmirTagani da mokla igi mose da 

aRÃoca (BDSG) 

11.3. baqaris redaqciaSi gi,gaj-is xSuli, mJReri, velari g qarTulSi 

gadmodis mJer, napralovan R-d _ Sesabamisad axali berZnuli gamoTqmisa 

– RiRon, RiianTonisasa, RiRanTanisasa: 

I ricx. 20.4 maSin dasca sovaxai da usafiTins safuTa ZeTagan RiRon 

SudisTa da daamdablna igi (B) 

I ricx. 14.9 xolo ucxoTeslni mosrulni ganfenil iyvnes Relesa 

Sina RiianTonisasa (B) 

I ricx. 14.13 da SesZines kualad ucxoTeslTa da ganifinnes kualad 

ReleTa Sina RiRanTanisasa (B) 

11.5. sulxan-saba orbelianTan gmiri: (6,4 dabad.) kaci ars didi da 

sazareli taniTa da saqmiTaca meti da gardareuli ZaliTa, da bumberazi 

– umcires maTsa, udides da umჴnes Cvensa (+13,34 ricx. ZAa) ZA.(B) 

Zveli qarTuli enis leqsikonSi gmiri: `mamakaci~. 

sinonimTa leqsikonSi: gmiri, raindi, bumberazi, aivari, bayaTari, 

goliaTi, gardanqeSani, jonga, guladi... 

qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni: 1. brZolasa da SromaSi Tavdadebuli, 

mamacobiTa da gambedaobiT gamoCenili, siZneleTa vaJkacurad 

damZlevi. 2. mxatvruli nawarmoebis mTavari moqmedi piri. 

12. golia,q – goliaTi/goliadi 

I ricx. 20.5 da iqmna kualad brZolani winaaRmdgom ucxoTeslTa da 

dasca eleanan Ze sairlaomisa Zmisa goliaTisa xeTfenelisa, romlisa xe 

Subisa misisa, viTarca rvali moqsovili (B); Zma goliadi geTelisa (FISD) 

zir. 47.4 siWabukesa Sina TWsa ara moakudina Tu gmiri da aRÃoca 

yuedreba erisagan, odes ganirTxa Ãeli SurduliTa Tana qWsaTa dacemad 

ampartavanebisa goliaTisa (B); 47.4 gantyorcebasa mas missa ÃelTa maT- 

113

gan TWsTa qvisa mis mcirisa SurdulTagan da damÃobaY igi zaxebisaY mis 

goliadisi (O) 

goliaTi i. abulaZesTan ganmartebulia, rogorc mxne, gmiri, uZleveli. 

svanurSi: gmiri _ Wabig–, gmir igivea, rac gÊmr. 

qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni: veeberTela, bumberazi, uzarmazari 

(kaci). 

rogorc cnobilia, Golia,q sakuTari saxelia, amdenad berZnulidan misi 

pirdapiri gadmotana gasagebia. SemdgomSi ganviTarebuli mniSvnelobebi 

bibliuri daviTis mZleveli goliaTis fizikur siZlieresTan unda iyos 

dakavSirebuli. 

III. daskvna 

zemoT warmodgenili analizis Sedegebi pasuxebia im kiTxvebze, rac 

naSromis dasawyisSi davsviT. amgvari kvlevis gagrZeleba sityvaTa sxva 

semantikur jgufebTan dakavSirebiT, vfiqrobT, SesaZleblobas mogvcems, 

warmovadginoT sruli suraTi im enobrivi viTarebis warmosaCenad, rac 

iyo bibliuri teqstebis qarTul enaze Targmnisas. 

wyaroebi da maTi literebi 

A – H 1207(XVII) 

B – A 455 (baqaris gamocema, anu e.w. `moskovuri biblia~)(1743 w.) 

C – A 179 (1669 w.) 

D – H 885 

E – A 243 

F – urbnisis oTxTavi 

G – Q 1152, A 1108 

H – vanis oTxTavi 

I – eCmiaZinis oTxTavi 

J _ ierusalimuri xelnaweri (Jer 7/11) 

K – quT. 28 (1681 w.) 

O – Ath. 1 (oSkuri xelnaweri 978 wlisa) 

S – A 51 (sabas anu e.w. `mcxeTuri biblia~) 

W – vaxtangiseuli redaqcia 

X – xanmeti teqstebi 

Zveli aRTqmis wignebi 

gam. _ gamosvlaTa 

dab. _ dabadeba 

ezek. – ezekieli 

es. – esaia 

zaq. – zaqaria 

igav. _ igavTa 

iob. – iobi 

mak. (I-II) – makabelTa 

114

miq. _ miqaeli 

msaj. _ msajulTa 

neSt. (I-II) – neStTa 

ricx. – ricxvTa 

rjl. – II rjulTa 

tob. – tobi 

axali aRTqmis wignebi 

ioan. – ioanes saxareba 

luk. – lukas saxareba 

maT. _ maTes saxareba 

sxva Semoklebebi (a. SaniZis mixedviT) 

Ã. arx. _ arxotelTa xevsuruli 

Ã. bakurÃ. _ bakurxevelTa xevsuruli 

bes. _ besarion gabuuri 

literatura 

andronikaSvili 1966: mz. andronikaSvili, narkvevebi iranul-qarTuli enobrivi 

urTierTobidan, Tsu gamomcemloba, Tbilisi. 

a. SaniZe, Txzulebani Tormet tomad, tomi I, qarTuli kiloebi mTaSi, `mecniereba~, 

Tbilisi 1984. 

Библейская Энциклопедия , Архимандрит Никифор, "Терра", Москва 1990. 

Gippert 1994: Gippert J., Daemonica Irano-Caucasica, Iranian and Indo-European Studies, 

enigma corporation, Praha. 

teqstebi 

adiSis oTxTavi, z. sarjvelaZis saerTo redaqciiT, `saqarTvelos macne~, Tbilisi 

2003. 

qarTuli oTxTavis ori bolo redaqcia, Tsu gamomcemloba, Tbilisi 1979. 

xanmeti teqstebi, l. qajaia, `mecniereba~, Tbilisi 1984. 

http://armazi.uni-frankfurt.de/framee.htm. 

leqsikonebi 

i. abulaZe, Zveli qarTuli enis leqsikoni, `mecniereba~, Tbilisi 1973. 

i. imnaiSvili, qarTuli oTxTavis simfonia-leqsikoni, Tsu gamomcemloba, 


a. neimani, qarTul sinonimTa leqsikoni, `ganaTleba~, Tbilisi 1978. 

sulxan-saba orbeliani, leqsikoni qarTuli, I-II, `merani~, Tbilisi 1991. 

h. fenrixi, z. sarjvelaZe, qarTvelur enaTa etimologiuri leqsikoni, spu, 


Библейский словарь, Геце Б., Wydawnictwo Religijne Götze B., I, Polna 64,Warszawa 

1938. 

Библейский словарь, Нюстрем Э., Мировая Христианская миссия, Торонто 1985. 

Полный Православный Богословский Энциклопедический словарь, 1992. 

115

Hatch E., Redpath H.A., A Concordance to the Septuagint and the other Greek Versions of 

the old Testament (including the Apocryphal Books), I-II, Academische Druck-U. Verlagsanstalt, 

Graz-Austria 1954. 

Lampe 1961: Lampe G.W.H., A Patristic Greek Lexicon, Oxford, 1961. 

Liddell, Scott 1996: Liddell H.G. and Scott R., Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford 1996. 

Lust J., Eynikel E., Hauspie K., A Greek-English Lexicon of the Septuagint, Deutsche 

Bibelgesellschaft, I-II, 1992. 

Schmoller A., Handkonkordanz zum Griechischen Neuen Testament, Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 

Stuttgart 1938, 1982. 

Natia Dundua 

The Terms of Heavenly Beings in the Bible 

Summary 

The paper deals with the problems of translation of religious terminology in the Bible. The 

work focuses on how the language situation of that time was reflected in Georgian during 

the translation of Biblical texts, how the religious vocabulary was developed and what were 

the stages of its development: 

1) What the translator had before him; 

2) How were the terms denoting new concepts created; 

3) What changes did these terms undergo together with the development of Christian 

literature. 

From this point of view, the article analyzes the terms denoting heavenly beings (angelozi, 

kerubini, serabini, ešmak’i, demoni, sat’ana,asmodeosi, virdevi, sirinozi, drak’oni, gmiri, 

goliati ) in the Georgian translations of the Bible. The material is selected from all the 

available Georgian manuscripts and is grouped according to the meaning and form. 

116


К НАЗВАНИЯМ БОЛЬШИХ КОЖАНЫХ СОСУДОВ (БУРДЮКОВ) 

В ИРАНСКИХ ЯЗЫКАХ 

Д.И. Эдельман 

Тема статьи навеяна работой Дж. Ш. Гиунашвили «О происхождении 

слова "стакан"» (Гиунашвили 1976:186-189). Со времени выхода в свет этой 

работы прошло уже немало времени, и юбиляр своими трудами давно 

заслужил большего, чем в 1976 г., объема положительных ощущений, 

поэтому мы можем предложить более объемные объекты исследования. В 

связи с этим представляется уместным к данному моменту рассмотреть 

некоторые этимологии названий крупных сосудов _ кожаных бурдюков в 

разных иранских языках. 

Основное внимание будет уделено названиям сосудов, предназначенных 

для хранения и переноски полезных жидкостей: вина, воды, молока и т.п., а 

также других полезных субстанций (об особых названиях гупсаров, турсуков 

_ надувных бурдюков для плаванья, переправы через реку _ будет сказано 

ниже). В силу ограниченности объема статьи, рассмотрим здесь только 

исконные названия таких кожаных сосудов, вместилищ (сумок, мешков и 

др.), происходящие от древних иранских и доиранских основ и имеющие 

соответствия в других индоевропейских языках. Речь пойдет о названиях, 

этимологичесски связанных с названиями кожи, шкуры животного, а также с 

названиями самих животных, относящихся к мелкому рогатому скоту. 1 Связь 

терминов для изделий из кожи с названиями мелкого рогатого скота 

естественна, учитывая огромную хозяйственную и культовую ценность 

животных этого класса у древних индоевропейцев (Гамкрелидзе, Иванов II 

1984:577-589) и способы выделки кож и изготовления бурдюков. 

Следует отметить попутно, что названия кожи, шкуры и сделанных из 

них сосудов, вместилищ интересны не только в чисто этимологическом 

отношении, но и в плане историко-семантической типологии, которая 

проявляется в образовании имен соответствующих артефактов в разных 

языках от семантически сходных основ. Ср., например, праслав. *koà "кожа" 

из более раннего *kozja "козья (шкура)", связанное с праслав. *koza "коза" 

(Фасмер II 1967:276-277; ЭССЯ-12 1985:19, 35-36), или праслав. *m.xъ, 

*m.xa "бурдюк", русск. мех "кожаный мешок для хранения и перевозки 

жидкостей и влажных продуктов, бурдюк" (и вторичное русск. мешок) _ из 

и.-е. *moiso- или *maiso-, этимологически соответствующие праиран. 

1 Тем самым, такие названия, как кл. перс. ma{k, продолжающее др.-перс. ma{ka, где оно 

было заимствовано из семитского источника, или исконные кл. перс. (h)anban 

"кожаный мешок", белудж. aphan "кожаный мешок для муки" и др., интересные сами 

по себе, здесь не рассматриваются. 

117

*mai{a-, кл. перс. me{, др._инд. meja _ "баран" (Фасмер II 1967:612; ЭССЯ-18 

1993:156-159) и другие, см. ниже. 

Рассмотрим термины, происходящие от двух праиранских основ: 

1. Праиран. *aiz-:*´z- "коза", восходящее к и.-е. aiĝ - "коза" (Pokorny 1959:13), 

и производные праиран. *izna-, *izna-, *iz(n)a- (менее вероятно также *aizna-) 

"кожа, 

шкура" (ЭСИЯ 1 2000:145-146). 

2. Праиран. *aza- "козел, коза" (соответствующее др.-инд. aja- "козел", 

ajq- "коза") и производное *azina- "козий, кожа" (соответствующее др.-инд. 

ajina- "кожа"), восходящие к и.-е. *aĝ -, *aĝ - "козел, коза" (Pokorny 1959:6-7), 

ср. праслав. *azьno "кожа" > церк.-слав. jazno "кожа", образованное от 

праслав. *azь в древнем значении "козел" (в дальнейшем сохранилось в 

названии рыбы язь) (ЭССЯ-1 1974:103); о соответствиях в других 

индоевропейских языках см. также (ЭСИЯ 1 2000:292). 

Из этих основ в иранских языках наиболее продуктивной в отношении 

словообразования предстает первая. 

Рефлексы ее производных *izna-, *izna- (и *iza-, *iza-) "кожа, шкура" и 

"кожаный" отмечены, начиная с древности: вторичное прилагательное 

*izanna- "кожаный" отразилось в авест. поздн. izaena-, izaena- "сделанный из 

кожи, кожаный" [производное от *iza- "кожа" (Bartholomae 1979:373)]. 

В более поздних языках засвидетельствованы следующие продолжения: 

*izna-, *aizna- и *izna-ka- "кожаный, сделанный из шкуры" > пушту zay, 

ày 1) "бурдюк, кожаный мешок"; 2) муз. "волынка" (Асланов 1985:486); 

диалект вазири ài "бурдюк" < *izna-ka- (Morgenstierne 1927:105; 

Morgenstierne 2003:105); мундж. iÖiya, которое И. И. Зарубин (Зарубин 

1927:147-148), переводит "козий мех для плаванья" (и возводит к корню 

*sna-, что неверно, см. ниже); ср. однако мундж. yiÖ(i)ya- "сумка из козьей 

кожи" (Morgenstierne 2003:105). О мундж. нижн. aÖyo, верхн. yêÖia "бурдюк 

(из выделанной кожи, для жидкостей)" (Грюнберг 1972:278) см. ниже. Йидга 

izё, ize "мешок из козьей шкуры (для переноски кислого молока)" < 

*iz(i)na-ka- (Morgenstierne 1938:195-196); хот.-сак. h@ys@, h@ysa- (из более 

раннего *iza-) и суффиксальная форма hiysaka "шкура, кожа" (Bailey 

1979:484) и хот.-сак. ijija, ijiji "кожаный, сделанный из кожи" из более 

раннего *ija- "кожа" (где -j- — из еще более раннего *-zy-) (Bailey 1979:32); 

согд. муг. ~yzh, ~zyh "кожаный мешок", ср. кл. перс. ez-(unǰ, e`-(unǰ 

"кожаный мешок" и др. (Лившиц 2008:27); осет. xyz | xizå "сеть, невод; 

кружевной кисейный платок, фата" (первоначально _ изделия из выделанной 

кожи) (Абаев 1989:273) и дальнейшие производные слова, см. ниже; осет. 

xyzåg 1) "сетка"; 2) анат. "сетчатка" (с вторичным суффиксом); 

118

белудж. hiz, hinz, hi(n)zakk "кожаный мешок для сбивания в нем масла; 

кожаный бурдюк-маслобойка" (Elfenbein II 1990:69), izak "кожаный бурдюкмаслобойка" 

(см. (Buddruss 1977:3, 8, 17) с рисунком такого бурдюка-маслобойки, 

сделанного из цельной шкуры и подвешенного на палке 

внутри треноги); ормури iz "бурдюк, мех (сосуд)" (Morgenstierne 1938:195). 

*izaina- "кожаный, сделанный из кожи, шкуры", см. упоминавшееся выше 

авест. поздн. izaena-, izaena- "сделанный из кожи, кожаный" _ производное 

от *iza- "кожа" (Bartholomae 1979:373); 

хот.-сак. itjinai, ijinai, ijiainai "кожаный, сделанный из кожи" (с -jиз 

*-zy-) (Bailey 1979:32); а также хот.-сак. ijinaa _ с суффиксом -aa из более 

раннего *-aka- (Bailey 1979:32, 484); осет. xyzyn | xizin "сума, котомка" (Bailey 

1979:484; Абаев 1989:275). 

От второй основы:*az(i)na- "кожа, шкура", ср. др.-инд. ajina- "кожа, 

шкура (козья)" надежных рефлексов мало, см. (ЭСИЯ 1 2000:292-293). Сюда 

может быть условно отнесено авест. поздн. azina-vant-, которое Хр. 

Бартоломе переводит "живой, подвижный" (Bartholomae 1979:228), а М. 

Майрхофер _ "имеющий шкуру, носящий шкуру" (Mayrhofer 1 1986:51-52). В 

более поздних языках достоверных этимологий самостоятельных слов, 

напрямую восходящих к этой основе, почти не прослеживается 1 . 

Отмечаются формы, которые могут принадлежать и к той, и к другой 

основе, а также случаи возможной контаминации их рефлексов. Имеются и 

неясные и дискуссионные этимологии. 

Так, талыш. xêz "мех" (Пирейко 1976:225) может продолжать и *izna-, и 

*azna-. То же относится к мундж. нижн. aÖyo, верхн. yêÖia "бурдюк (из 

выделанной кожи, для жидкостей)" (Грюнберг 1972:278), однако другие 

мунджанские варианты указывают на общий прототип с анлаутом *i- (см. 

выше). Ишкаш. ìn "маслобойка" может продолжать и *izaina-, и *azina- или 

быть заимствованием. 

Белудж. zik "мешок из овечьей или козьей шкуры, для топленого масла" 

(Buddruss 1977:9), пушту zêk "турсук, бурдюк (используемый для переправы 

через реку)" (Асланов 1985:473) _ могут продолжать *izna-ka-, либо быть 

заимствованы по цепочке из единого источника. Брагуи zik "кожаный мешок 

для топленого масла" заимствовано из белуджского. Г. Бейли в качестве 

этимологически родственного слова к хот.-сак. häysä "кожа, шкура" приводит 

вахан. iìn, yiǰ in "carpet" (Bailey 1979:484), однако на деле вахан. iǰin, yiǰin 

1 

Отмечаются лишь менее явные этимологии основ в композитах и в устойчивых 

словосочетаниях, например, язгул. lam-yez "пробка-затычка для бурдюка" со второй 

частью из *az(a)na-, язгул. zêm-bila "кожаный мешочек для еды (из шкуры ягненка)" с 

первой частью из *izaina- или *az(a)ina- "кожаный; сделанный из кожи" + bila- (ср. 

dast-bila "рукавица"). Хот.-сак. aysdat "предмет потребления" и тумшук. ezdana kalasta 

"кожаный мешок для зерна" (?) (Bailey 1979:6) допускают различные толкования и, 

соответственно, разные этимологии. 

119

имеет значение "войлок, кошма" и другую этимологию (продолжение 

*mi-star(a)na- от корня *star- "расстилать", ср. кл. перс. bistar "постель"), см. 

(Стеблин-Каменский 1999:193). 

В ряде языков слова, производные от *iza-, *izna-, обозначающие бурдюк 

или другие изделия из кожи, контаминированы с производными от *azna- 

"кожа", а сходные друг с другом рефлексы *izaina- и *azina- совпадают с 

похожими на них рефлексами производных имен от глагольного корня *sna- 

"плавать, мыть(-ся), купать(-ся)", особенно когда речь идет о так называемых 

гупсарах, турсуках _ цельных шкурах мелкого рогатого скота, надутых 

воздухом и используемых для плаванья, переправы через реку. 

Так, вахан. yazn "турсук, мех, надутая шкура (для переправы через реку)" 

по фонетическим признакам может восходить и к *izaina- "(козья) шкура", и 

к производному от корня *sna- (Стеблин-Каменский 1999:424), ср. сходное 

ишкаш. ůznůk, wüznuk, wuznuk "бурдюк для плаванья" (Morgenstierne 

1938:421), которое восходит к производному от *sna-, см. ниже); см. также 

(Morgenstierne 1938:555). 

Контаминация отмечается и при сходстве названий изделий из кожи с 

названиями других предметов. Например, примечательно сходство 

праиранских основ *izaina- "кожаный, сделаный из кожи, шкуры" и *zanna- 

"оружие, вооружение". Примеры последнего: авест. поздн. zaena- "оружие" 

(Bartholomae 1979: 1650), ср.-перс., парф. zen "вооружение, меч; снаряжение, 

доспехи" (ср. ср.-перс. a-zen "невооруженный"), ср.-перс. zen-dan, парф. 

zyn-d~n "место хранения оружия; арсенал", позднее "тюрьма" (Nyberg II 

1974:231); согд. будд. zyn "вооружение, меч, снаряжение" и др. В результате 

сходства древнеиранских прототипов, этимология и первоначальное значение 

ср.-перс. zen, кл. перс. zin "седло" трактуются различно:1) "кожаный"; 2) 

"относящийся к снаряжению, упряжи". В ряде работ названия седла 

рассматриваются как рефлексы *izanna- "кожаный", см. (Bailey 1979:32, 484; 

Цаболов II 2010:529). Вместе с тем, не исключено совпадение в терминах 

ср.-перс. zen, кл. перс. zin "седло" рефлексов *izanna- и *zanna-, либо поздняя 

ассоциация в среднеперсидском слова "седло _ предмет, относящийся к 

снаряжению, упряжи" _ со словом "кожаный". В других иранских языках 

названия седла, как правило, заимствованы из персидского: курд. zin "седло", 

заза, вониш., кохруди, кашани, зефреи, сангисари, шамерзади, гази, сивенди, 

седеи zin "седло"; ягн. zin; пушту zin, йидга zin, мундж., ишкаш. zin "седло" и 

многие другие (Morgenstierne 1938:276). 

Названия бурдюков для плаванья, переправы через реки, как правило, 

этимологически отличны от названий бурдюков для жидкостей, сухих 

продуктов. Так в языках Средней и Центральной Азии они производны от 

праиранского корня *sna- "плавать, мыть(-ся), купать(-ся)", а их совпадения с 

120

рассмотренными выше названиями возможны там, где консонантная группа 

праиран. *sn- отражается как zn-, zVn-. 

Наиболее характерны следующие производные от *sna-: 

1. *sna-ka- > др.-иран. диал. *x{na-ka- > *{na-ka- > ср.-перс. *{nag > кл. 

перс. {ina "плаванье (человека, животного)", варианты: {inah "плаванье", 

{anax "плот из надутых бурдюков" (Гаффаров II 1974:510) (если слово {anax 

не является нечеткой записью {ana(, где "(айн" был прочитан как 

изображение "х"); осет. диг. nakå "плаванье" (Абаев 1973:152) (с обычной 

для осетинского утратой *s- в группе *sn-); ишкаш. ůznůk, wüznuk, wuznuk 

"бурдюк для плаванья" (Morgenstierne 1938:421). 

2. *sna-~´- > ср.-перс. раннее {na~, позднее {naz "плаванье" (и деноминативный 

гл. {nazidan "плавать" (MacKenzie 1971:80)) > кл.-перс. раннее 

диалектное *{anaz или *{inaz > диалектное дари {inåz "турсук (бурдюк для 

преправы через реку)" (Миллер 1950:518) 1 _ слово в дальнейшем заимствовано 

из диалектного дари в пушту: см. пушту {anaz, {inaz 1) "гупсар, турсук _ 

надувной кожаный мешок для переправы через реку"; 2) "бурдюк" (Асланов 

1985:553). Реконструируется также согд. диал. *sna~, *sana~, или *sina~, 

*sano~, которое могло означать 1) "плаванье"; 2) "приспособление для 

плаванья _ бурдюк" (в текстах не зафиксировано, но заимствовано в 

таджикские и тюркские диалекты ареала). 

3. *sna-tra- (имя орудия с суфф. *tra- < и.-е. *-tro, *-tlo):"орудие, приспособление 

для плаванья": шугн. zinoc, руш., хуф. zinůc, барт. zinuc, рош. zinoc, 

сар. диалект Ташкургана zыnuc, zыnu~, сар. диалект Бурунгсоля zinuc, язгул. 

zênec "бурдюк для плаванья, переправы" _ с регулярным *sn- > zn- и *-tra > 

-c. Г. Моргенстьерне (Morgenstierne 1974:108) считал эти слова персидскими 

заимствованиями, хотя и с оговоркой о странности конечного -c в 

язгулямском. Однако возведение этих слов к *sna-tra- доказывает их 

исконность и закономерное развитие *sn- > zVn-, *-tr > -c из древнеиранского, 

см. (Edelman 1980:299). 

Интересно, что в то же время развивались похожие названия сосудов из 

кожи в соседних тюркских языках. Для нас важно в этом отношении исконно 

тюркское _ уйгурское диалектное sana~ "кожаный мешок для хранения 

жидкостей" (ЭСТЯ 2003, 189-190). В результате взаимовлияния сходных слов 

в тюркских и иранских диалектах среднеазиатского ареала мы имеем 

любопытные случаи их семантической и фонетической контаминации и 

образования гибридных названий. 

1 Б. Вс. Миллер приводит это слово с пометой "афг.", то есть, зафиксированное в так 

называемом "кабули" — в городском разговорном диалекте г. Кабула, — в диалекте 

языка, который называли "фарси-кабули" и который ныне принято называть "дари". В 

более поздних персидско-русских словарях, ориентированных на литературный 

персидский язык, и в дари-русском словаре данное диалектное слово отсутствует. 

121

Таково тадж. sano~ 1) "бурдюк"; 2) "кожаный мешок, надутый воздухом 

(для переправы через реку)"; 3) "мех". Ср. тадж. уменьшительноее sano~ak 1) 

"дорожная сумка для провизии"; 2) "кожаный кошелек". Это _ раннее 

заимствование из согд. *s(a)na~, *s(a)no~ "плавательный бурдюк из цельной 

шкуры", контаминированное с тюркским sana~ "бурдюк", притом с совмещением 

значений — иранского (надутого меха) и тюркского (меха для 

жидкостей, провизии). В одном из сарыкольских диалектов _ г. Ташкургана, 

где сарыкольцы активно общаются с живущими там же уйгурами, _ исконное 

слово с ауслаутом -c контаминировалось с тюркским (или раннесогдийским, 

прошедшим через тюркское посредство) с ауслаутом -~, что сказалось только 

на фонетическом облике слова, но не на семантической стороне. Ср. несколько 

иную схему развития этих названий в (Buyaner 2006). 

Во всяком случае, названия этого класса хозяйственных предметов не 

связаны этимологически с названиями бурдюков, предназначенных для 

хранения, переноски (и производства) продуктов. 

Итак, обращение к происхождению слов, обозначающих крупные кожаные 

сосуды _ бурдюки, дает возможность сделать некоторые историко-лингвистические 

наблюдения. Во-первых, наглядными предстают неравные возможности 

образования новых слов от праиранских основ *aiz- и *aza-, особенно в 

плане образования названий кожаных сосудов: второе слово _ более древнее 

(на что указывает, в частности, также трансформация его семантики в 

славяннских языках) _ утрачивает в иранских языках свои словообразующие 

позиции. Во-вторых, выявляются некоторые элементы семантической диахронической 

типологии, проявляющиеся в способах образования терминов для 

определенных реалий. В-третьих, определяются случаи контаминации фонетически 

и семантически сходных слов. 

Наконец, обращение к истории названий больших кожаных сосудов (не 

только перечисленных в данной короткой статье) дает повод рассмотреть и 

экстралингвистический аспект проблемы, в частности, подумать о предназначении 

бурдюка в народных культурных традициях, включая праздничные. 

В заключение от всей души поздравляю Прекрасного Человека и 

Ученого Джемшида Гиунашвили со славным юбилеем и желаю ему и его 

близким крепкого здоровья, благополучия и многих-многих лет интересной и 

плодотворной творческой работы! 

Литература 

Абаев 1973: Абаев В.И., Историко-этимологический словарь осетинского языка, Т. II, 

Ленинград. 

Абаев1989: Абаев В.И., Историко-этимологический словарь осетинского языка, Т. 

IV, Л. 

Асланов 1985: Асланов М.Г., Пушту-русский словарь, Москва. 

Гамкрелидзе, Иванов 1984: Гамкрелидзе Т.В., Иванов Вяч. Вс., Индоевропейский 

язык и индоевропейцы. Реконструкция и историко-типологический анализ праязыка 

и протокультуры, Т. II, Тбилиси. 

122

Гаффаров 1974: Гаффаров М.А., Персидско-русский словарь (переиздание с 1928 г.), 

Т. II, Москва. 

Гиунашвили 1976: Гиунашвили Дж.Ш., О происхождении слова «стакан» // Иранское 

языкознание. История, этимология, типология (К 75-летию проф. В. И. 

Абаева), Москва. 

Грюнберг 1972: Грюнберг А.Л., Языки Восточного Гиндукуша. Мунджанский язык, 


Зарубин 1927: Зарубин И.И., К характеристике мунджанского языка, Из материалов 

по иранской диалектологии // Иран, I, Ленинград. 

Лившиц 2008: Лившиц В.А., Согдийская эпиграфика Средней Азии и Семиречья, 

Санкт-Петербург. 

Миллер 1950: Миллер Б.Вс., Персидско-русский словарь, Москва. 

Пирейко 1976: Пирейко Л.А., Талышско-русский словарь, Москва. 

Стеблин-Каменский 1999: Стеблин-Каменский И.М., Этимологический словарь 

ваханского языка, Санкт-Петербург. 

Фасмер 1967: Фасмер М., Этимологический словарь русского языка, Т. II, М. 

Цаболов 2010: Цаболов Р.Л., Этимологический словарь курдского языка, Т. II (N-Ž), 

Москва. 

ЭСИЯ 1 2000: Расторгуева В.С., Эдельман Д.И., Этимологический словарь иранских 

языков, Т. I, Москва. 

ЭССЯ-1 1974: Этимологический словарь славянских языков. Праславянский лексический 

фонд, Под ред. Трубачева О.Н., Вып. 1, Москва. 





ЭСТЯ 2003: Этимологический словарь тюркских языков. Общетюркские и 

межтюркские лексические основы на буквы Л.М.Н.П.С., Москва. 

Bailey 1979: Bailey H.W., Dictionary of Khotan Saka, Cambridge-London-NewYork- 

Melbourne. 

Bartholomae 1979: Bartholomae Chr., Altiranisches W`rterbuch, Strassburg, 1904, 

repr.: Berlin-New York. 

Buddruss 1977: Buddruss G., Buttern in Baluchistan // Benzing B. et al. (eds):Wort und 

Wirklichkeit. Studien zur Afrikanistik und Orientalistik (Eugen Ludwig Rapp zum 70. 

Geburtstag), Teil II, Linguistik und Kulturwissenschaft, Meisenheim am Glan. 

Buyaner 2006: Buyaner D., On the designation of “water-skin” in some languages of 

Central Asia // Acta Orientalia. Vol. 67. 

Edelman 1980: Edelman D.I., History of the Consonant Systems of the North-Pamir 

Languages // Indo-Iranian Journal, vol. 22, pt. 4. 

Elfenbein 1990: Elfenbein J., An Anthology of Classical and Modern Balochi Literature, 

Vol. II, 

Glossary, Wiesbaden. 

MacKenzie 1971: MacKenzie D.N., A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, L. 

Mayrhofer 1986: Mayrhofer M., Etymologisches W`rterbuch des Altindoarischen, 

I Band, Lief 1, Heidelberg. 

Morgenstierne 1927: Morgenstierne G., An Etymological Vocabulary of Pashto, Oslo. 

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Wiesbaden. 

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Morgenstierne 2003: Morgenstierne G., A New Etymological Vocabulary of Pashto. 

Compiled and edited by Elfenbein J., MacKenzie D.N. and Nicolas Sims-Williams 

(Beiträge zur Iranistik, Band 23),Wiesbaden. 

Nyberg 1974: Nyberg H., A Manual of Pahlavi, pt II. Glossary, Wiesbaden. 

Pokorny 1959: Pokorny J., Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Bern. 

joi edelmani 

124 

didi tyavis WurWlebis (tikebis) 

saxelwodebebi iranul enebSi 

reziume 

statiaSi ganxilulia sakuTriv iranuli leqsikuri fondis _ tyavis nawarmis 

saxelwodebebis (tikebis, CanTebis, tomrebis da misT.) etimologiuri analizi. 

gaanalizebulia leqsemaTa ori jgufi: 1) tyavis Zveli dasaxelebebis (siTxeebis 

Casasxmeli da xmeli produqtebis Sesanaxi WurWeli) memkvidre formebi da 

2) im saxelTa refleqsebi, romlebic nawarmoebia `curvis~ aRmniSvneli winare 

iranuli zmnidan (curvisTvis gankuTvnili gasaberi tyavis moculobebi).


bilingvuri ganaTleba da multiglosia 

egviptur sazogadoebaSi 

nino ejibaZe 

zogadad arabul samyaroSi, kerZod egvipteSi, lingvisturi situacia 

rTulia da Cveulebriv fasdeba rogorc diglosiuri. amave dros mosaxleobis 

garkveuli nawilisTvis realobaa ara mxolod diglosia, aramed 

bilingvizmic. 

fergiusonis ganmartebiT, diglosia aris `SedarebiT stabiluri enobrivi 

situacia, sadac enis pirvelad dialeqtebTan erTad (romlebic, SesaZloa, 

standartul an regionur standartul enobriv formebsac Seicavdnen), 

funqcionirebs agreTve Zalian gansxvavebuli, maRal doneze kodirebuli 

(xSirad gramatikulad bevrad ufro rTuli) an ufro adrindeli 

periodis, an sxva sasaubro sazogadoebis enobrivi varianti, soliduri 

werilobiTi literaturis gamoxatvis saSualeba, romelsac Ziri- 

Tadad formaluri ganaTlebis mqone adamianebi floben da romelsac gamoiyeneben 

werilobiTi an oficialuri miznebisTvis, magram is Cveulebrivi 

saubrebisas ar gamoiyeneba mocemuli sazogadoebis arc erTi seqtoris 

mier~ (Ferguson 1971:16). 

diglosiis dros saqme gvaqvs movlenasTan, rodesac ori lingvisturi 

forma erTmaneTis mimarT subordinaciul damokidebulebaSia. egviptisa 

da, zogadad arabuli qveynebis SemTxvevaSi, enis maRal, prestiJul variants 

warmoadgens saliteraturo arabuli, xolo SedarebiT dabali 

statusis formas _ adgilobrivi dialeqtebi. enobriv situacias arabul 

samyaroSi diglosiurad afaseben, magram zogi avtori (Kaye 1994:47) 

Tvlis, rom sinamdvileSi aris `bevri arabuli~ (Many Arabics), xolo 

lingvisturi situacia arabul samyaroSi multiglosiuria. sakiTxisadmi 

aseTi midgoma marTlac axlosaa realur suraTTan: kairoSi, SeiZleba 

iTqvas, zogadi lingvisturi situacia diglosiurs ar scildeba, Tu Cav- 

TvliT, rom aq mxolod ori lingvisturi erTeuli upirispirdeba erTmaneTs 

– kairos kilokavi da saliteraturo arabuli. periferiebSi mdgomareoba 

sxvagvaria: TiToeul sofels aqvs Tavisi adgilobrivi kilokavi, 

amasTan, mosaxleobis didi nawili flobs raionul centrSi gavrcelebul 

kilokavs. adgilobriv mosaxleebs aseve aqvT kavSiri mezobeli soflebis 

mcxovreblebTan, da, Sesabamisad, maT kilokavebsac floben. maT umravlesobas 

sxvadasxva saqmis gamo periodulad uwevs kairoSi Casvlac 

da kairos metyvelebasac ecnobian. Tu aseTi soflis mkvidrma saliteraturo 

arabulic iswavla (an amis gareSedac), poliglosia saxeze gvaqvs. 

magram esec ar aris lingvisturi siWrelis umaRlesi magaliTi. garda 

teritoriuli dialeqtebisa da saliteraturo arabulisa, gvaqvs mesame 

enobrivi konglomeratic: e.w. standartuli arabuli (ejibaZe 2010:22-23). 

125

a. silagaZe e.w. standart-enis Sesaxeb aRniSnavs: `grafikul gamoxatulebaSi 

mxolod erTi ena arsebobs da ara ori. standart-ena mTlianad 

klasikur grafikul sistemas emyareba (garda amisa, principulad _ klasikur 

gramatikasac, Tu ar miviRebT mxedvelobaSi zogierT, aRweris 

TvalsazrisiT arcTu rTul, cvlilebebs). Sesabamisad, principul gansxvavebas 

klasikursa da Tanamedrove enas Soris mxolod sametyvelo 

reprezentacia qmnis...~ (silagaZe 2010:8). 

amasTan, aq CvenTvis principuli mniSvneloba aqvs, rom saliteraturo 

arabuli, miuxedavad imisa, rom swored is warmoadgens maRali statusis 

mqone formas, arc erTi arabis mSobliuri ena araa, mas arasdros 

iyeneben araformaluri saubrebisas. 

bilingvuri situaciis dros saqme gvaqvs or, erTmaneTis mimarT Tanabari 

statusis mqone enobriv formasTan, xSirad, sxvadasxva enobrivi sivrcis 

kuTvnilebasTan. egviptis SemTxvevaSi, bolo saukuneebis diaqronia- 

Si, es iyo, erTi mxriv, arabuli, xolo meore mxriv, istoriuli realiebis 

cvlilebasTan damokidebulebaSi _ Turquli, franguli an, dRevandelobis 

SemTxvevaSi, inglisuri. egviptis istorias axsovs iseTi periodebi, 

rodesac adgilobrivma, ukve saukuneebis manZilze arabizebulma, mosaxleobam, 

ufro zustad misma aristokratulma nawilma, arc ki icoda 

arabuli, iRebda ganaTlebas, magaliTad, Turqulad, da metyvelebda Turqulad. 

es faqti did problemas qmnida mosaxleobis sxvadasxva socialuri 

fenis warmomadgenelTa urTierTobisas, radgan misma dabalma, gaunaTlebelma 

nawilma (aseTi ki XXI saukunis egvipteSic mravlad moiZebneba) 

icoda mxolod Tavisi mSobliuri egvipturi dialeqti. situacia Seicvala 

muhamed alis reformebis Semdeg, rodesac orientacia aRebul iqna 

evropaze. maRali socialuri fenis warmomadgenlebi, aseve, niWieri Raribi 

axalgazrdebic, ganaTlebas evropaSi, ZiriTadad, safrangeTSi, Semdeg 

_ inglisSi iRebdnen. Sedegad, egviptis sinamdvileSi SeiWra axali lingvisturi 

formati. 

dRevandeli sinamdvilis poziciidan imis Tqma, rom mTlianad egvipte- 

Si bilingvuri situaciaa, ar iqneba zusti. magram mosaxleobis erTi fenisTvis 

situacia marTlac kompleqsuria: erTi mxriv _ bilingvuri, meore 

mxriv _ diglosiuric. esaa mosaxleobis is nawili, romelic evropul, 

dReis mdgomareobiT, inglisurenovan ganaTlebas iRebs. Sedegad, egvipteSi 

gazrdili axalgazrda flobs inglisur (da zogjer sxva evropulsac) 

enas srulyofilad, aseve flobs kairos kilokavs (egviptis 

arabuli dialeqtis erTgvar standartul variants), rac erTmaneTTan 

sinTezSi iZleva bilingvur situacias. meore mxriv, am axalgazrdebs 

uwevT cxovreba diglosiur sazogadoebaSi, sadac diglosiis ganmapirobebeli 

faqtoria am dialeqtisa da saliteraturo arabulis Sepirispireba. 

praqtika aCvenebs, rom aseTi axalgazrdobis udidesma nawilma Zalian 

sustad icis saliteraturo arabuli, radgan es is enaa, romelsac arabi 

bavSvebi skolebSi swavloben, xolo egviptis axalgazrdobis mocemuli 

nawili skolaSi evropul enebs ufro maRal doneze swavloben, vidre 

126

arabuls. isini ganaTlebas agrZeleben evropul an amerikul universitetebSi, 

da Tu es umaRlesi dawesebuleba egviptis teritoriazea, maT sauniversiteto 

ganaTlebisas uwevT saliteraturo arabulis Seswavla, 

rac did problemebs uqmniT xolme. isini, vinc mSobliuris statusiT 

floben arabuli enis erT formas _ dialeqts (kerZod, umetesad, kairos 

kilokavs), praqtikulad ar icnoben arabulis meore formas _ saliteraturo 

enas da mis Seswavlas xSirad nulovani donidan iwyeben, ise, rogorc 

isini, vinc sxva enis matarebelia. 

arabul samyaroSi muSaobis, saqmiani korespondenciis marTvisa da 

dokumentaciasTan urTierTobisTvis da a.S. aucilebelia saliteraturo 

arabulis, kerZod, gramatikis codna. rogor an ra enis daxmarebiT swavloben 

es axalgazrdebi saliteraturo arabuli enis gramatikas? 

arabuli sazogadoebis nebismieri segmentisTvis damaxasiaTebeli movlenaa 

e.w. kodis gadarTva, raSic, Cveulebriv, is igulisxmeba, rom arabi 

metyvelebisas iyenebs arabulis sxvadasxva formas, dialeqtidan saliteraturo 

arabulamde, _ enobrivi gradaciis sxvadasxva variants, rac situaciis 

cvlilebaze, gamosaTqmeli azris statusze, TanamosaubresTan 

urTierTobis kvalifikaciaze da sxva parametrebzea damokidebuli. am 

mxriv, specialuri kvlevebi tardeboda egviptis prezidentebis sajaro 

gamosvlebzec ki. magaliTad, prezident naseris sajaro gamosvlebSi saliteraturo 

arabuli JRerda, rogorc àbstraqtuli, idealizirebuli 

an metaforuli mesijebis ena~, xolo, rogorc ki is exeboda `konkretul, 

fizikur, mkacrad personalizebulTan asocirebul~ Temebs, maSinve 

cvlida metyvelebis kods da dialeqtze gadadioda 1 . es e.w. code switching-is 

is variantia, romelic yoveli egviptelis (da arabis) metyvelebis 

Tanmxlebi movlenaa da gulisxmobs kodis gadarTvas erTi enis _ 

arabulis _ SigniT, mis sxvadasxva doneebs Soris. 

magram arabul sinamdvileSi code switching-is sxva, bilingvuri variantic 

arsebobs, rodesac kodis gadarTva xdeba erTi enidan meoreze da 

piriqiT. 

egviptis axalgazrdobis mocemuli nawilis metyvelebaze dakvirveba 

cxadyofs, rom isini mudmivad mimarTaven upiratesad kodis gadarTvis am 

meore variants. aseTi viTarebaa kerZod maSin, rodesac es axalgazrdebi 

saliteraturo arabuls, mis gramatikas swavloben. kairos amerikul universitetSi 

saliteraturo arabuli enis gramatikis leqciebi mimdinareobs 

permanentuli bilingvizmis reJimSi. ZiriTadi sametyvelo enis statusiT 

warmodgenilia egvipturi dialeqti (bunebrivia, misi standartuli 

varianti, e.i. kairos metyveleba), xolo kodis gadarTvis mudmivi 

obieqtia inglisuri ena. amas Tavisi, ara mxolod sociolingvisturi, mizezebi 

aqvs. 

1 Code-switching (Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics: 419). 

127

tradiciuli – klasikuri arabuli gramatikis erTi Tavisebureba 

isaa, rom zogi gramatikuli termini, Tanamedrove, vTqvaT, inglisur gramatikul 

terminologiasTan SedarebiT nakleb komfortulia, rac imaSi 

gamoixateba, rom klasikuri arabuli varianti ara erT konkretul, aramed, 

ramdenime cnebas erTdroulad Seesabameba. magaliTad, sityva harf-iT 

arabi gramatikosebi aRniSnaven bgeras, asos, Tanxmovans, nawilaks. sityviT 

mahall _ brunvas, sityvis sintaqsur statuss, sityviT wazn _ models/yalibs, 

paradigmas, leqsTwyobaSi _ saleqso formis sazoms, igi 

aseve gamoiyeneba, rogorc musikaluri termini arabul musikaSi da a.S., 

meore mxriv, studentTa 100-ma procentma srulyofilad icis inglisuri, 

sadac yovel am cnebas sruliad gansazRvruli, erTi termini Seefereba, 

rac yovelgvar orazrovnebas gvacilebs Tavidan. mdgomareoba 

rTuldeba dialeqtTan mimarTebaSi, romelsac saerTod ar gaaCnia da arc 

unda gaaCndes lingvisturi terminologia. kodis gadarTvis mizezi, dro, 

adgili ganisazRvra. 

dasavluri arabistikis SedarebiT `gamartivebuli~, dasavluri ganaTlebis 

adamianTaTvis metad komfortuli midgomis sailustracio magali- 

Ti arabuli gramatikis zogierT sakiTxTan dakavSirebiT: arabulenovan 

arabul gramatikaSi ar arsebobs sityva `Temis~ (arabuli morfologiis, 

derivaciis erT-erTi friad mniSvnelovani kategoria) aRsaniSnad specialuri 

termini (gamoiyeneba sityva wazn, romelsac zogadi mniSvneloba 

aqvs da sityvis nebismier models gulisxmobs). aqac bunebrivad ganisazRvra 

kodis gadarTvis mizezi da konkretizebul inglisur leqsemebze 

gadasvlis mizanSewoniloba. 

kidev erTi mizezi SeiZleba iyos meore enis (Tanamedrove inglisuris) 

zog SemTxvevaSi ekonomiurobis meti xarisxi arabulTan SedarebiT, 

magaliTad, rodesac erT cnebas arabulSi gamoxatavs SedarebiT rTuli 

sintaqsuri konstruqciisgan Semdgari definicia, maSin, rodesac meore 

enaSi mas erTi leqsema gadmoscems: ’iddiġām(u) harfayin(i) l-‘illa(ti) _ terminisTvis 

`difTongi~ da sxv., rac xSiria arabulSi iseT SemTxvevebSi, roca 

garkveul cnebaTa gadmosacemad arabuli sakuTar resursebs mimarTavs, 

axdens cnebis mniSvnelobis aRweras (rogorc difTongis SemTxvevaSi 

gvaqvs) an SedarebiT axali cnebis ucxo saxelwodebis Targmnas. 

literatura 

silagaZe 2010: a. silagaZe, Tanamedrove arabuli ena: specifika da swavlebis 

problema, Sesavali werili `Tanamedrove arabuli enis saxelmZRvanelosTvis~, 


ejibaZe 2010 n. ejibaZe, egvipturi dialeqtis gramatika, I, Tbilisi. 

Ferguson 1971: Ferguson C.A., Diglossia, Language Structure and Language Use, Stanford, 

California. 

Kaye1994: Kaye S., Formal vs. Informal in Arabic: Diglossia, Triglossia, Tetraglossia, 

etc., Poliglossia – Multiglossia, Journal of Arabic Linguistics, N 27, 47-66. 

Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics, v. I, Brill-London, 2006, 414-421. 

128

Nino Ejibadze 

The Bilingual Education and Multiglossia in the Egyptian Society 

Summary 

The linguistic situation in the Arabic world and in the Egyptian society, in particular, is 

usually considered as diglossical (conditioned by confrontation of the dialectal and literary 

forms of Arabic), but the real situation is more complicated _ multiglossal. 

For a certain part of Egyptian society the linguistic situation is bilingual as well. Some 

Egyptian families give their children the European (generally with orientation on English) 

education. As a result, this part of Egyptian youth speaks, on one hand, English (sometimes 

other European languages as well) fluently and, on the other, the Egyptian colloquial 

Arabic _ as a native language. In synthesis this gives a bilingual situation. The practice 

shows that their knowledge in the literary Arabic is very weak, because this is the language 

which Arabic children learn at school, but at their schools these youths have studied 

European languages, not Arabic; and at their Universities they are pushed to start studying 

the literary Arabic (if it is in Arabic countries) from zero-level, as non-native speakers. 

At the American University in Cairo lectures in the grammar of literary Arabic are 

delivered against the background of bilingualism, in the regime of permanent interlingual 

code switching, where the Egyptian colloquial enjoys the status of the basic spoken 

language (of course, Cairene speech as the standard variety of the Egyptian dialect) and the 

object of the code switching is English. This event has its reasons, which are not always 

sociolinguistic: a) non-unique character of the Arabic grammatical terminology, b) more 

convenient and more simplified methods of western orientalism in approach to some 

themes of the Arabic grammar, c) in some cases _ the more economical character of the 

English language in comparison with the Arabic. 

129

marine ivaniSvili 

130 


mcenareTa saxelebi qarTul oTxTavSi: nardi, nardioni 

qarTul oTxTavSi, qarTuli enis istoriis yvelaze uZveles da umniSvnelovanes 

werilobiT ZeglSi, `wmindad aris daculi Cveni enis Zalian 

Soreuli saxe, ultraarqauli leqsika, zedmiwevniT moqnili, daxvewili 

da eqspresiuli Zalis mflobeli gramatikuli formebi, Sesaxarbebeli 

sintaqsi~ (imnaiSvili 1979, 1986). 

amdenad, qarTuli Tu qarTveluri enebis mkvlevarTaTvis qarTuli 

oTxTavi warmoadgens uaRresad mniSvnelovan sainformacio wyaros. 

qarTvelur enebSi xeebisa da mcenareTa saxelebis kvlevisas yuradReba 

miiqcia oTxTavSi dadasturebulma mcenareTa saxelebis korpusma ara 

marto etimologiebis dadgenisa da sityvaTwarmoebis Seswavlis, aramed 

bibliis teqstebis qarTul TargmanebTan dakavSirebuli sakiTxebisa da, 

zogadad, kulturis istoriis TvalsazrisiTac. 

ismis ramdenime ZiriTadi kiTxva: rogor xdeba mcenareTa saxelebis 

gadmocema qarTuli oTxTavis teqstebSi: sesxebiT, TargmniT Tu msgavsi 

semantikis mqone ekvivalentis CanacvlebiT? aris Tu ara oTxTavSi dadasturebul 

mcenareTa saxelebs Soris saerTo-qarTveluri Zirebi? nasesxeb 

leqsikasTan erTad ixmareba Tu ara sakuTriv qarTuli (qarTveluri) 

sinonimuri formebi? nasesxebi masala saxarebis teqstis meSveobiT 

Semovida qarTul enobriv sistemaSi Tu manamdec arsebobda? ra kulturuli, 

religiuri motivebi ukavSirdeba ama Tu im mcenaris saxels mocemul 

konteqstSi? rogoria qarTul da nasesxeb ZirTa distribucia (magaliTad, 

imis mixedviT, izrdeba Tu ara es mcenare saqarTveloSi)? ramdenad 

adekvaturia leqsikuri ekvivalentebi da riT aixsneba cTomilebebi? 

da a.S. 

qarTuli oTxTavis teqstebSi dadasturebulia mcenareTa 24 saxeli, 

amjerad ganvixilavT nard- fuZes. 

saxarebaSi nard-i, nardion-i (nardus, siler, oleum nardeum) _ mcenare da 

misgan gamoxdili surnelovani zeTi dasturdeba Semdeg magaliTebSi: `moiRo 

litraÁÁ erTi nelsacxebeli nardisa (Sdr. lardioni rCeuli C)~ 

DE, i. 12, 3; àqunda alabastriTa nelsacxebeli nardisa sarwmunoÁsaÁ~ 

DE, _ àqunda SiSiTa nelsacxebeli nardioni patiosani~ C, mr. 14, 3. 

nardi (Nardostachys jatamansi) aRmosavleTSi cnobili keTilsurnelovani 

Zvirfasi mcenarea (ioan. 12, 3-5). umTavresad SemohqondaT indoeTidan. 

palestinasa da mis mezobel qveynebSi xarobs mTebsa da dablobebze. 

mas mewamuli wiTeli yvavilebi aqvs da saamo surnelis mfrqveveli foTlebi. 

misi fesvebidan xdidnen Zvirad Rirebul zeTs, romelic 300 di-

narze metad fasobda (mr. 14, 3; ioan. 12, 3), inaxavdnen alebastris Tavdaxurul 

qilebSi. 

ioane bagrationi nardis Sesaxeb aRniSnavs, rom `gaizrdebis indoeTs 

da aqus suni saamo~ (bagrationi 1986). 

sulxan-saba orbelianTan: nardi (bal.) (14, 3 markoz.) yvavilia sunneli 

(+da mravalferi z), romelsa sparsni sumbuls uÃmoben ZA. 

(bal.) (14, 3 markoz) yvavilia, romelsa Turqni sumbuls uÃmoben B. 

(bal.) yvavilia, romelsa sparsni sumbuls uÃmoben Cbq. (bal.) yvavilia 

D. nardioni (4, 14 qeba) sunneli zeTi nardisa(gan) ZA. 

rogorc vxedavT, sulxan-sabas mixedviT nardi yvavilia sunneli da 

mravalferi, romelsa sparsni (sxva redaqciiT _ Turqni) sumbuls uÃmoben 

(14, 3 mark.) ZA. 

sumbuli (Hyacinthus), arab. `sunbul~, bolqviani mcenare SroSanisebrTa 

ojaxisa, ikeTebs TeTr, lurj an vardisfer surnelovan yvavilebs; 

mohyavT qoTnebSi (qegl). 

arabulSi ﻞﺒﻨﺳ [sunbul] _ `TavTavi~ (Sdr. qarT. `sumbuli~), j. lovis 

azriT, momdinareobs arameulidan. `bunebrivia, rom arabebs ar hqondaT 

TavTavis aRmniSvneli termini, radganac arabuli yofisaTvis miwaTmoqmedeba 

ar iyo damaxasiaTebeli, magram misi arseboba yvela semitur enaSi 

SeiZleba metyvelebdes mis saerTo-semitur warmomavlobaze. v. gezeniusi 

mas ukavSirebs asurul šubultu-s da paralelurad mohyavs egvipturi fuZe 

sabar(a) `toti nayofiT~ (nedospasova 1978: 40). 

g. wereTlis arabul-qarTul leqsikonSi gvaqvs ﻞﺒﻨﺳ [sunbul], x. baranovTan: 

ﻞﺒﻨﺳ [sunbul] 1. `TavTavi~; e.i. arab. n: qarT. m; 2. `tita~. 

h. levis monacemebiT TeofrastesTan, dioskoridesTan da nikanderTan 

dadasturebuli saxeli na,rdoj, ¹ [nardos], momdinareobs ebrauli דּרנ 

[nērd]-isgan, am mcenaris samSoblo indoeTia da misi ebrauli saxelwodeba 

sanskritul nálada-s ukavSirdeba (Lewy 1895: 40). 

m. nedospasovas arabul oTxTavSi ucxo warmoSobis leqsikis analizisas 

aRniSnul ZirTan dakavSirebiT mohyavs saintereso cnobebi; kerZod, 

ivaraudeba, rom nard arabulSi siriulidan aris Sesuli da, j. lovisa 

da v. gezeniusis azriT, momdinareobs sanskritis nálada-dan. aqve aRniSnulia, 

rom m. fasmeri g. hofmanze dayrdnobiT nard-s ganixilavda finikiuri 

warmoSobis Zirad, xolo g. freitagi arabulSi دﺮﻧ [nard]-s sparsul 

nasesxobad Tvlida (nedospasova 1978:77). 

aqve unda SevniSnoT, rom oTxTavis arabuli da sparsuli Targmanebis 

Sesabamis muxlebSi (i. 12, 3; mr. 14, 3), arabulSi _ ﻦﻳدرﺎﻧ [nāridīn], sparsulSi 

ki _ ﻞﺒﻨﺳ [sombol] (Sdr. qarT. sumbuli; agreTve, albaT, sparsulidan 

nasesxebi Turquli hintsümbülü) fuZeebi gvxvdeba. 

berZnulis etimologiur leqsikonSi na,rdoj, ¹ _ nardi ganmartebulia 

Semdegnairad: 

semituridan (finik.) momdinare fuZea; Sdr. ebr. nērd, aram. nirda, babil. 

landu. am fuZis dakavSireba Zv. ind. evrop. naḍá -sTan `lerwami~ metad sa- 

131

eWvoa; ufro savaraudoa, semituri fuZeebis Zv. ind. evrop. nálada- ìnduri 

nardi~ Ziridan momdinareoba, Sdr. lit. laT. nardus, -um; v. hofmans 

na,rdoj -Tan erTad mocemuli aqvs agreTve na,rth, rogorc aromatuli 

mcenaris aRmniSvneli fuZe (Thphr. HP 9,7,3) (Frisk 1960, 1970). 

rac Seexeba qarTul oTxTavSi dadasturebul nard-s, rogorc Cans, 

is berZnulis gziT saxarebis teqstebis Targmanis meSveobiT Semosuli 

fuZea. 

amgvarad, rom SevajamoT nard fuZis warmoSobisa da enebSi gavrcelebis 

zemoT ganxiluli monacemebi, miviRebT Semdeg suraTs: 

nard-, nardion- (mr. 14, 3; i. 12, 3; mr. 14, 3 C): qarTuli nardi [nardi]; 

berZnuli na,rdoj, ¹ [nardos]; laTinuri nardus (f.); ebrauli דּ רנ [nērd]; 

somxuri Ý³ñ¹ [nard]; arabuli ﻦﻳدرﺎﻧ [nāridīn]; inglisuri nard; germanuli 

Narde (f.); franguli nard (m.); rusuli нард; sparsulsa da TurqulSi 

warmodgenilia sxva leqsikuri erTeuli, kerZod, sparsuli ﻞﺒﻨﺳ [sombol]; 

Turquli hintsümbülü. 

literatura 

abulaZe 1973: i. abulaZe, Zveli qarTuli enis leqsikoni, Tbilisi. 


urTierTobidan, I, Tbilisi. 

bagrationi 1986: i. bagrationi, sabunebismetyvelo ganmartebiTi leqsikoni, 

`mecniereba~, Tbilisi,. 

imnaiSvili 1957: i. imnaiSvili, saxelTa bruneba da brunvaTa funqciebi Zvel 

qarTulSi, Tbilisi. 

imnaiSvili 1979: qarTuli oTxTavis ori bolo redaqcia, Tbilisi. 

imnaiSvili 1986: qarTuli oTxTavi, simfonia-leqsikoni, Tbilisi. 

mayaSvili 1961: a. mayaSvili, botanikuri leqsikoni, Tbilisi. 

nedospasova 1962: m. nedospasova, ucxo warmoSobis sityvebi al-a´Sas poeziaSi, 

saq. ssr mecn. akad. `macne~, 2, Tbilisi. 

nedospasova 1978: m. nedospasova, ucxo warmoSobis leqsika arabul oTxTavSi, 


orbeliani 1991, 1993: sulxan-saba orbeliani, leqsikoni qarTuli, Tbilisi. 

fenrixi, sarjvelaZe 2000: h. fenrixi, z. sarjvelaZe, qarTvelur enaTa etimologiuri 

leqsikoni, spu gamomcemloba, Tbilisi. 

SaniZe 1945: a. SaniZe, qarTuli oTxTavis ori Zveli redaqcia, sami Satberduli 

xelnaweris mixedviT, gamosca a. SaniZem, saq. ssr mecn. akad. gamomcemloba, 


wereTeli 1951: g. wereTeli, arabul-qarTuli leqsikoni, Tsu gamomcemloba, 


Баранов 1985: Баранов Х.К., Арабско-русский словарь, Москва. 

Библейская энциклопедия 1990: Библейская энциклопедия, «ТЕРРА», Москва. 

Библейский энциклопедический словарь 1985: Библейский энциклопедический 

словарь, Эрих Нюстрем, Канада, Торонто. 

Бируни Абу Рейхан 1957-1966: Бируни Абу Рейхан, Избранные произведения, т. 1-3, 

Ташкент. 

132

Гаффаров 1914-1927: Гаффаров М.А., Персидско-русский словарь, т. I-II, Москва. 

Рубинчик 1970: Рубинчик Ю.А., Персидско-русский словарь, «Советская энциклопедия», 

Москва. 

Фасмер 1964-1973: Фасмер Б., Этимологический словарь русского языка, т. I-IV, 

Москва. 

Al`-Mawrid 1997: Al`-Mawrid, A Modern Arabic-English Dictionary, Beirut. 

Dehkhoda, Shahidi 1991: Dehkhoda, A.A., Shahidi M., Moin J., et al.: Loghat Nāmeh 

Dehkhodā. Dāneshgāh Tehrān, Tehran University 

Frisk 1960, 1970: Frisk H., Griechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch: Etymological 

Dictionary of the Greek Language. 

Gesenius 1910: Gesenius W., Hebräisches und aramäishes Handwőrterbuch über das Alte 

Testament, Leipzig. 

Haim 2000: Haim S., The Larger Persian-English Dictionary, Forhang-e Moaser, Teheran. 

Lewy 1895: Lewy H., Die Semitischen Främdwőrter im Griechischen, Berlin. 

Liddell, Scott 1996: Liddell H.G. and Scott R., Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford. 

Lőw 1881: Lőw, J., Aramaeische Pflanzennamen, Leipzig. 

Mâhvân 2001: Mâhvân, A., Iran Flora Dictionary. The First Persian Plants Dictionary of Iran. 

Novum Testamentum, Cracce et Latine: Novum Testamentum, Cracce et Latine, utrumque 

textum cum apparata critico imprinendum curavitm EBERHARD NESTLE novis curis 

elaboraverunt Erwin Nestle et Kurt Aland, Editio vicesima secunda, United Bible Societies, 

London 1963/1969, printed in Germany. 

Marine Ivanishvili 

The Plant Names in the Georgian New Testament: Nard, Nardion 

Summary 

The corpus of the plant names in the New Testament is interesting from the point of view 

of the derivational forms and culture history. There arise some questions: How are the plant 

names presented in the Georgian New testament texts _ by means of translation, borrowing, 

derivation/composition, or by means of replacement with similar semantic equivalents? Are 

the Proto-Kartvelian roots reflected among the New Testament’s plant names? What 

cultural or religious motives are basic for the plant names in the given context? The article 

gives answers to the above-mentioned issues and presents the way of the origin and 

borrowing of one of the stems from twenty-four plant names of the New Testament texts: 

Nard (Nardus) and its oil Nardion (Oleum nardeum). The result of the investigation is 

given below: 

nard-, nardion-: (MR. 14, 3; I. 12, 3; MR. 14, 3 C): Georgian nardi [nardi]; Greek 

na,rdoj, ¹ [nardos]; Latin nardus (f.); Hebrew דּ רנ [nērd]; Armenian Ý³ñ¹ [nard]; Arabic 

ﻦﻳدرﺎﻧ [nāridīn]; English Nard; German Narde (f.); French Nard (m.); Russian нард; In 

Persian and Turkish another lexical unit is attested: Persian ﻞﺒﻨﺳ [sombol]; Turkish hintsümbülü. 

133

В.Б. Иванов 

134 


ДВУХФОКУСНЫЕ СОГЛАСНЫЕ В ИРАНСКИХ ЯЗЫКАХ 

Краткое содержание 

В статье рассматривается категория щелевых двухфокусных согласных в 

системах консонантизма иранских языков. На материалах инструментальноэкспериментальных 

работ (Ladefoged, Maddieson 1996; Соколова 1953; 

Пахалина 1959; Файзов 1999; Гаприндашвили, Гиунашвили1964) оценивается 

корректность введения данной категории в традиционных фонетических 

описаниях и показывается её ненужность для дальнейших исследований. 

Двухфокусные в языках мира 

Во времена становления сравнительно-исторического метода в языкознании 

экспериментальные и инструментальные исследования ещё не получили 

сколько-нибудь ощутимого развития. В то же время многие из работ 

того периода стали своего рода классикой в иранистике и не потеряли своего 

значения до сих пор. В отношении описания некоторых фонетических явлений 

в истории иранских языков существует несколько школ, которые, не 

противореча в главном, всё же обладают существенными отличиями. Эти 

отличия в трактовке, интересные сами по себе, являются источником постоянных 

вопросов со стороны учащихся и побуждают более строго разобраться 

в некоторых весьма тривиальных, на первый взгляд, сведениях. 

Данная статья ставит своей целью оценку вероятности существования 

двухфокусных согласных в истории иранских языков с точки зрения методов 

экспериментальной фонетики. При этом, не претендуя на новизну, мы 

постулируем следующую весьма естественную закономерность и исходим из 

следующих соображений: 

(1) Фонетические явления, которые не обнаруживаются в живых языках, 

невероятны и в мёртвых. 

Напротив, звуки, которые можно найти в большом числе языков, будем 

считать вероятными. Соответственно, редкость каких-либо звуков в языках 

мира свидетельствует в пользу меньшей вероятности их существования в 

истории языка. Сведения по общей фонетике берутся в основном из работы 

(Ladefoged, Maddieson 1996), в которой приведены данные, собранные более 

чем в 400 языках мира. Сведений по иранским языкам, за исключением двух 

незначительных ссылок, нам в этой монографии обнаружить не удалось, так 

что введение в мировой научный оборот достижений отечественной 

иранистики, представляется по-прежнему актуальной задачей. 

По поводу возможности воспроизведения слышимых фрикативных 

шумов в двух фокусах одновременно P. Ladefoged и I. Maddieson пишут: "Это 

очень трудно… Щелевые согласные требуют более точного позиционирования 

органов речи, чем смычные или аппроксиманты (согласные типа w – 

В.Б.). Размеры щели между артикуляторными органами и скорость возду-

шного потока должны быть в критических пределах, чтобы создать трение. 

Достижение сразу двух таких критических регулировок, особенно, когда скорость 

потока должна быть различной в разных точках, весьма проблематично. 

По законам акустики, даже если и появляются два источника трения, 

более передний из них в ротовом резонаторе маскирует эффект более заднего. 

Отсюда щелевые звуки с двойнымфокусом представляются лингвистически 

нежелательными элементами; они трудны для произнесения и плохо 

различаются" (Ladefoged, Maddieson 1996:329-330, перевод наш). 

Помимо существования огубленных согласных в гуттуральном ряду во 

многих работах упоминается наличие огубленности на определённых этапах 

развития и в сибилянтном ряду. Как известно, щелевые (фрикативные) бывают 

двух типов: 

а) создающие турбулентность воздушного потока в самой щели; 

б) создающие турбулентность за счёт обдува вырывающимся из щели 

воздухом какого-либо препятствия, напр. зубов. 

Последние и называются сибилянтами. К их числу относят [s], [z], [š], [ž] 

с разного рода дополнительными артикуляциями и модификациями (напр. 

церебральностью, палатализацией). К числу несибилянтов относят [θ], [δ]. 

Среди корональных щелевых согласных (т.е. артикулируемых кончиком и 

передней частью спинки языка) насчитывается 5 несибилянтов и 14 сибилянтов 

(Ladefoged, Maddieson 1996:138). 

Двухфокусные в истории языков 

На этапе выделения индоиранских языков восстанавливают различные 

позиционные рефлексы индоевропейского сибилянта *s: [s], [š], [ś], среди которых 

есть и огубленный [sʷ] 1 (Эдельман 1986:47). Последний существовал в 

отдельных диалектах в соседстве со звуками, имевшими лабиальный 

компонент. Полагается, что в соответствии с правилом RUKI варианты *s 

приобретали второй фокус, гоморганный соседнему звуку. Через эту двухфокусную 

стадию *s после *r, *u, *k (включая рефлексы огубленного*kʷ) и *i 

перешло в балтийских и в большинстве арийских языков в [š]. В 

праславянском оно дало [x], [š](Эдельман 1986:47; Эдельман 2002:30-31). 

Поскольку для современной экспериментальной фонетики описанный 

процесс представляется маловероятным событием, попробуем взглянуть на 

эту проблему немного по-другому. Известно утверждение о том, что в период 

становления группы сатэм звук*s остался практически единственной щелевой 

согласной фонемой и имел широкую вариабельность. Тогда он реализовывался 

в виде двух аллофонов [s] и [z] (Эдельман 1986:47; Эдельман 2002:30; 

Семереньи 2002:62). 

Такая широкая вариативность делает избыточной гипотезу о втором 

щелевом фокусе. Первый (основной) фокус мог передвигаться от передних 

зубов до мягкого нёба, не нарушая контраст (2) с другими щелевыми 

согласными. А зафиксироваться в более задней позиции (как для[š]) он мог с 

появлением более передних щелевых, напр. [f] или [θ], которые отмечаются в 

1 В оригинале обозначено [s o ]. 

135

древнеперсидском и авестийском (Расторгуева 1997:17). Переход из одного 

фонологического состояния в другое звук [s w ] мог проделать за исторически 

короткий период. 

Известны случаи, когда ненормированные языки развиваются так 

быстро, что фонологически существенные изменения могут произойти за 

время жизни одного–двух поколений носителей. Так, при обследовании 

языка бадага дравидской семьи в работе Эмено (Emeneau 1939; Ladefoged, 

Maddieson 1996:313) было выяснено, что 5 гласных[i], [e], [a], [o], [u] в нём 

могут быть простыми, полуретрофлексными и полностью ретрофлексными 

(т.е. иметь 3 ступени градуальной оппозиции). Эмено представил тогда 

доказательства, что все 15 гласных обладают фонологическим контрастом. 

Его полевое исследование проводилось в 1930-х годах. В 1980-х годах 

результаты его исследования были проверены на современных носителях 

языка бадага, включая внука того носителя языка, который был информантом 

Эмено. Из большого числа информантов сохранились очень немногие, 

которые могли поддерживать трёхступенчатый контраст, да и то, для одного, 

максимум двух гласных (Ladefoged, Maddieson 1996:314). 

Аналогичная скорость развития (а с некоторой точки зрения и деградации 

фонетической базы) характерна для бесписьменных памирских языков. 

Например, в ишкашимском языке прямо на глазах утрачивается контраст 

простых и церебральных согласных. Упрощение фонетической системы 

происходит, очевидно, под влиянием многоязычия с окружающими языками, 

в которых нет ретрофлексных. К числу последних относится таджикский. 

У нас пока нет оснований предполагать, что v-образная (губно-зубная) 

дополнительная артикуляция существовала в истории иранских языков. 

Обратим внимание также на то, что среди фонетических знаков Международной 

фонетической транскрипции (IPA) нет верхних индексных знаков v( v ) и 

o( o ), есть только w( w ), который рекомендуется для обозначения огубленности 

любых согласных. Опыт показывает, что использование транскрипционных 

знаков, несоответствующих международным стандартам, неперспективно. Их 

поддержка требует постоянных дополнительных усилий со стороны авторов и 

издателей. Поэтому в будущих иранистических работах для обозначения 

огубленности согласных можно рекомендовать использование обозначений 

только типа x w , h w и т.п., воздерживаясь от индексных знаков v ( v ) и o ( o ). 

Традиционный подход к двухфокуснымв иранских языках 

Тривиальным положением российских (советских) описаний консонантизма 

иранских языков было, есть и, к сожалению, ещё какое-то время будет 

утверждение о том, что щелевые [š] и [ž] являются двухфокусными. Ссылки 

здесь не приводятся, потому что количество таких работ измеряется сотнями. 

Вместе с [š] и [ž] в категорию двухфокусных попадают также аффрикаты 

[č] и [j] иранских языков. Аффрикаты, как известно, состоят из смычного 

начала и щелевого продолжения. Полагается, что двухфокусность аффрикат 

проявляется на их щелевых участках [š]и [ž] (Соколова 1953:223). 

В западной лингвистике наличие щелевых двухфокусных в иранских языках 

нигде не упоминается. Создаётся впечатление, что там об этой фундаментальной 

особенности иранских согласных никто не знает. В чём же тут дело? 

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Заглянем в «Общие фонетики», написанные в середине прошлого века 

(см. Зиндер 2007:170-172 и Матусевич 1959:48-50). Из приведённых там 

рассуждений (вопреки мнению, высказанному в книге Ladefoged, Maddieson 

1996:329–330) следует, что двухфокусные являются наиболее распространённым 

видом щелевых. Для [ш] врусском языке помимо подъёма кончика 

языка постулировался подъём его задней части, для [š] в английском и польском 

— средней. При этом опорой для таких выводов служило учение академика 

Л.В. Щербы, который в свою очередь опирался на работу (Bremer 

1893:74), в которой история ich-лаута выводилась из сочетания [s + x]. 

Эти теоретические положения тогда экспериментально не проверялись. 

Исследования психологии речи показывают, что человек не в состоянии по 

своим ощущениям определить форму спинки своего языка в потоке речи. 

При наличии авторитетного мнения и при невозможности решить проблему 

непосредственным наблюдением, возникает placebo effect – эффект самогипноза, 

когда сомнение решается в пользу общепризнанного представления. 

Мнения самих иранистов на этот счёт иногда звучат довольно курьёзно. Одна 

известная иранистка на вопросы: "Почему Вы в описании исследуемого Вами 

языка вставили в таблицу консонантизма щелевые двухфокусные, хотя американские 

лингвисты говорят, что они не существуют?" ответила, что эту типовую 

таблицу им спустили сверху. Эту таблицу, конечно, никто не навязывает, её 

выбирают сами иранисты, на подсознательном уровне полагая, что более сложная 

таблица свидетельствует о более высоком уровне исследования. 

Данные палатографирования 

Приблизительно в середине прошлого века появляются инструментальные 

возможности для проверки существования двухфокусных. Сначала 

таким инструментальным методом стало палатографирование, которое, 

однако, в те времена имело значительные ограничения. Артикуляцию (прикосновение 

языка к искусственному мягкому нёбу) можно было "сфотографировать" 

один раз за всё слово. Затем искусственное мягкое нёбо надо 

было вынуть изо рта информанта. 

Палатографированием на материале иранских языков занимались В.С. 

Соколова и Т.Н. Пахалина. На Рис. 1 показаны палатограммы ваханских 

щелевых церебральных согласных [ṣ̌] и [ẓ̌] по работе (Соколова 1953:228). На 

нём ясно видно, что сближение боковых краёв языка (заштрихованных 

областей) происходит в одном месте. Сближения нам указывают на место 

образования узкой щели (другими словами фокуса). 

Рис. 1. Палатограммы ваханских церебральных [ṣ̌] и [ẓ̌] (Соколова 1953:228) 

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Второго сближения (фокуса) на палатограммах не видно ни на средней, ни на 

задней части спинки языка, тем не менее, вывод о двухфокусности щелевых 

церебральных довольно категоричен, и даже подчёркивается её 

фонологическая существенность (Соколова 1953:222). 

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Рис. 2. Палатограммы ваханских обычных[š] и [ž] (Соколова 1953:228) 

В этой работе есть палатограммы и простых щелевых [š] и [ž] (см. Рис. 

2). Как правило, в иранских языках они имеют палатализованный (мягкий) 

характер в отличие от русских [ш] и [ж], где они твёрдые. В случае с 

церебральными щель особенно узка потому, что язык загнут вверх и ближе 

прижат к провалу в альвеолах, чем в случае с обычными [š] и [ž], где язык 

имеет плоскую форму и не обтекает провал в альвеолах. Различные формы 

щели и языка создают разные виды турбулентности (завихрений), что 

выражается акустически в различных спектрах. Для оценки различий в 

спектрах шумных согласных разных категорий удобно использовать 

параметр под названием «центр тяжести». 

На Рис. 2 мы не видим таких явных сближений боковых краёв языка, как 

на Рис. 1.Сама В.С. Соколова пишет: "Существенно отметить, что для фонем 

[š] и [ž] передний фокус вообще фонологически не обязателен: в отдельных 

случаях (при вялой артикуляции) кончик языка вовсе не участвует в работе, 

оставаясь опущенным к основанию нижних зубов. В этих случаях возникают 

среднеязычные круглощелевые согласные [ś] и [ź], которые воспринимаются 

на слух как очень мягкие [š́] и [ž́]" (Соколова 1953:222-223). Необязательность 

переднего фокуса вводится также и для ваханских аффрикат [č], 

[j],[č̣] и [j̣] (Соколова 1953:223). Эти высказывания В.С. Соколовой вполне 

примиряют точки зрения наших иранистов и П. Ладефогеда. Всё же возникает 

теоретический вопрос: если один из фокусов не обязателен, зачем же 

согласные называть двухфокусными? Иными словами, факультативные элементы 

нельзя считать системообразующими. 

Рис. 3. Реализации ишкашимского церебрального [ṣ̌] в произношении двух 

информантов (Пахалина 1959:27)

На Рис. 3 хорошо видно сходство ишкашимского церебрального [ṣ̌] с 

ваханским: всё тот же один фокус. Но, как и в работе (Соколова 1953), он 

однозначно причисляется к двухфокусным (Пахалина 1959:24). 

Данные рентгенографии 

Рентгенография по сравнению с палатографированием является более 

надёжным инструментом артикуляторных исследований, так как расширяет 

наш кругозор: рентген работает не только с местом контакта активных и 

пассивных органов, но и позволяет видеть их форму в целом. В иранистике 

нам известны всего две работы с использованием рентгенографии: в персидской 

фонетике (Гаприндашвили, Гиунашвили 1964) и в таджикской (Файзов 

1999). 

Рис. 4. Рентгенограмма персидского [š] (Гаприндашвили, Гиунашвили 1964:100) 

Традиционно, на слух, в обоих языках [š] и [ž] (нередко и [č], [j]) относят 

к двухфокусным. Рентгенографическая проверка на материале персидского 

языка продемонстрировала, что: "Понижение задней части спинки языка, 

наблюдаемое нами как при [ž], так и при [š] свидетельствует о несостоятельности 

мнения о том, что для получения эффекта шипения необходим 

подъём вверх задней части языка и сближение его с мягким нёбом для образования 

т. н. "второго шумообразующего фокуса". В персидской литературном 

произношении акустические твёрдость и мягкость обусловлены позицией 

данного звука. Значительная ширина задней части резонатора способствует 

восприятию [š] скорее не как мягкого, а скорее как твёрдого спиранта. 

Как показало нам рентгенографическое исследование, в персидском 

литературном языке при артикуляции спирантов "второй шумообразующий 

фокус" не наблюдается» (Гаприндашвили, Гиунашвили, 1964: 100; см. Рис. 4 

и Рис. 5). 

Рис. 5. Реализации персидского [ž] в исполнении трёх информантов 

(Гаприндашвили, Гиунашвили 1964:93) 

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В своей работе, посвящённой таджикскому литературному языку М.Ф. Файзов 

пишет: «Основываясь на рентгенографическом исследовании, можно утверждать, что 

при артикуляции шипящих спирантов таджикского литературного языка "второй 

шумообразующий фокус" не наблюдается. Таким образом, органы речи при артикуляции 

"ш" сближаются только в одном месте. О двухфокусности "ш" таджикского 

литературного произношения и речи быть не может» (Файзов 1999:15; см. Рис. 6). 

140 

Рис. 6. Рентгенограмма таджикского [š] (Файзов 1999:15) 

Из рассуждений на стр. 3 той же работы М.Ф. Файзова становится понятным, 

что и таджикское [ž] он тоже относил к щелевым однофокусным согласным. 

Выводы 

Приведённые в нашей статье материалы инструментальных и экспериментальных 

исследований недвусмысленно свидетельствуют о том, что постулирование 

существования щелевых двухфокусных согласных в языках мира 

вообще, и в иранистике в частности не имеет аргументированной базы и достаточных 

оснований. Пока что мы не получили от сторонников существования 

щелевых двухфокусных ни одного материального доказательства – палатограммы 

или рентгенограммы. Отметим также, что рентгенографическое 

исследование (Гаприндашвили, Гиунашвили 1964), хотя и было написано 

около полувека тому назад, не потеряло своей научной значимости и до сих 

пор. Таким образом, предлагается из типовой схемы классификации согласных 

в иранских языках графы «щелевые двухфокусные» и «двухфокусные 

аффрикаты» изъять как не получившие инструментального подтверждения и 

как не соответствующие действительности. 

Литература 

Гаприндашвили, Гиунашвили 1964: Гаприндашвили Ш.Г., Гиунашвили Дж.Ш., 

Фонетика персидского языка,Т. 1., Мецниереба, Тбилиси. 

Зиндер 2007: Зиндер Л.Р., Общая фонетика и избранные статьи, Изд. 2-е. Академия, 

Москва – Санкт-Петербург. 

Матусевич 1959: Матусевич М.И., Введение в общую фонетику, Пособие для 

студентов университетов и педагогических институтов, Государственное учебно- 

педагогическое издательство Министерства просвещения РСФСР, Москва.

Пахалина 1959: Пахалина Т.Н., Ишкашимский язык, Очерк фонетики и грамматики, 

Тексты и словарь, Издательство Академии Наук СССР, Москва. 

Расторгуева 1997: Расторгуева В.С., Иранские языки. // Языки Мира, Иранские 

языки(в трёх томах), т. 1, Институт Языкознания, Российская Академия Наук, 

издательство «Индрик», Москва. 

Семереньи 2002: Семереньи О., Введение в сравнительное языкознание, УРСС, 

Москва. 

Соколова 1953: Соколова В.С., Очерки по фонетике иранских языков, Т. II, Москва- 


Файзов 1999: Файзов М.Ф., Альбом артикуляций звуков таджикского литературного 

языка, Под ред. Расторгуевой В.С., Национальный банк Республики Таджикистан, 

Институт языка и литературы им. Рудаки АН РТ, Душанбе. 

Эдельман 1986: Эдельман Дж.И., Сравнительная грамматика восточноиранских 

языков. Фонология, «Наука», Москва. 

Эдельман 2002: Эдельман Дж.И., Иранские и славянские языки. Исторические 

отношения, «Восточная литература», РАН, Москва. 

Bremer 1893: Bremer O., Deutsche Phonetik, Leipzig. 

Emeneau 1939: Emeneau M., The Vowels of Badaga Language. // Language 15; 43–7. 

Ladefoged, Maddieson 1996: Ladefoged Peter, Maddieson Ian., The Sounds of the 

World’s Languages, Blackwell Publishers, Padstow, Cornwall, Great Britain. 

vladimer ivanovi 

orfokusiani Tanxmovnebi iranul enebSi 

reziume 

statiaSi ganxilulia iranuli enebis orfokusian napralovan TanxmovanTa kategoria. 

eqsperimentul-instrumentul gamokvlevaTa masalaze (Ladefoged, Maddieson 

1996; Соколова 1953; Пахалина 1959; Файзов 1999; Гаприндашвили, Гиунашвили1964) 

Sefasebulia tradiciul fonetikur aRwerebSi am kategoriis Setanis 

koreqtuloba da naCvenebia misi uvargisoba Semdgomi kvlevebisaTvis. 

141

vaxtang imnaiSvili 

142 


sakuTar saxelTa brunebis erTi gansakuTrebuli 

SemTxveva qarTulSi 

cnobilia, rom qarTulSi anTroponimebi kvecas ar eqvemdebareba, sxva 

saxis sakuTari saxelebi (gvarebi, mdinareTa, qveynebis, dasaxlebuli punqtebisa 

da msgavsTa saxelwodebani), rogorc wesi, ikveceba. sizustis- 

Tvis davZen: fuZeukvecelTa jgufSi Sedis, agreTve, ucxouridan Semosuli 

xmovanfuZiani gvarebi. 

qvemoT ganxilulia adamianTa saxelebis erTi gansakuTrebuli jgufi, 

roca sakuTriv adamianis saxels mosdevs damatebiT raime saxis metsaxeli 

(an masTan gaTanabrebuli sityva), romlis fuZec e xmovanze mTavrdeba 

(giorgi brwyinvale, efrem mcire, ivane mrisxane da msgavsni). 

sityva, romelic anTroponims mosdevs, pirovnebis raRac Tvisebaze an 

xarisxsa Tu wodebaze miuTiTebs. yovel SemTxvevaSi, TviTon es ganmarteba 

araa sakuTari saxeli, Cveulebriv, zedsarTavia an mimReoba da erTgvari 

gansazRvrebis rolSi gamodis. wesiT, amgvari sityva iseve unda icvlebodes, 

rogorc calke aRebul zedsarTavs Seefereba: brunebisas kvecas 

unda eqvemdebarebodes. TviT Sesityveba ki garegnulad msazRvrelsazRvrulis 

inversiuli wyobis, anu sazRvrul-msazRvrelis, tolfasia. 

rodesac sakuTari saxelis Semdeg mdgomi metsaxeli (faqtobrivad _ 

gansazRvreba) e xmovanze mTavrdeba, anu gvaqvs Sesityveba, romlis meore 

wevri e-fuZiani msazRvrelia, maSin ukanaskneli sityva imis nacvlad, rom 

naTesaobiTsa Tu moqmedebiTSi Seikvecos, xSirad e xmovans inarCunebs da 

naTesaobiTi garegnulad emsgavseba micemiTi brunvis formas. maSasadame, 

vTqvaT, Sesityveba `giorgi brwyinvales~ romelic formis mixedviT mxolod 

da mxolod micemiT brunvas gamoxatavs (`giorgi brwyinvales mimowera 

hqonda romis pap ioane XXII-sTan~), zogjer SeiZleba naTesaobiTi 

brunvis funqciiT iyos aRWurvili (giorgi brwyinvales sasaxle). 

bunebrivia, aseT SemTxvevaSi ukve aRaraviTari mniSvneloba ara aqvs, 

sakuTriv adamianis saxeli (anTroponimi) xmovanze mTavrdeba Tu Tanxmovanze. 

aRniSnulis kerZo SemTxveva gvaqvs maSin, roca sakuTari saxelis damatebad 

gamodis ara zedsarTavi an mimReoba, aramed ricxviTi (ukeT, rigobiTi 

ricxviTi) saxeli (`pirvelis~ gamoklebiT, vTqvaT, èrekle meore~), 

rac gansakuTrebiT xSirad gvxvdeba saistorio profilis mqone 

literaturaSi, rodesac ricxviTi saxeli ama Tu im mefis, dedoflis, 

papis Tu sxvaTa saxelis rigiTobas miuTiTebs: vaxtang meeqvse, ekaterine 

meore, papi ioane-pavle meore da a.S. 

amTaviTve unda aRvniSno, rom qvemoT warmodgenili nimuSebi ufro 

iSviaTad gvxvdeba normatiulTan SedarebiT, magram enaSi mainc sakmaod 

gavrcelebulia da TandaTan fexs ikidebs.

mivmarToT magaliTebs: 

giorgi brwyinvale 

`daviT IX _ erTiani saqarTvelos mefe 1346-1360 wlebSi, giorgi V 

brwyinvales Ze~ (`saqarTvelos mefeebi~ /redaqtorebi m. lorTqifaniZe 

da r. metreveli/, 2000, gv. 165). 

`XIV saukuneSi mxolod giorgi brwyinvales dros (1314-1346 ww.) 

amoisunTqa qveyanam~ (`gviani Sua saukuneebi. XV-XVIII ss: saqarTvelos 

kulturuli memkvidreobis dacvis erovnuli saagento~. 2009: heritgesites.ge). 

`giorgi brwyinvales, farnavaz mefis, daviT aRmaSeneblis, Tamar mefis 

da vaxtag meeqvsis dazgur-monumenturi tiloebi safrangeTSi moRvawe 

qarTvelma mxatvarma beqa janaSiam Seqmna~ (l. varSalomiZe sakonstitucio 

sasamarTloSi qarTvel mefeTa darbazis gaxsnas daeswro: axali 

ambebis saagento. 22.11.2010: ghn.ge) 

èrTiani saxelmwifoebriobis istoriaSi iyo Zalze xangrZlivi, oTx 

saukuneze meti xnis wyveta, anu giorgi brwyinvales Semdeg~ (a. WyoiZe, 

erekle meore da Tanamedrove saqarTveloSi arsebuli `rusuli diskursi~ 

– erTi magaliTi: erekle meoris sazogadoeba. 25.03.2009: erekle-2.ge) 

efrem mcire 

èklesia dgas i. griSaSvilisa da efrem mcires saxelobis quCebs 

Soris momaRlo adgilas~ (T. beriZe, Zveli Tbilisis gareubnebis istoria, 

1977, gv. 86). 

`xsenebuli problema mxolod efrem mcires dros rodi iyo aqtualuri~ 

(n. tabiZe, galaktioni _ mkiTxveli: lit400.ge). 

ès tendencia gansakuTrebiT mas Semdeg iCens Tavs, rac iqmneba aTonuri 

da Savi mTis skolebis qarTuli xelnaweri krebulebi, romlebSic 

gaerTianebulia eqvTime mTawmidlis, efrem mcires, arsen iyalToelisa da 

amave wris moRvaweTa Targmanebi~ (`qarTuli xelnaweri wigni~: Sereuli 

krebulebi: geomanuscript.ge). 

àm periodis mTargmnelobiTi literaturis mniSvnelovani Zeglebia 

efrem mcires mier Targmnili ioane damaskelis `gardmocemai~ da ioane 

petriwonelis mier berZnulidan Targmnili `bunebisaTvis kacTa~ (`qar- 

Tuli tradiciuli medicina~. 3.02.2011: curamediana.ge). 

giorgi mcire 

`teqsti, romelic giorgi mTawmindelis mier aris warmoTqmuli, amo- 

Rebulia giorgi mcires Txzulebidan `cxovreba giorgi mTawmindelisa~ 

(d. iverieli, sibnelis qadageba eklesiis saxeliT. 20.06.2009: jvarosnebi.com). 

`1311 wels giorgi Tavisi ZmiSvilis _ mcirewlovani giorgi VI 

`mcires~ regenti gaxda~ (`giorgi V brwyinvale~: tbiliso.ge). 

`giorgi mcires giorgi mTawmidelis cxovreba~ (giorgi mTawmideli 

_ 1000: sites. google.com). 

143

gabriel mcire 

`gabriel mcires originaluri memuaruli Txzulebani Tavmoyrilia 

xelnawer krebulSi, romelsac «jvarSemosili» ewodeba~ (daculia 

bodlis biblioTekaSi, marjori uordropis fondSi~): `gabriel mcire~: 

ka.wikipedia. org). 

dionise mcire 

`qristianuli welTaRricxva, anu axali era, VI saukunidan abat dionise 

mcires winadadebiT Semodis (irakli mWedliSvili _ `sivrce-dro 

da adamianuri samyaros wyoba~. `burusi~, 7.10.2010: Burusi:wordpress.com). 

`qristianulma eklesiam daakanona dionise mcires mier SemoTavazebuli 

qristes Sobis TariRi da 532 wliani moqceva~ (ìeso qristes 

Sobis TariRi~. Niksologia: niksologi.wordpress.com). 

nilos mcire 

ànonimis Txzuleba nilos mcires cxovrebaze: (ka.wikipedia. 7val.com 

/wiki / PG-120) 

rene mowyale 

`nostradamusis winaprebi msaxurobdnen kalabriis hercogis _ rene 

`mowyales~ karze mkurnalebad~ (`miSel de notradami (nostradamusi)~: 

join. ge. articles.7.10.2009). 

ioane mowyale 

`Rirsi vitali… iyo Rirsi seridis monastris beri, aleqsandriaSi 

Cavida wmida patriarq ioane mowyales dros~ (`Rirsi vitali (609- 

620)~: orthodoxy. ge/tveni). 

stefane pirvelmowame 

ài molocvili 12 taZris Tanmimdevruli marSrutic: jvari, RvTismSoblis 

Sobis mamaTa monasteri (amJamad mimdinareobs keliebis mSenebloba), 

sveticxoveli, antioqia, stefane pirvelmowames eklesia~ (`mcxe- 

Ta-SiomRvime, erTi dauviwyari dRe~. `marTlmadidebluri forumi~: 

church.ge) 

svimeon mesvete 

`rkonis svimon mesvetes eklesiis reabilitacia~ (`saqarTvelos kulturuli 

memkvidreobis dacvis erovnuli saagento~: `tenderebi da gancxadebebi~. 

`24 saaTi~ /11.05.2010/). 

`wm. svimon mesvetes saxelobis eklesiaze sareabilitacio samuSaoebi 

mimdinare wlis 15 oqtombramde dasruldeba~ (`saqarTvelos kulturuli 

memkvidreobis dacvis erovnuli saagento~ 2009: heritagesites.ge). 

fotine meudabnoe 

`fotine meudabnoes cxovrebaSic moxsenebulia, rom im udabnoSi, sadac 

igi moRvaweobda, mogvianebiT... sasadiloebi gaxsnes~ (`mama paisi 

mTawmindeli~: `garegan xmaurze da Sinagan uSfoTvelobaze. adamianebma 

mSvidi buneba Secvales~ (kocika.piczo.com). 

pavle meudabnoe 

`wmida isidore pelusiotelma netari mamis uxrwneli nawilebi Tavis 

savaneSi gadaasvena da misi sulieri megobris, Rirsi pavle meudabno- 

144

es neSTis gverdiT daabrZana~ (`wmindanTa cxovreba. Rirsi paisi didi 

(V)~, orthodoxy. ge.19.06) // (`paisi didi~: ka.wikipedia.org. portali: 

wmindanebi). 

pamva meudabnoe 

`pamva meudabnoes bmuli gverdebi~ (linux24web.info). 

nilos mironmdinare 

`Rirsi mama nilos mironmdinares winaswarmetyvelebani~ (`winaswarmetyveleba. 

qarTuli safixvno~: 7.05.2004). 

`mama nilos mironmdinares winaswarmetyvelebani~ (àntiqriste~. 

holmes. ge). 

ioana menelsacxeble 

`gogonas saxeli deda sidoniam SeurCia, wminda ioana menelsacxebles 

xsenebis dRis (10 ivliss) sapativcemulod~ (primetime: ptpress.ge) 

(30.07.2010) 

ivane mrisxane 

`sam nawilad Cafiqrebuli ìvane mrisxanes~ pirveli seria 1944 

wels gamodis kinoekranebze~ (g. TuSmaliSvili, àfiSis TavSi: Teatri, 

kino da politika~. `24 saaTi~, 13.01.2011). 

ès saxelmwifo, ivane mrisxanes epoqidan dawyebuli, dResac aris 

safrTxe rogorc evropisTvis, ise aziisTvis~ (n. xaCiZe, ratom ajobes 

polonelebma da finelebma qarTvelebs ruseTis imperiasTan brZolaSi: 

`Tbiliselebi~ #16, 12.05.2010.). 

ìvane mrisxane~ ruseTis mefe ivane IV aris. magram es Sesityveba 

ganzogadda da araiSviaTad am saxelis matarebeli sxva pirebis mimarTac 

iTqmis: 

ìvane mrisxanes~ siZliere sakuTar tyavze `barselonasac~ aqvs gamocdili, 

roca Cilelma erT-erT èl-klasikoSi~ katalonielebs 4 goli 

ùsaxsovra~ (saukeTeso «9-ianebi» `realis~ istoriaSi. 10.09.2009: 

alamadrid.ge). aq ivaraudeba `realis~ Cileli forvardi ivan samorano. 

òpoziciis am nawils ìvane mrisxanes~ gadayeneba ar mouTxovia~ (T. 

marxvaiZe, `merabiSvilis CasaZirad oqruaSvils abruneben~: àxali Taoba~ 

25.01. 2010). aq ìvane mrisxaneSi~ vano merabiSvili igulisxmeba. 

àlbaT, axla ioli misaxvedria, ratom daesxnen Tavs ìvane mrisxanes~ 

damqaSebi TavianTi nakrebis mekare stoikoviCs~ (èvropis risxva 

`Иван Грозный~. mTavari: fanebi.com. 16.11.2010). es ìvane mrisxane~ ki 

serbi teroristi ivan bogdanovia: àreulobis dros 29 wlis niRbiani 

ivan bogdanovi (metsaxelad ìvane mrisxane~) tribunebisa da stadionis 

gamyof Robeze avida~ (ìtalia-serbeTze areulobis wamomwyebi 3 wliT 

daapatimres~: `msoflio sporti~ 8.03.2011. worldsport.ge). 

ìvane mrisxanes~ eZaxdenen agreTve saxelganTqmul amerikel CogburTels 

ivan lendls, romelic Tavis droze 270 kviris ganmavlobaSi 

msoflios pirveli Cogani iyo (Лендл, прозванный Иваном Грозным, нико- 

145

гда не работал с теннисистами на высшем уровне, Будет ли Лендл тренировать 

Маррея? – Теннис: Eurosport.ru 29.03.2011). 

kuzma-mrisxane 

`mis yovel warmodgenas aRemateboda is saSineleba, romelic kuzmamrisxanes 

TvalTagan Semohyurebda~ (l. qiaCeli, haki aZba, lib.ge). 

pipin mokle 

`768 wels frankebis mefe gaxda pipin mokles Svili karlosi (`safrangeTis 

istoria. frankTa samefo~: ka.wikipedia.org). 

àrc me maxsendeba aravin pipin mokles garda~ (n. xaCiZe, ratom aris 

gardauvali...: `Tbiliselebi~ #31, 2010). 

`755 wels, frankTa mefis pipin mokles mier romis papis olqis 

Seqmnam, romis papebi, romlebic dasavleT evropis umaRlesi sasuliero 

pirebi iyvnen, saero xelisuflebiTac aRWurva~ (`qristianuli eklesia 

Sua saukueebSi~: qristianoba: ka.wikipedia.org) 

`karli ufrosi vaJi iyo pipin moklesi~ (`frankTa imperia~: ka.wikipedia.org). 

àdreul Sua saukuneebSi, eklesiasa da frankTa saero xelisuflebas 

Soris Zalauflebis gansamtkiceblad damyarebuli urTierToba 800 wels 

pipin mokles Svilis, karlosis imperatorad kurTxevis aqtiT dagvirgvinda~ 

(`karolingebis dinastia~: ka.wikipedia.org). 

giorgi merCule 

`gavixsenoT Tundac giorgi merCules Txzulebidanpportreti~ (s. 

caiSvili, `filologiuri etiudebi~: `literaturuli saqarTvelo~ #5, 

1982, gv. 10). 

`SevadaroT am tipiuri hagiografiuli nawarmoebis gmiri giorgi 

merCules moTxrobis gmirs~ (v. WeliZe, `CarCoebi~: `literaturuli saqarTvelo~ 

#23, 1976). 

`moTavsdeba am viwro CarCoSi giorgi merCules, basil zarzmelisa 

da ioane sabanisZis moTxrobebi~ (iqve). 

`kulti siyvarulisa da qalis gaRmerTebisa, rasac saTave giorgi 

merCules TxzulebaSi udevs~ (l. kvaWaZe, òbieqturoba, momTxovneloba, 

gulisxmiereba~: `saxalxo ganaTleba~, #37, 1976). 

vilhelm mdumare 

`vilhelm mdumares meore Svilis, moris nasauelis saxeli, yvelaze 

ufro metad holandiis armiis aRmSeneblobasTan asocirdeba~ (k. kacita- 

Ze, samxedro analitikuri jgufi „heri~, `Tanamedrove strategiis Semoqmedni 

_ moris nasaueli~ /pirveli nawili/. 18.09.2010: presa.ge). 

rogorc magaliTebidan Cans, zemoT dasaxelebuli pirebi metwilad 

saeklesio mamebi arian, raodenobrivad maT mosdevs mefeebi (giorgi 

brwyinvele, ivane mrisxane, pipin mokle...). 

axla vnaxoT iseTi SemTxvevebi, rodesac sakuTar saxels rigiTobis 

aRmniSvneli ricxviTi saxeli mosdevs. amgvari magaliTebi mravladaa, mag- 

146

am rigobiTi saxeli upiratesad romauli cifrebiT aris gamosaxuli, 

asoebiT mis gadmocemas eridebian, Tumca CvenTvis saintereso formiT 

ramdenime magaliTi mainc momxvda xelT: 

vaxtang meeqvse 

`mas (griSaSvils) gansakuTrebiT itacebda vaxtang meeqvses _ Cveni 

dedaqalaqis pirveli STagonebuli momRerlis _ saxe~ (g. asaTiani, èqvsi 

silueti. ioseb griSaSvili~: `literaturuli saqarTvelo~ #38, 1981). 

bagrat meSvide 

ìwyeba polikarpe kakabaZis piesis `bagrat meSvides~ beWdva~ (`waikiTxavT 

maisis nomrebSi~: `lit. saqarTvelo~ #22, 1967). 

henri merve 

`1613 29 ivnisi. xanZarma gaanadgura Teatri „globusi~ „henri merves~ 

warmodgenisas~ (Seqspiri. cxovrebis xazi: publish.dlf.ge/vaxtangvi/). 

giorgi meTormete 

`Tavdeba gvari aseTi giorgi meTormeteTi~ (g. tabiZe, X, gv. 442) 

liudovik meToTxmete 

`sdgas gzad mefe liudovik meToTxmetes merani~ (g. tabiZe, V, gv. 160). 

a-fuZiani metsaxelebi 

barem aqve davZen, rom analogiuri viTareba gvaqvs a-fuZiani metsaxelebis 

SemTxvevaSi. vnaxoT zogierTi maTgani: 

fridrix barbarosa 

ùkve aRar imoqmedebs germanul-Turquli megobrobis saukunovani 

fesvebispda fridrix barbarosas legendebi~ (èvropa saemigracio kanonebs 

amkacrebs~: The Georgian Times. 28.11.2005). 

`hainrix VI, germaniis mefe 1190-idan, imperatori 1191-idan. Staufenebis 

dinastiis warmomadgeneli, fridrix I barbarosas Ze~ (hainrix VI: 

ka.wikipedia. org). 

`fridrix barbarosas polonuri laSqroba da vladislavis 

sikvdili~ (`vladislav II /poloneTi/~: ka.wikipedia.org). 

lui IX wminda 

`rogorc lui wmindas moZRvari Jofrua de bolie gvamcnobs, RvTisnieri 

mefe gulwrfelad da morCilad abarebda aRsarebas moZRvars~ (gia 

joxaZe, `sxeulis Tavgadasavali: qarTuli versia. cremli da tirili~: 

semioticsjournal: wordpress.com. 26.08.2010). 

Tamar mefe, daviT mefe 

dasaxelebul metsaxelebs SeiZleba kidev erTi sityva davuyenoT 

gverdiT., romelic zemoT moyvanilTa identuri ar aris, magram mainc 

xSirad gvxvdeba gansazRvrebis rolSi, esaa `mefe~ (Tamar mefe, erekle 

mefe, Tumca SesaZlebelia am Sesityvebis inversiuli wyobac: `mefe erek- 

147

le~ Zalze iSviaTad ki `mefe Tamaric~). gavixsenoT demetre mefe da mefe 

demetre Tavdadebuli. 

Tamar mefis SemTxvevaSi wyoba, SeiZleba iTqvas, erTaderTia. aq swored 

is SemTxveva gvaqvs, romelsac ganvixilav: sakuTar saxels mosdevs 

e-fuZiani gansazRvreba: `yvela qarTvels aqvs agebuli Tavis gulSi saxsovari 

rusTavelisa, TiTqmis Tanasworad daviT aRmaSeneblis da Tamar 

mefesi~ (`socialur-politikuri da kulturul-literaturuli viTareba 

XIX s. 20-30- iani ww. saqarTveloSi~: nplg.gov.ge). 

advili SesamCnevia, rom magaliTebad, rogorc wesi, naTesaobiTi 

brunvis ukveceli formebia moyvanili. asea! moqmedebiTi iSviaTad gvxvdeba, 

magram ramdenime nimuSi mainc momxvda xelT: 

`win ki mTeli cxovreba iyo _ genialuri «daTa TuTaSxiaTi», «gora 

mborgaliT» da «giorgi brwyinvaleTi» (l. jiyaSvili: àtocis wminda 

giorgis xati iyo misi Tilisma da mfarveli~: `burusi~. 13/05.2009. 

burusi. wordpress. com). 

àxalgazrda reJisorebi eizenSteins... werdnen, rom aRfrTovanebulni 

arian ìvane mrisxaneTi~ (g. gvaxaria, `Tengiz abulaZe _ 80~: `radio Tavisufleba~. 

kultura. 23.02.2004: radiotavisupleba.ge); `dedoflad gaxdomisTanave 

elizabeTis sasaxle xelis mTxovnelTa saCuqrebma aavses. vin 

aRar eZleoda: anJus hercogiT dawyebuli, ruseTis mefe ivane mrisxaneTi 

damTavrebuli~ (`qalwuli mefe~: zurriuss.ge/virgin-king-elizabeth). 

`visargebleTpkorneli kekeliZis `qarTuli literaturis istoriiT~ 

pavle ingoroyvas `giorgi merCuleTi~ akaki baqraZis `daviwyebuli ideiT~ 

v. kobalaZe, `saerTaSoriso urTierTobis Teoriuli sakiTxebi qar- 

Tul azrovnebaSi (V-XIII saukuneebi)~ politikur mecnierebaTa kandidatis 

samecniero xarisxis mosapoveblad warmodgenili disertacia, Tbilisi, 

2003. gv. 11: nplg. gov.ge/dlibrary). 

`daviT mefeTi ase rom spekulirebT, mgoni win jvars ayenebda da politikur 

gadawyvetilebaSi mRvdelmTavrebi ereodnen yovelTvis~ (`qar- 

Tveli xalxi naxiri ar aris~: youtobe.com. 29.12.2009). 

`Tavdeba gvari aseTi giorgi meTormeteTi~ (g. tabiZe, X, gv. 442) 

`me-17 saukuneSi vaxtang meeqvseTi dawyebuli, gagrZelebuli erekle 

II-is traqtatiT,... aTeulobiT xelSekrulebebi naTlad adasturebs, rom 

ruseTTan urTierToba aris ruseTis mxridan Ralatze, orpirobasa da 

sicrueze damyarebuli urTierToba~ (g. balaZe, ruseTi daSlis pirasaa: 

àxali Taoba~ 30. 03.2010: open.ge). 

bunebrivia, yvela avtori ar wers ase. kanonieri, e-mokvecili, formebi 

gacilebiT sWarbobs moukveclebs, magram unda iTqvas, rom ukanaskneli 

saxeoba araa iSviaTi. gansaxilveli formebis gaTanabreba sakuTar saxelebTan 

araa swori. 

amgvarad, rodesac sakuTar saxels mosdevs gansazRvrebis funqciiT 

aRWurvili rigiTobis maCvenebeli ricxviTi saxeli anda zedsarTavi sa- 

148

xeli Tu mimReoba da gvaqvs sazRvrul-msazRvrelis Taviseburi modeli, 

romelic e xmovanze mTavrdeba, maSin Sesityveba ise iqceva, TiTqos erT 

rTul sityvas, kompozits warmoadgendes, Cvens cnobierebaSi e-fuZian sakuTar 

saxelad aRiqmeba da igi ar ikveceba, miuxedavad imisa, rom am `gakompozitebuli~ 

Sesityvebis meore komponenti araa sakuTari saxeli da 

is, wesisamebr, unda ikvecebodes. 

avtorTa erTi nawili dadgenil normebs mihyveba da Sesityvebis meore 

wevris bolokidur e xmovans kvecs, sxvani e-s principulad ar kvecen, 

raki mas xmovanfuZiani sakuTari saxelis bolokidur bgerad aRiqvamen. 

amaze SeiZleba idavos kacma, magram rodesac erTi da igive avtori 

erTsa da imave sityvas sxvadasxvanairad wers, zogjer uSualo mezoblobaSic 

ki, amaze gaCumeba ukve aRar SeiZleba. dumili yovelTvis araa òqroგ 

rCeuli~ rogorc giorgi merCule gvaswavlis. aRniSnuli meryeobis 

maCvenebeli nimuSebi TiTebze CamosaTvleli rodia. 

Tqven TviTon gansajeT: 

ìvane mrisxanes mier Subiani yavarjniT daWrili Svili~ (`mnaTobi~ 

#12, 1971, gv. 45), amave gverdze kidev ramdenjermea Svilis mkvleli mefe 

naxsenebi: ìvane mrisxanes Svils mxatvarma sevdiani, sikvdilis SiSiT 

moculi Tvalebi Causva~, àr gamikvirdeba am suraTma romelime moqalaqeSi 

ivane mrisxanesadmi didi zizRi rom gamoiwvios~. erTi magaliTi ki 

am wyebidan amovardnilia: ìgi ivane mrisxanisa da misi Svilis fsiqologiur 

analizs faravs, Crdilavs~. 

`giorgi mcires giorgi mTawmidelis cxovreba~ _ es werilis saTauria, 

teqsti ase iwyeba: `giorgi mTawmidelis cxovreba... dawera XI saukunis 

mweralma giorgi xucesmonazonma, romelic giorgi mciris saxeli- 

Taa cnobili~ (`giorgi mTawmideli _ 1000~: sites.google.com). am or gansxvavebul 

dawerilobas mxolod ori striqoni yofs!! 

`qarTul arqiteqturaSi svimeon mesvetis samsarTuliani eklesiakoSkis, 

rogorc ganumeorebeli negebobis sareabilitacio samuSaoebi ukve 

ramdenime Tvea mimdinareobs... wm. svimon mesvetes saxelobis eklesiaze 

sareabilitacio samuSaoebi mimdinare wlis 15 oqtombramde dasruldeba 

(saqarTvelos kulturuli memkvidreobis dacvis erovnuli saagento. 

heritagesites.ge) /2009/. pirvel striqonSi weria `svimeon mesvetis eklesiakoSki)~, 

xolo ramdenime striqoniT qvemoT _ `svimeon mesvetes (eklesia)~. 

`gamefeba giorgi mesamesi~. es werilis saTauria. teqsti ki ase iwyeba: 

`giorgi mesamis taxtze asvla~... (`kviris palitra~ #7, 2005, gv. 21). 

Tu marTlweris romelime principi airCie saxelmZRvanelod, unda 

bolomde mihyve kidec mas. ar SeiZleba, xan ase wero da xan ise! zemoT 

naCvenebi siWrele yovlad gaumarTlebelia. maTes saxarebaSi weria: `nu 

scnobn marcxenÀ Seni, rasa iqmodis marjuenÀ Seni~ (6,3). magram es mowyalebis 

gacemazea naTqvami, Cvens SemTxvevaSi ki diaxac SeTanxmebulad unda 

moqmedebdes mwerlis orive xeli!!. 

149

Vakhtang Imnaishvili 

One Specific Case of Declension of Proper Names 

in Contemporary Georgian 

Summary 

The article deals with the analysis of one special group of personal names, when the name 

of the person is followed by an additional nickname, the stem of which ends in e vowel 

(Giorgi Brtskinvale “Giorgi the Brilliant”, Ephrem Mtsire “Ephraim the Small”, Ivane 

Mriskhane “Ivan the Terrible”, Erekle Meore “Erekle the Second” and the like). 

The word following the anthroponym points to a certain feature, quality or title of a person, 

or is an ordinal numeral. In any case, this definition itself is not a proper name and it serves 

as a certain attribute. As a rule, such a word must be inflected in the same way as an 

adjective or a numeral taken separately. It must elide the final vowel in declension. And 

outwardly the word combination itself is equal to the inverted pattern of the 

determinandum-determinatum, i.e. determinatum-determinandum. When an adjective, a 

participle or a numeral, following a proper name, (in fact – an attribute) ends in e vowel, 

i.e. we deal with a word combination the second member of which is an e-stemmed 

determinandum, then the last word, instead of eliding the final e in the Genitive and the 

Instrumental Cases, retains this vowel and the Genitive becomes similar to the Dative form. 

Characteristic examples of the above-mentioned are as follows: Brtskinvale (Giorgi the 

Brilliant), Mtsire (Ephraim the Small), Motskale (John the Merciful), Mesvete (Symeon 

the Stylite), Meudabnoe (Paul the Anchorite), Menelsatskheble (Joanna the 

Myrrhbearing), Mriskhane (Ivan the Terrible), Mokle (Pepin the Short), Merchule (Giorgi 

the Specialist in Canon Law), Mdumare (Wilhelm the Silent), Mepe (Tamar the Queen), 

Mesame (Giorgi the Third), etc. 

In the given examples a proper name is followed by an adjective, a participle or an ordinal 

numeral, having the function of an attribute, and we deal with a peculiar model of the 

determinandum-determinatum ending in e vowel. Such a word combination behaves like a 

single compound word, an e-stemmed proper name, which generally does not elide the final 

vowel at all. In spite of the fact that the second component of this word combination turned 

into a compound, it is not a proper name and, according to the established norms, it must 

elide the final e. 

150


manana kvaWaZe 

lingvokulturuli interferenciis Sesaxeb enobrivi 

kontaqtebis dros 

(gomborel laijTa magaliTze) 

enaTmecnierebis mniSvnelovan problemaTa rigs ganekuTvneba enobrivi 

kontaqtebisa da am niadagze warmoSobili bilingvizmis tipebis Seswavla, 

enis sazogadoebrivi funqciis garkveva, sesxebis, interferenciis sakiTx- 

Ta kvleva da sxv. Eenobrivi kontaqtebi, enaTa urTierTzemoqmedeba rTuli 

procesia, romelic moicavs ara mxolod sametyvelo moRvaweobas meore 

enis dauflebisa da orenovnobis dros, ara mxolod enobrivi 

struqturis SeRwevadobis problemas, aramed TviT am xalxebis – enis 

matarebelTa _ urTierTzemoqmedebasac (koduxovi 1974:190). orenovnobis 

(mravalenovnobis) warmoSoba da ganviTareba ganpirobebulia istoriuli, 

ekonomikuri, socialuri, demografiuli da sxva xasiaTis eqstralingvisturi 

faqtorebiT, igi TavisTavad rTuli, mravalplaniani problemaa da 

moicavs rogorc sakuTriv lingvistur, ise sociologiur, fsiqologiur, 

pedagogikur da sxva aspeqtebs. amaTgan yvelaze ufro mniSvnelovnad miCneulia 

lingvisturi da sociologiuri aspeqtebi. 

orenovnobis lingvisturi aspeqtis yuradRebis centrSi dgas interferenciis 

gamovlenaTa kvleva fonetikis, morfologiis, sintaqsis, leqsikur-semantikuri 

sistemisa da stilistikis dargSi (eloeva, rusakovi 

1990; zeqalaSvili 2008:99) orenovnobis sociologiur aspeqtSi igulisxmeba 

sazogadoebrivi funqciis Sesruleba ori, erTmaneTis mimarT 

kontaqtSi myofi, enis mier. sociologiur aspeqtSi orenovnoba ikvleva 

ara interferenciis gamovlenis TvalsazrisiT enis struqturis sxvadasxva 

doneze, aramed sazogadoebriv funqciaTa moculobis daxasiaTebiTa 

da orenovani mosaxleobis mier TiToeuli am enaTaganis gamoyenebis sferoTi 

(deSerievi, protCenko 1972:32-33). 

orenovnobis problema sakiTxTa mTel rigs moicavs. enaTa kontaqtisas 

ganixileba: 1) individualuri bilingvizmi, 2) saojaxo, 3) situaciuri, 4) 

nacionaluri, 5) umciresobaTa bilingvizmi da sxv. (tabiZe 2005:142). 

gavrcelebis xarisxis mixedviT, ganarCeven nawilobriv da masobriv 

orenovnobas (avronini 1972:50; rastorgueva 1964:3-4). 

jer kidev SCerba upirispirebda erTmaneTs idividualur da masobriv 

orenovnobas gavrcelebis arealis mixedviT (SCerba 1947:54). kvlevis sociologiuri 

aspeqtisaTvis, cxadia, pirvel rigSi masobrivi orenovnobaa 

saintereso. masobrivi bilingvizmis dros problemuria: 1) migraciis sakiTxi 

da imigrantis enobrivi kompetenciis socialuri mxare; 2) adaptaciis 

problema; 3) meore da mesame TaobebSi (imigrantebis) mSobliuri 

151

enis codnis xarisxi, rogorc momavali sacxovreblis arCevis piroba; 

4) bilingvuri ganaTlebis sakiTxi; 5) prestiJuli ena da sxv. (tabiZe 

2005:143). 

orenovnobis sakiTxTa ganxilvis dros, garda sazogadoebrivi funqciis 

moculobisa, gasaTvaliswinebelia agreTve meore enis flobis xarisxi 

da done, misi mimarTeba mSobliur enasTan. am mijnisa da sazRvris 

Taobaze samecniero literaturaSi azrTa sxvadasxvaobaa (xanazarovi 

1972:119-125; vainraixi 1972: 26-27; xaugeni 1972:61-62). 

msjeloben e.w. ,,ori mSobliuri enis“ Sesaxebac. ierarqia maT Soris 

vlindeba, pirvel rigSi, enis flobis xarisxis mixedviT, xolo Tu igi 

erTnairia, maSin kriteriumad iReben molaparakeTa eTnikur kuTvnilebas. 

am SemTxvevaSi ,,pirvel mSobliur enad~ Tvlian am erovnebis enas, romelsac 

Tavis Tavs miakuTvnebs molaparake (avronini 1972:52). 

termini ,,ori mSobliuri ena~, cxadia, Zalze pirobiTia, – arc meore 

enis codnis yvela SemTxveva SeiZleba miviCnioT orenovnobad da, miT ufro, 

arc yvelanairi orenovnoba iZleva ,,ori mSobliuri enis~ Sesaxeb 

msjelobis safuZvels. molaparakis mier aramSobliuri enis mSobliurad 

dasaxeleba uaRresad specifikuri enobrivi situaciisa da orientaciis 

gamoxatulebaa da misi ganzogadeba umarTebuloa. 

Tu mocemuli xalxisaTvis meore ena aris wignierebis ena _ ganaTlebisa 

da kulturis simaRleTa wvdomis erTaderTi gza, maSin igi yofaSic 

myarad ikidebs fexs da TandaTanobiT azrovnebisa da metyvelebis universalur 

saSualebad iqceva, flobisa da aqtivobis TvalsazrisiT, Zneli 

gasamijni xdeba WeSmariti dedaenisagan, xolo socialuri funqciis moculobis 

TvalsazrisiT, didi upiratesobiT sargeblobs. es garemoeba 

garkveulwilad zegavlenas axdens orenovani mosaxleobis erovnul cnobierebasa 

da TviTaRqmazec – orenovani mosaxleobis umravlesoba oficialur 

dokumentebSi mSobliur enad swored meore – sazogadoebrivi statusiTYufro 

maRla mdgom enas acxadebs da aqedan gamomdinare asaxelebs 

sakuTar eTnikur kuTvnilebasac. 

masobrivi orenovnoba damaxasiaTebelia umwerlobo xalxebisaTvis, 

bunebrivia igi agreTve migrirebuli mosaxleobisaTvis. arsebobs orenovnobis 

sxva tipebic, romelnic ganpirobebulia sxvadasxva faqtorebiT da 

romlebzedac amjerad ar SevCerdebiT. rogorc aRvniSneT, orenovnoba Soreuli 

warsulidan mimdinareobs da friad gavrcelebuli movlenaa Tanamedrove 

msoflioSi; igi Zalze rTuli, mravalsaxovani problemaa da diferencirebul 

midgomas saWiroebs. 

magaliTad, iranulenovani xalxebis didi nawili istoriuli, kulturul-religiuri, 

politikuri, teritoriul-administraciuli da sxva 

pirobebis gamo or da mravalenovan situaciaSia moxvedrili, rac mniSvnelovanwilad 

ganapirobebs maT enobriv cxovrebas da erovnul TviTSegnebas 

(rastorgueva 1964). am TvalsazrisiT, saintereso situaciaSia moqceuli 

sagarejos raionis sofel gomborSi mcxovrebi iranulenovani mo- 

152

saxleobis yofa da metyveleba (kvaWaZe 1982:52-53; kvaWaZe 1988; kvaWaZe 

1998:37-46). 

gombori eTnikurad da enobrivad Sereuli sofelia – jer kidev mefis 

ruseTis droidan moyolebuli, aq, garda qarTvelebisa (ZiriTadad, 

mTiani regionebidan Camosaxlebuli fSav-xevsurebisa), cxovrobdnen rusebic 

(ZiriTadad, ruseTis armiidan demobilizebuli jariskacebi da rusi 

glexoba). es faqti garkveulwilad ganapirobebda soflis enobriv cxovrebas 

– gomborSi qarTul enasTan erTad funqcionirebda rusuli enac. 

me-20 saukunis pirvel aTeul wlebSi gare kaxeTsa da qvemo qarTlSi 

Camosaxleba iwyes amierkavkasiisa da iranis mezobeli olqebidan saSovarze 

wamosulma sxvadasxva muslimurma eTnikurma jgufebma. maT Soris iyvnen 

Sirvanis daba lahijidan ltolvili – iranuli modgmis, ramdenadme 

gaTurqebuli da orenovani (TaTur-azerbaijanuli) eTnografiuli jgufi 

da iranis azerbaijanidan ltolvili, Turquli modgmis, agreTve orenovani 

(azerbaijanul-sparsuli) eTnografiuli jgufi. isini jer mdinare 

Turdos midamoebsa da sofel paldoSi dasaxlebulan, Semdeg ki sofel 

gomborTan mouyriaT Tavi. migraciis procesi sabWoTa periodSic grZeldeboda, 

intensiurad mimdinareobda igi 30-40-ian wlebSi. 

gomborSi mcxovrebi iranulenovani eTnografiuli jgufis warmomadgenlebi 

sakuTar Tavs araoficialurad ,,laijebs~ uwodeben, xolo TavianT 

sametyvelo enas – ,,laijurs~. es metyveleba TaTuri enis muslimuri 

dialeqtis kilokavs warmoadgens. TaTuri ena miekuTvneba iranul enaTa 

samxreT-dasavlur jgufs da Tavisi gramatikuli wyobiTa da leqsikuri 

SemadgenlobiT sparsul da tajikur enebs uaxlovdeba (griunbergi 

1961:107-108). 

TaTebi azerbaijanis kaspiispira raionebSi, daRestnis samxreT nawilsa 

da iranSi mcxovrebi xalxia. sarwmunoebis mixedviT, istoriulad, 

iyofian sam jgufad, esenia: muslimi TaTebi, iudeveli TaTebi (mTieli ebraelebi) 

da grigoriani (somexi) TaTebi (griunbergi, davidova 1982:231; 

mileri 1929). 

iranidan migrirebuli TaTebis yofa saukuneTa ganmavlobaSi mWidrod 

erwymis kavkasiis xalxTa istorias. muslimi TaTebis ena, ebraelTagan 

gansxvavebiT, umwerloboa da azerbaijanis teritoriaze gansaxlebuli 

TaTebisaTvis, kulturis, oficialuri urTierTobis ena azerbaijanulia. 

igi Rrmad aris SeWrili agreTve sayofacxovrebo da saojaxo urTierTobebSi. 

azerbaijanSi mcxovrebi TaTebis orenovnoba sayovelTao xasiaTs 

atarebs. igi masobrivia da sruli. muslimi TaTebis umravlesoba mSobliur 

enad azerbaijanuls asaxelebs, Tavsac azerbaijanelad acxadebs. 

azerbaijanelebad iwerebian daba lahijidan gomborSi gadmosaxlebuli 

TaTebic (kvaWaZe 1982; kvaWaZe 1988: 20-27). 

gasuli saukunis 80-ian wlebSi Cven aqtiurad vikvlevdiT gomborSi 

mcxovrebi muslimi mosaxleobis, rogorc sakuTriv azerbaijanelebis, ise 

azerbaijanelebad cnobili laijebis yofasa da metyvelebas. 2000 wlidan 

ganvaaxleT da ganvagrZeT savele muSaoba. axlad mopovebuli masale- 

153

i saintereso suraTs gvixatavs migraciuli procesebisa da demografiuli 

mdgomareobis, eTnoetiketisa da sametyvelo etiketis TavalsazrisiT, 

enobrivi orientaciisa da sakuTriv enobrivi ganviTarebis TvalsazrisiT 

(kvaWaZe 2001; 2004: 179-186). 

gasuli saukunis 80-ian wlebSi Cveni informantebi, ZiriTadad, iyvnen 

laijTa ufrosi Taobis, faqtobrivad, pirvelCamosaxlebul laijTa, warmomadgenlebi, 

romelTa naambobi naTlad asaxavda maTi Camosaxlebis istorias 

(kvaWaZe: 1988), xolo metyveleba – laijur kilokavs (Sdr. mileri 

1905; mileri 1907). am mimarTulebiT, ukve scodavda maSindeli sa- 

Sualo da, miT ufro, axalgazrda Taoba. maTi metyveleba dominirebul 

enaTa (qarTuli, rusuli) did gavlenas ganicdida (kvaWaZe 1998:37-46). 

80-ian wlebSi sofel gomborSi cxovrobda 1000-mde kaci – 348 komli, 

aqedan 226 komli qarTuli iyo, 12 _ rusuli, azerbaijanulad iwereboda 

110 komli, romelTagan Cven gamovyaviT laijebis 80 (daaxloebiT 

330 suli) da azerbaijanelebis 30 komli. soflis sakmaod didi teritoria 

ekava samxedro yazarmas, romelic sabWoTa jaris nawilis sacxovreblad 

iyo gankuTvnili. sofelSi iyo erTi sabavSvo baRi da erTi saSualo 

skola-internati. sabavSvo baRsa da skola-internatSi or-ori seqtori 

muSaobda: qarTuli da rusuli. qarTveli bavSvebi qarTul seqtorze 

swavlobdnen, adgilobrivi rusi bavSvebi (maTi raodenoba am droisaTvis 

Zalze mcire iyo) da oficerTa Svilebi (es iyo ZiriTadi kontingenti) 

– rusul seqtorze. soflis muslimi mosaxleoba ganaTlebis 

enas sakuTari Sexedulebisamebr irCevda. am TvalsazrisiT, sabWoTa periodSi 

rusuli, rogorc universaluri moxmarebis ena, garkveuli upiratesobiT 

sargeblobda araqarTvel mosaxleobas Soris. Tumca, unda aRiniSnos, 

rom zogadsakomunikacio funqciebs qarTuli ena asrulebda da 

igi garkveuli xarisxiT moicavda soflis mosaxleobis yvela eTnikur da 

socialur jgufs. 

amJamad sofel gomborSi ramdenadme Secvlilia demografiuli sura- 

Ti. 80-iani wlebis ufrosi Taobis warmomadgenelTagan bevri, samwuxarod, 

cocxali aRar dagvixvda; laijTa raodenobam iklo (darCenilia 53 

komli, daaxloebiT 170 adamiani), magram iklo qarTulma, rusulma da 

azerbaijanulma mosaxleobamac sofelSi mimdinare migraciuli procesis 

gamo, romelic stiqiur xasiaTs atarebs da gamouTvleli, mouxelTebeli 

movlena gaxlavT (kvaWaZe 2004:179-186). 

cxadia, gomborSi funqciobas ganagrZobs yvela is ena, romlis matareblebic 

ganagrZoben aq cxovrebas, rac metad Tavisebur multilingvistur 

situacias qmnis. Sereul sofelSi mcxovrebi laijebis metyveleba 

saintereso suraTs gvixatavs, rogorc iranuli dialeqtologiis, aseve 

arealuri lingvistikisa da zogadi enaTmecnierebis TvalsazrisiT (kvaWa- 

Ze 2008b). 

orenovnoba, damwerlobis uqonloba, kulturuli erToba azerbaijanelebTan, 

xels uwyobda azerbaijanuli enis TaTurze zemoqmedebis process. 

am zemoqmedebis kvali aRiniSneba TaTuri enis yvela sferoSi – fo- 

154

netikaSi, leqsikaSi, gramatikaSi. rac Seexeba, gomborel laijTa oTxenovan 

situacias, – laijuri gomborSi, iseve, rogorc yvelgan, saSinao, saojaxo 

urTierTobaTa enis funqcias asrulebs. gomborel laijTa ojaxSi 

dResac aqtiurad funqciobs e.w. ,,orive mSobliuri ena~ – laijuri da azerbaijanuli, 

ise, rom zogjer TviT deda-Svilis urTierTobaSic ki Wirs 

dominirebuli enis dadgena. laijTa umetesi nawili Sereuli eniT metyvelebs, 

xSiria enaTa gaucnobierebeli, meqanikuri monacvleoba, xSiria 

agreTve gacnobierebuli, Segnebuli monacvleoba _ ZiriTadad, ganaTlebisa 

da oficialuri urTierTobis enaTa moSveliebiT. es yovelive, cxadia, 

gaZlierebuli interferenciis niadags qmnis da arRvevs xmarebaSi myofi, 

faqtobrivad, yvela enis normebs. aqve SevniSnavT, rom gomborSi dResac 

cxovroben pirvelCamosaxlebul laijTa meore talRis (30-40-iani ww.) 

warmomadgenlebi. eseni arian Rrmad moxucebuli adamianebi, romlebic 

kargad metyveleben mSobliur enaze da aqtiurad iyeneben mas ojaxis 

axalgazrda wevrebTan urTierTobisas (kvaWaZe 2008a). 

gomborel laijTa metyveleba, ZiriTadad, inarCunebs TviTmyofadobas, 

Tumca gavlenebi yvela doneze SeiniSneba; cvlileba umetesad fonetikasa 

da leqsikaSi vlindeba, garkveulwilad exeba igi morfologiasa da sintaqssac. 

orenovnobis pirobebSi, iq, sadac wamyvan sazogadoebriv funqcias 

azerbaijanuli ena asrulebs, TaTebi (maT Soris laijebic) xSirad TavianT 

vokalizmsa da konsonantizms azerbaijanulisas uqvemdebareben, rac 

iwvevs enobrivi normebis meryeobasa da TaTuri enisaTvis ucxo fonemebis 

gaCenas. rac Seexeba gomboris oTxenovan situacias, sadac azerbaijanuli 

ena umwerlobo enis donezea gadanacvlebuli da amdenad, dakarguli aqvs 

avtoritetuli orientiris funqcia, gomborel laijTa metyvelebaSi bgeraTa 

warmoTqma zogjer eqvemdebareba qarTul an rusul kanonzomierebebs, 

rac xels uwyobs sawarmoTqmo normebis meryeobas, isedac mravalricxovani 

fonetikuri variantebis gamravlebasa da gavrcelebas. sxva kilokavebTan 

SedarebiT gomborel laijTa vokalizmis sistema xasiaTdeba 

xmovani bgerebis meti aramdgradobiT. TanxmovanTa sistemaSi icvleba ukanaenismier 

xSulTa palatalizaciis xarisxi, SezRudulia zemofaringaluri 

da uvularuli Tanxmovnebis gmoyeneba da sxv. 

ukanaenismieri g gadadis Suaenismier ģ ‐Si, romelic saSualo da, gansakuTrebiT, 

axalgazrda Taobis laijTa metyvelebaSi gamokveTilad ismis, 

rogorc Zà. saSualo da axalgazrda Taobis laijTa metyvelebaSi Suaenismieri 

ќ gadadis č-Si; SezRudulia zemofaringaluri (h) da uvularuli 

(x) Tanxmovnebis gamoyeneba. axalgazrda laijTa metyvelebaSi es 

bgerebi TiTqmis aRar ismis. saerTod, TaTuris q azerbaijanuli enis gavleniT, 

gadadis ukanaenismier g‐Si, xolo gomborel laijTa saSualo da 

axalgazrda Taobis warmomadgenelTa metyvelebaSi q gamoiTqmis, rogorc 

k da sxva. 

ramdenadme gamartivebulia gomborel laijTa metyvelebis morfologia 

da sintaqsi. SeiZleba iTqvas, axalgazrda laijTa bunebriv metyvele- 

155

aSi ar dasturdeba rigi enobrivi movlenebisa (Tumca aqve SevniSnavT, 

rom sagangebo, provocirebuli gamokiTxvis dros zogi ram mainc davafiqsireT), 

SezRudulia sityvaTmawarmoebel sufiqsTa gamoyeneba, TiTqmis 

aRar gamoiyeneba damxmare sityvebi, numerativebi, ar Cans zogierTi kavSiri 

da nawilaki; SezRudulia zmnis formaTa xmareba da sxv. kidev ufro 

gamartivebulia winadadeba, SedarebiT mwiria laijuri leqsika. 

gomborel laijTa leqsikis ZiriTad birTvs warmodgens saerTo-iranuli 

warmoSobis sityvebi; aqve asaxulia yvela is nasesxoba, rac TaTuri 

enisaTvis aris damaxasiaTebeli. igi inarCunebs adre SeZenil nasesxobebs, 

romelTa mniSvnelovan fenas warmoadgens TaTur leqsikaSi damkvidrebuli 

azerbaijanuli sityvebi; met-naklebad Semonaxulia arabuli nasesxobani 

– muslimur kulturasTan dakavSirebuli sityvebi; leqsikis 

gafarToeba xdeba sazogadoebriv-politikuri, teqnikuri, sayofacxovrebo 

terminebiTac internacionaluri, qarTuli da rusuli nasesxobebis xarjze. 

TaTuri enis sxva kilokavebisagan gansxvavebiT, gomborel laijTa 

leqsikaSi gamoiyofa qarTul nasesxobaTa plasti, es aris sayofacxovrebo 

xasiaTis leqsika, agreTve sazogadoebriv-politikuri da administraciuli 

leqsika, saskolo-saganmanaTleblo leqsika da sxva; e.w. ègzotizmebi~, 

eTnonimebi, toponimebi, tanisamosisa da kerZebis aRmniSvneli 

saxelwodebani da sxva. erTi sityviT, qarTveli xalxis kulturasTan, 

meurneobasTan da cxovrebis wesTan dakavSirebuli leqsikuri erTeulebi. 

aqve unda aRvniSnoT, rom gomboreli laijebi, romelTac rusuli 

saskolo ganaTleba aqvT miRebuli, sakuTar saxelebs, geografiul saxelebsa 

Tu ucxo (internacionalur) sityvebs rusul yaidaze warmoTqvamen, 

qarTul skoladamTavrebulebi – qarTul yaidaze; saskolo sagnebsa 

da saerTod saskolo terminologias sxapasxupiT CamoTvlis qarTul ganaTlebamiRebuli 

qarTulad, rusul ganaTlebamiRebuli – rusulad. 

rac Seexeba dRevandel enobriv orientacias: rogorc aRvniSneT, Ta- 

Turi 

(romlis muslimuri dialeqtis erT-erT kilokavs warmoadgens laijuri) 

umwerlobo enaa da mis matareblebs oficialur urTierTobaTa da 

ganaTlebis enis gamoyeneba garemoebaTa mixedviT uxdebaT, _ iranSi es ena 

sparsulia, azerbaijanSi – azerbaijanuli, sabWoTa saqarTveloSi – rusuls 

arCevdnen, axla, damoukidebel saqarTveloSi qarTuls amjobineben, 

vinaidan naTlad acnobiereben, rom qarTulis, rogorc saxelmwifo enis, 

kargad codna qarTul sazogadoebaSi ukeT integrirebisa da maT pirad 

SesaZlebolobaTa gafarToebis mniSvnelovani saSualebaa. 

sabWoTa kavSiris daSlisa da gomboridan sabWoTa jaris nawilis 

gasvlis Semdeg soflis skolaSi funqcioba Sewyvita rusulma seqtorma. 

saskolo ganaTlebisa da oficialur urTierTobaTa enis funqcia qar- 

Tuls daekisra. gombori am faqts SedarebiT momzadebuli daxvda; araqarTveli 

mosaxleobis zogadsaganmanaTeblo doneze saxelmwifo enis 

codnis uzrunvelyofa gomborSi faqtobrivad umtkivneulod, bunebrivad 

156

moxda, vinaidan Sereul sofelSi mcxovreb sxvadasxva enobriv jgufebs 

Soris enobrivi izolacia didad arc adre igrZnoboda (kvaWaZe 2008a). 

gomboreli laijebi, praqtikulad, miekuTvnebian yvela socialur-profesiul 

jgufs, isini monawileoben sazogadoebrivi cxovrebis yvela Ziri- 

Tad sferoSi. sxvadasxvaenovani mosaxleobis jgufebs Soris damyarebuli 

uSualo kontaqtebi sayofacxovrebo-saojaxo, sawarmoo Tu sulieri cxovrebis 

sferoebSi ganapirobebs gomborel laijTa enobriv cxovrebas. 

morwmune laijebi muslimi Siitebi arian, isini mTvarismieri hijris 

kalendriT aRniSnaven islamis, kerZod misi Siituri mimarTulebis mier 

dakanonebul ZiriTad sadResaswaulo Tu samgloviaro dReebs. 

gomborel laijebs soflis ZiriTad mosaxleobasTan tkbilmezobluri 

urTierToba aqvT. xazgasmiT cdiloben Cveulebrivi gomboreli glexis 

cxovrebiT icxovron – saxl-karic iseTive hqondeT, meurneobac da 

cxovrebis wesic. didia qarTuli sayofacxovrebo Cvevebisa da adaT-wesebis 

gavlena. TvalSi sacemia qarTuli tradiciebis gaTvaliswineba (gansakuTrebiT 

qorwinebisa da dakrZalvis wessa da ritualSi), TiTqmis 

mTlianad miRebulia da gaziarebuli qarTuli samzareulo, Wirisa da 

lxinis sufra. 

zemoT ukve aRvniSneT, rom gomboreli laijebi sakmaod kargi qarTuliT 

laparakoben. wminda lingvisturi TvalsazrisiT sainteresoa is adstratuli 

interferencia, romelic vlindeba maTi qarTulad metyvelebis 

dros, kidev ufro sainteresoa is transformirebani, romelTac zogierTi 

cnebis gadaazreba iwvevs. magaliTad, qarTulad metyvelebis dros 

gomboreli laiji meCeTs ,,xatad~ moixseniebs, religiur dResaswauls – 

,,xatobad~ (,,xvalzeiT Cem xatSi unda wavide salocavaT~, _ ityvis igi; 

,,es aTi dRe xatoba gvaq~ da sxv.), muslimTa msxverplSewirvis wess – 

yorban-bairams ,,saRmrTos~ uwodebs, xolo axal wels – nouruz bairams, 

romelic didi zar-zeimiT aRiniSneba, ,,aRdgomas~ eZaxis qarTulad. 

qarTulad warmoTqmuli sityvebi zogjer iranul-qarTul fonetikur 

garsSia gaxveuli, zogjer _ uaqcentod, qarTuli fonetikuri da gramatikuli 

kanonebis dacviT ixmareba. 

aRniSnuli movlenebi gamowveulia socialuri da enobrivi garemos 

specifikiT, Sedegia uSualo kontaqtebisa da xasiaTdeba araerTgvarovnebiTa 

da variantulobiT, xSirad stiqiurobiTac. didi mniSvneloba aqvs 

molaparake individebis asaks, sqess, profesias, ganaTlebas, kulturul 

dones, enobriv orientacias da sxva eqstralingvistur faqtorebs. 

literatura 

griunbergi 1961: Грюнберг А.Л., О месте татского среди иранских языков, ВЯ, №1. 

griunbergi 1963: Грюнберг А.Л., Язык североазербайджанских татов, Л. 

griunbergi, davidova 1982: Грюнберг А.Л., Давыдова Л.Х., Татский язык, В кн.: 

Основы иранского языкознания. Новоиранские языки, Москва. 

157

deSerievi, protCenko 1972: Дешериев Ю.Д., Протченко И.Ф., Основные аспекты 

исследования двуязычия и многоязычия, В сб.: Проблемы двуязычия и 

многоязычия), Москва. 

eloeva, rusakovi 1990: Елоева Ф.А., Русаков А.Ю., Проблемы грамматической 

интерференции, Ленинград. 

vainraixi 1972: Вайнрайх Уриэлъ, Одноязычие и многоязычие, Новое в лингвистике, 

т.6., Москва. 

zeqalaSvili 2008: r. zeqalaSvili, interferencia da qarTuli enis swavleba 

araqarTvelTaTvis, krebulSi: saxelmwifo enis swavlebis sakiTxebi saqarTvelos 

saganmanaTleblo sivrceSi, Tbilisi. 

kvaWaZe 1982: m. kvaWaZe, winaswari cnobebi gomborel laijTa metyvelebis Sesaxeb 

(konf. ,,enaTmecnierebisa da literaturaTmcodneobis aqtualuri problemebi~, 

muSaobis gegma da Tezisebi), Tbilisi. 

kvaWaZe 1988: m. kvaWaZe, cnobebi gomboreli iranulenovani eTnografiuli jgufis 

Sesaxeb, wignSi: masalebi gomborel laijTa metyvelebis SeswavlisaTvis. 

Sesavali, teqstebi, leqsikoni, Tbilisi. 

kvaWaZe 1998: m. kvaWaZe, eqstralingvistur faqtorTa mniSvnelobis Sesaxeb enobrivi 

kontaqtebis dros, Tsu Sromebi, t. 327, seria àRmosavleTmcodneoba~, 

Tbilisi, gv. 37-46. 

kvaWaZe 2001: Kvachadze M., Language Contacts (on the material of Tati-speaking ethnic 

group living in Georgia). Areas of Iranian – Semitic-Turkic Convergence. Linguistic 

Contact in Western and Central Asia in Past and Present (Abstracts), Uppsala University, 

pp. 8-9. 

kvaWaZe 2004: m. kvaWaZe, gomborel laijTa metyvelebis sakiTxebi, Tsu Sromebi, 

t. 361, seria ,,aRmosavleTmcodneoba~, Tbilisi, gv. 179-186. 

kvaWaZe 2008a: m. kvaWaZe, ganaTlebis enis mniSvnelobis Sesaxeb orenovnobisa da 

mravalenovnobis dros, krebulSi: saxelmwifo enis swavlebis sakiTxebi saqarTvelos 

saganmanaTleblo sivrceSi, Tbilisi. 

kvaWaZe 2008b: Kvachadze M., Linguo-Cultural Aspects of Multiethnic Situation, 

International conference: Iran and the Caucasus – Unity and Diversity, Yerevan, June 

06-08, pp. 57-59 

koduxovi 1974: Кодухов В.И., Общее языкознание, Москва. 

mileri 1905: Миллер Вс.Ф., Татские этюды, ч.I., Тексты и татско-русский словаръ, 

Москва. 

mileri 1907: Миллер Вс.Ф., Татские этюды, ч.I I. Опыт грамматики татского языка, 

Труды Лазаревского ин-та вост. языков, вып. 26. 

mileri 1929: Миллер Б.Вс., Таты, их расселение и говоры, Материалы и вопросы, 

Баку. 

rastorgueva 1964: Расторгуева В.С. и др., Типы двуязычия у иранских народов 

Советского Союза, Москва. 

tabiZe 2005: m. tabiZe, enobrivi situacia saqarTveloSi da qarTuli enis 

funqcionirebis sakiTxebi, Tbilisi. 

SCerba 1947: Щерба Л.В., Преподавание иностранных языков в средней школе, 

Общие вопросы методики, Москва-Ленинград. 

xanazarovi 1972: Ханазаров К.Х., Критерии двуязычия и его причины, В сб.: 

Проблемы двуязычия и многоязычия, Москва. 

xaugeni 1972: Хауген Эйнар, Языковой контакт. Новое в лингвистике, т. 6., Москва. 

158

Manana Kvachadze 

Towards the Linguocultural Interference in Language Contacts 

(As Exemplified by Gomborian Layijis) 

Summary 

A very interesting linguistic and cultural picture can be observed in the Georgian village of 

Gombori on the example of its multiethnic population. Gombori is an ethnically and 

linguistically mixed village. Since the times of the Tsarist Russia, Russians have inhabited 

this village alongside with Georgians. To a certain extent, this fact determined the linguistic 

picture of the village. 

In the first decades of the 20 th century, different Moslem ethnic groups from the 

neighboring regions of Iran and South Caucasus started to inhabit the territory with the 

purpose of earning. Among these was an ethnographic group of Iranian origin, refugees 

from the village of Lahij in Azerbaijan (to a certain extent Turkified and bilingual (Tati and 

Azerbaijani)), and a Turkish ethnographic group, refugees from Iranian Azerbaijan, also 

bilingual (Azerbaijani and Persian). The process of migration continued in the Soviet 

period, being most intense in the 30s and 40s of the 20 th century. 

Representatives of the immigrant Moslem population, despite their ethnic and linguistic 

origin, are registered as Azerbaijani in the official documents and consider Azebaijani as 

their native language. Due to their common historical, cultural and religious origin, at first 

glance these people do not differ from each other. However, an Iranian-speaking group can 

be distinguished, calling themselves and their native language Layiji. This langiuage is an 

oral dialect of Moslem Tat language. The bilingualism of the Layijis living in Azerbaijan is 

universal, mass and complete. 

Representatives of the above-mentioned ethnic groups are in friendly neighboring 

relationships with the main population of Gombori. They try to live like ordinary 

Gomborian peasants, have similar houses and gardens, farms and lifestyle. A respect of 

Georgian traditions can be felt. Georgian cuisine, rituals of celebration and mourning are 

shared by the Layijis, but at the same time, their own customs are retained. This can be 

revealed in the observation of religious and cultural traditions. 

Gomborian Layijis belong to practically all social-professional groups. Practically all 

Gomborian Layijis speak the so-called “two native languages” – Layiji (Tat) and 

Azerbaijani. All Gomborian Layijis speak Georgian and Russian to some extent. The 

language of education is chosen according to their personal attitudes and opinions. Special 

mention should be made of the Georgian and Russian speech of the Moslem population, 

both Azerbaijani and Layiji. From purely linguistic viewpoint, should be mentioned ad 

stratum interference revealed in their Georgian speech. Even more interesting is the 

transformation of certain concepts. 

As for their linguistic orientation, they – as speakers of an unwritten language – have to 

choose formal and education language according to the environment: in Iran it is Persian, in 

Azerbaijan – Azerbaijani, in Soviet Georgia they chose Russian, whereas now in 

independent Georgia they prefer Georgian. A speech in a foreign environment mainly 

retains its originality. However, at nearly all levels the influence of languages of other 

systems can be observed. The culture and speech of a multiethnic society include many 

different interesting aspects. This yields rich material, from both linguistic and 

extralinguistic viewpoints. 

159

Gilbert Lazard 

160 


NOTE SUR LE SENS DU MORPHÈME PERSAN -RÂ 

La postposition enclitique râ en persan a fait couler beaucoup d'encre. Élément 

essentiel de la syntaxe de cette langue, elle est très fréquente dans tous les énoncés. 

Elle remplit plusieurs fonctions, qui ont pu paraître énigmatiques et ont suscité des 

discussions. 

Son origine est bien connue, son évolution au cours de l’histoire de la langue 

aussi. Il existe en vieux-perse une postposition râdiy, qui s'affixe à un nominal au 

génitif et signifie "pour, à cause de", ex.: avahya-râdiy "à cause de cela" ou "en vue 

de cela", "Je ne veux pas, dit Darius, que le faible subisse un dommage" 

tunuvutahyâ râdiy "à cause / du fait du puissant". En moyen-perse, le morphème 

rây s'emploie encore au sens de "pour, à cause de, afin de". Il fonctionne aussi 

comme un datif désignant un bénéficiaire, un donataire, un possesseur, ex.: Pâbag 

rây hêc frazand nêbûd "Pâbag n'avait pas de fils", – et aussi, dans certaines 

conditions pour marquer l'objet. Ces deux derniers emplois (datif, marque d'objet) 

restent usuels en persan préclassique et classique. 

En persan contemporain, la postposition râ, qui prend la forme -o dans la 

langue parlée, a trois emplois: 

– Elle marque régulièrement l'objet défini, ex.: 

(1) ân pesar-râ mišenâsi ? 

"Tu connais ce garçon ?" 

et généralement aussi l'objet indéfini spécifique, ex.: 

(2) ketâb-i-râ xândam ke … 

"J'ai lu un (certain) livre qui…" 

– Elle caractérise certains compléments de temps, ex.: 

(3) emšab-râ manzel mimânim 

"Ce soir, nous resterons à la maison", 

(4) in daf’e-râ eštebâh-et-râ mibaxšam 

"Pour cette fois, je pardonne ton erreur". 

– Elle marque un terme thématique (topicalisé) figurant en tête de la 

proposition et repris dans la suite par un anaphorique, ex. 

(5) in doxtar-râ bâ mâdar-eš sohbat kardam 

"(Quant à) cette fille, j’ai parlé avec sa mère". 

Cette phrase est logiquement équivalente à "J’ai parlé avec la mère de cette 

fille". Mais in doxtar-râ "cette fille" est thématisé et projeté en tête, hors syntaxe, 

pour indiquer que c’est cet élément qui est concerné par l’information qui suit; il 

est ensuite repris au sein de la proposition le pronom -eš, qui remplit la fonction 

grammaticale de déterminant du nom mâdar. 

Dans le premier emploi de -râ, en fonction de marque d’objet, qui est le plus 

fréquent, le morphème râ ne peut apparaître qu’une fois. Dans les phrases qui 

cumulent plus d’un objet (à des niveaux différents), un seul peut être affecté de la 

postposition, ex.:

(6) Parviz-râ ketâb-i pâdâš dâdand 

"On récompensa Parviz d’un livre" 

Cette phrase comporte trois objets à des niveaux différents: pâdâš "récompense" 

est objet de dâdand "ils donnèrent"; – ketâbi "un livre" est objet de pâdâš 

dâdand "donnèrent récompense", c’est-à-dire "donnèrent en récompense"; – 

Parviz-râ est objet de ketâbi pâdâš dâdand "donnèrent (en) récompense un livre" 

ou "récompensèrent d’un livre". Seul l’objet du niveau le plus élevé, Parviz, peut 

être affecté de -râ. 

En revanche, une même phrase peut comprendre un objet affecté de -râ et un 

emploi du deuxième ou du troisième type. C’est le cas dans l’exemple (4), qui 

comprend successivement un complément de temps marqué par -râ et un objet 

également marqué par -râ. 

Le fonctionnement de -râ comme marque d’objet est un exemple d’un 

phénomène connu en linguistique générale sous le nom de "marquage différentiel 

de l’objet". Ce phénomène est largement répandu dans les langues iraniennes: il 

existe aussi dans un grand nombre d’autres langues. Il consiste en ce que l’objet est 

affecté d’une marque morphologique dans certains cas et ne l’est pas dans d’autres 

cas. La variation est généralement commandée par les catégories de définitude ou 

d’humanitude, c’est-à-dire par le fait que le terme objet désigne une entité définie 

ou indéfinie, ou bien un être humain ou une chose. La règle générale, quelle que 

soit la langue, est que le défini ou l’humain a plus de chances d’être marqué que 

l’indéfini ou le non-humain. Dans certaines langues, le facteur principal est la 

définitude; dans d’autres langues, c’est l’humanitude. Le persan est dans le premier 

cas; il en va de même, par exemple, en hébreu. En revanche, en espagnol, par 

exemple, c’est plutôt l’humanitude, ex.: 

(7) busco a mi amigo 

"Je cherche mon ami" 

(8) busco mi sombrero 

"Je cherche mon chapeau". 

Dans (7), l’objet désigne un humain: il est précédé la préposition a; dans (8), 

l’objet est une chose: il n’y a pas de préposition. Au total, en persan, le 

fonctionnement de -râ comme marque d’objet est conforme à la règle générale du 

"marquage différentiel de l’objet". 

L’originalité du persan réside dans le fait que c’est le même morphème qui sert 

à marquer l’objet et aussi certains compléments de temps et des termes thématiques 

placés en tête de proposition. On peut se demander ce qu’il y a de commun entre 

ces emplois différents. En d’autres termes, est-il possible de découvrir une fonction 

plus générale, ou une signification plus abstraite, qui rendrait compte à la fois des 

trois emplois ? Je crois que oui. 

Commençons par une remarque que m’inspire la langue française. J’ai traduit 

l’exemple (5) "Cette fille" ou "Quant à cette fille, j’ai parlé avec sa mère". On 

pourrait aussi traduire "Pour cette fille, j’ai parlé avec sa mère", qui aurait 

exactement le même sens. En français, un terme thématisé jeté en tête peut être 

introduit par la préposition pour. On peut dire par exemple: 

(9) Tu feras comme tu voudras; pour moi, je n’accepte pas. 

161

Il est intéressant de constater que cette préposition est celle qui sert aussi à 

désigner un bénéficiaire, ex.: 

(10) Je travaille pour toi. 

– et même un motif ou une cause dans des expressions comme pour cette raison, 

qui a le même sens que avahyarâdiy en vieux-perse, ou pourquoi, qui est formé 

exactement de la même façon que cê rây en moyen-perse et čerâ en persan. Cette 

similitude n’est pas fortuite. 

Considérons maintenant l’emploi temporel de –râ. Il n’est pas très éloigné 

du troisième, l’emploi thématique. L’exemple (3) pourrait aussi se traduire "Pour 

ce soir, nous resterons à la maison". Il n’est pas exactement équivalent à la même 

phrase sans -râ: 

(11) emšab manzel mimânim 

"Ce soir, nous resterons à la maison" 

La phrase (3) signifie que nous serons à la maison toute la soirée; elle exclut 

que nous soyons à la maison seulement un moment pendant la soirée. Elle signifie 

proprement "Nous passerons la soirée à la maison", ce qui n’implique 

nécessairement la phrase (11). Dans la phrase (3), emšab-râ n’est simplement une 

indication temporelle, une mention du temps au cours duquel le procès aura lieu: 

elle signifie que le procès occupera la totalité du temps indiqué. Voici un autre 

exemple peut-être plus clair emprunté à l’écrivain Sâdeq Hedâyat: 

(12) tasmim gerefte budam … se ruze ta’til-râ jâ-ye denj-i peydâ 

bokonam barâ-ye xod-am lam bedaham 

"J’avais décidé de trouver un coin tranquille où me prélasser pour 

les trois jours de vacances" 

Naturellement, il ne s’agit pas de prélasser pendant un moment quelconque 

choisi au cours de ces trois jours, mais bien de passer les trois jours entiers à se 

prélasser. 

Il y a plus. Dans l’exemple (4), in daf’e-râ n’indique pas exactement une 

durée, mais une circonstance. Ici encore on doit traduire "pour cette fois". Le sens 

est clairement que le pardon est accordé pour cette fois seulement. Autrement dit, 

non seulement il concerne la circonstance présente, mais il est limité à cette 

circonstance. Nous voyons donc que ces complément de temps comportant –râ 

implique à la fois que le procès concerne la totalité du temps concerné (s’il y a une 

durée) et qu’il y est limité. 

Cette idée d’extension limitée s’applique aussi à l’emploi thématique de –râ, si 

on prend le terme "extension" dans un sens non seulement temporel, mais général. 

Voyons en effet quelle est la fonction, dans n’importe quelle langue, d’un terme 

thématique jeté en tête. C’est d’indiquer en quoi et jusqu’à quel point l’énoncé qui 

suit est valable. Cela est bien clair dans le cas de notre exemple (9) en français. Le 

refus exprimé est valable pour moi et pour moi seul. Ce n’est par hasard qu’un 

terme thématisé est, en français, souvent introduit par quant à. Cette expression 

vient du mot latin quantum "combien", qui est bien un terme quantitatif: il exprime 

une mesure, c’est-à-dire une extension et une limite. "Quant à cette fille" signifie: 

ce que j’ai à dire concerne cette fille et seulement elle, c’est la mesure de mon 

propos, le champ (limité) auquel il s’applique. 

162

Nous pouvons maintenant jeter un coup d’œil sur le premier emploi de –râ, le 

marquage de l’objet. Qu’est-ce que l’objet d’un verbe ? C’est un terme qui mesure 

la validité de l’expression du procès. On a pu le définir comme une spécification 

délimitant la portée du procès que désigne le verbe. Autrement dit, il assigne une 

limite à l’extension des effets de l’action: manger tout court exprime l’idée 

d’absorber un aliment quel qu’il soit; manger de la viande la limite à un certain 

type d’aliment; et manger cette viande exprime une action strictement bornée. 

L’objet défini délimite plus étroitement que l’objet indéfini. 

Au total, il apparaît que, dans tous ses emplois, le sens profond de la 

postposition -râ est l’idée d’une extension limitée. 

Jilber lazari 

SeniSvnebi sparsul morfema -râ-s Sesaxeb 

reziume 

enklitikuri Tandebuli -râ, romelic Tanamedrove sparsuli enis 

sintaqsis ganuyofeli elementia, mravalfunqciuria da didi xania iqca 

samecniero diskusiis sagnad. is momdinareobs Zveli sparsuli Tandebuli 

râdiy-dan, romelic daerTvoda saxelad formebs naTesaobiT brunvaSi da 

misi mniSvneloba iyo `Tvis, gamo~. amave mniSvnelobiT es morfema gamoiyeneboda 

saSualo sparsulSic. mas aseve hqonda micemiTi brunvis funqcia 

da gamoxatavda mimRebs, msargebels (bénéficiaire), mimcem pirs (donhataire) 

an mflobels (possesseur). garkveul SemTxvevebSi is gamoiyeneboda 

obieqtis funqciiTac. Tanamedrove sparsulSi am Tandebuls sami funqcia 

aqvs: 1) gansazRvruli obieqtis, 2) ganusazRvreli specifikuri obieqtis, 

3) garkveuli tipis drois garemoebebis; is aseve markeria Tematizebuli 

(topikalizebuli) wevris, romelic winadadebis dasawyisSi gvxvdeba 

da figurirebs anaforiulad. -râ-s gamoyeneba obieqtis markeris funqciiT 

fenomenia, romelic zogad enaTmecnierebaSi cnobilia òbieqtis gansxvavebuli 

markirebis~ saxelwodebiT. misi arsi vlindeba imaSi, rom garkveul 

SemTxvevebSi obieqts axlavs morfologiuri markeri, xolo sxva 

SemTxvevebSi ara. sparsul enaSi es gansxvaveba ZiriTadad ganpirobebulia 

gansazRvrulobis kategoriiT. statiaSi -râ-s zogad mniSvnelobad miCneulia 

SezRuduli gavrcoba (extension limitée). 

163

vladimer lekiaSvili 

164 


alternatiuli samyaroebi da parametrizebuli semantika 

_ dedac, dReSi orjer mcems. 

_ vina gcems? 

_ deda. CvenSi colebs ase veZaxiT. 

guram doCanaSvili, òrni aqa-iq~ 

`hesperusi igive fosforusia~. es winadadeba, kripkes azriT, àucileblad 

WeSmaritia~ (Kripke 1980:102-105). `hesperusi~ mwuxris varskvlavia, 

`fosforusi~ _ ciskris, orive ki _ planeta venera; àucileblad 

WeSmariti~ ki mocemul konteqstSi imas niSnavs, rom ar arsebobs 

iseTi warmosaxviTi samyaro, sadac hesperusi da fosforusi sxvadasxva 

ciuri sxeulebis aRmniSvnelebi iqnebodnen, radgan sakuTari saxelebi 

`xisti aRmniSvnelebia~, xolo `xisti aRmniSvnelebia~ imitom, rom filosofosTa 

da, maT Soris, kripkes avtoritetulma intuiciam ase daadgina. 

am winadadebis WeSmariteba araa aprioruli (bolos da bolos, is 

damokidebulia mTqmelis informirebulobaze da ara mis logikur Tanmimdevrulobaze 

_ Tu adamianma ar icis, rom ganTiadisas da saRamos danaxuli 

kaSkaSa obieqtebi erTi da igive planetaa, is marTebulad ityvis, 

rom diliT caze fosforuss xedavs, saRamoTi _ hesperuss da arc igulisxmebs, 

rom hesperusi fosforusia), magram, amave dros, `xisti aRniSvnis~ 

Teoriis mimdevrebs ver warmoudgeniaT iseTi samyaro, sadac fosforusi 

ar iqneboda hesperusi. Sedegad viRebT absurds, kripkes terminologiiT 

ki àposteriorul da aucilebel~ WeSmaritebas. alternatiuli 

samyaroebis semantikaSi aucileblobis modaloba gulisxmobs mocemuli 

winadadebis WeSmaritebas uklebliv yvela im kontrfaqtualur samyaroSi, 

romelsac ki SeiZleba daukavSirdes aqtualuri samyaro (ufro gasagebad, 

Tumca ki arazustad _ romelic ki SeiZleba warmoidginos da 

SesaZleblad miiCnios aqtualur samyaroSi myofma subieqtma da, bunebrivia, 

SeiZleba imasac acnobierebdes, rom es iqneba araaqtualuri, kontrfaqtualuri 

samyaro). am gaugebrobis àmosaxsnelad~ enis filosofosTa 

nawilma organzomilebiani semantika moiSvelia: misi Calmersiseuli 

interpretacia gulisxmobs samyaroTa or simravles _ metafizikurs 

da epistemurs (am ukanasknel simravleSi Semaval samyaroebs Calmersi 

scenarebad moixseniebs) (Chalmers 2006:81). ybadaRebuli frazac `hesperusi 

aris fosforusi~ metafizikuri TvalsazrisiT aucilebelia, epistemuriT 

ki _ araaucilebeli (aposterioruli), Sedegad, àucilebel da 

imavdroulad aposteriorul~ WeSmaritebasac Tavisi adgili mieCina. magram 

organzomilebiani semantika mxolod am da msgavsi filosofiuri

problemebis gadaWriT ar Semoifargleba. magaliTad, stalnakeris modeli, 

sadac pirvel ganzomilebad scenarebis nacvlad konteqstebia, e.w. 

indeqsikalebis (maT Soris sxvadasxva tipis nacvalsaxelebis) mniSvnelobebsac 

xsnis da gamonaTqvamTa pragmatul aspeqtebs da informaciulobasac 

hfens naTels. marTalia, lingvisturi TvalsazrisiT raime Rirebul 

Sedegebze laparaki jer naadrevia, samagierod TviT aseTi kvlevis procesia 

saintereso, xolo Sualeduri mignebebi _ metad sagulisxmo. aq informaciis 

verbaluri gacvla-gamocvla aseT formas iRebs: "Speakers 

make assumptions about what their addressees know or believe about what they are 

talking about as well as about what their words mean and what the relevant 

contextual parameters are relative to which their words will be interpreted. These 

assumptions will influence what they choose to say, and how they choose to say it. 

Since the speaker will normally presuppose that he is speaking (and that the 

addressee knows this), the possible worlds compatible with what is presupposed 

will be possible worlds in which the utterence event in question takes place, and in 

which it has a meaning and a content that may be different from the meaning and 

content that the utterance has in actual world" (Stalnaker 2006:296; msjelobis 

kognitiuri da stilisturi xibli rom ar gaxundes, Cven es fragmenti 

originalSi, Targmanis gareSe mogvyavs). ra samyaroa es, romelic Tavis 

mxriv moicavs alternatiul, kontrfaqtualur, epistemur, konteqstur 

da kidev RmerTma uwyis ra tipis samyaroebs da romlis erT-erTi gamor- 

Ceuli nimuSi semantikas or ganzomilebaSi aRiqvams? _ es uaRresad 

rTuli da saintereso samyaroa. aq sityvas oqros fasi aqvs. eWvebiT gatanjuli 

mosaubre vidre rames ityodes, Svidjer gazomavs _ an, ukidures 

SemTxvevaSi, imdenjer mainc, ramden “about”-sac daiTvlis dainteresebuli 

mkiTxveli zemomoyvanili fragmentis pirvel winadadebaSi. aq “utterance” 

ubralod “utterance” ki ar aris, aramed _ “utterance event”: ufro 

soliduradac JRers da orazrovnebasac gamoricxavs. analizis obieqti 

am samyaroSi, xSirad, ara winadadeba, aramed TviTkmari `propoziciaa~, 

anu is, rasac gamoxatavs gamonaTqvami. erTi SexedviT, saxifaTo daSvebaa, 

xom SeiZleba mavanma enTuziastma iseTi `propoziciebis~ kvleva daiwyos, 

romlis gamosaxatavad am srulyofil samyaroSi arasrulyofil bunebriv 

enas resursi ar eyofa, magram es problemac advilad mogvardeba, roca 

enis filosofosebi ìdealur enas~ Seqmnian (monaxazi ukve arsebobs _ 

ix. Chalmers 2006:84). amjerad organzomilebian epistemur modelze Sev- 

CerdebiT. aq pirvel ganzomilebas qmnian e.w. epistemuri samyaroebi (rogoric 

SeiZleba iyos realuri samyaro, da iqneb aris kidec), meore ganzomilebas 

ki avseben modaluri logikis Cveuli obieqtebi _ kontrfaqtualuri 

samyaroebi (rogoric SeiZleboda yofiliyo realuri samyaro _ 

magram ar aris). pirvel SemTxvevaSi warmosaxviTi subieqti realur samyaroze 

(misTvis realur samyaroze) arasrulyofili codnis Sevsebas 

fantaziiT cdilobs, mokled, saqmes sWirdeba sruliad uvici, mdidari 

fantaziis mqone da uzadod (an, ukidures SemTxvevaSi, zomierad) logikuri 

subieqti. zogadad, enis filosofia imdenad iyo SeWirvebuli ori 

165

diqotomiis _ apriorizm-aposteriorizmisa da aucilebloba-SemTxveviTobis 

erTmaneTisgan gamijvniT, rom SeiZleboda gvefiqra, organzomilebiani 

semantika swored am `problemis~ gadasawyvetad Seiqmna, magram faqtiurad 

sakiTxis istoria ukavSirdeba enobrivi erTeulebsa da `Sesabamis~ 

eqstralingvistur obieqtebs Soris urTierTobebis formalizebis mcdelobebs. 

epistemur organzomilebian semantikaSi pirveli ganzomileba 

sazRvravs gamonaTqvamis apriorizm-aposteriorizms (Tu gamonaTqvami WeSmaritia 

am rigis uklebliv yvela samyaroSi, is apriorulia), meore _ 

aucilebloba-SemTxveviTobas (Tu gamonaTqvami WeSmaritia am ganzomilebis 

yvela samyaroSi, is aucilebelia). erTi SexedviT, aseTi sqema pirveli 

diqotomiis yoveli wevris Tavisufali kombinirebis saSualebas unda iZleodes 

meore diqotomiis TiToeul wevrTan. veWvobT, Canafiqric aseTi 

iyo. xorcSesxmas ki axla ganvixilavT. rogorc vnaxeT, `hesperusi aris 

fosforusi~ aucilebeli da aposterioruli WeSmaritebis nimuSad saxeldeba. 

meore ganzomilebaSi, anu metafizikur (kontrfaqtualur) samyaroTa 

simravleSi is yvelgan WeSmaritia, e.i. aucilebelia. logika daaxloebiT 

aseTi unda iyos: hesperusi da fosforusic aRniSnaven obieqtebs, 

romelTa identifikacia garkveuli Tvisebebis safuZvelze xdeba 

(aqvT moZraobis garkveuli traeqtoria, caze Cndebian garkveul dros, 

aqvT garkveuli sikaSkaSe da a.S. usasrulod). hesperusisTvis am Tvisebebs 

emateba kidev erTi _ ìgivea, rac fosforusi~. kontrfaqtualur 

samyaroSi, sadac ganTiadisas da saRamos Sesabamis adgilas caze sxvadasxva 

obieqtebi Cndeba, hesperusi mainc fosforusia _ saRamos danaxul 

sxva obieqts ukve aRar SeiZleba hesperusi vuwodoT, radgan mas ukve ar 

eqneba `hesperusis~ Sesabamisi obieqtis erT-erTi Tviseba _ ìgivea, rac 

fosforusi~ da amitom saxelic sxva unda hqondes. amdenad, hesperusi 

yvela kontrfaqtualur samyaroSi igive fosforusia. sabednierod, arsebobs 

meore ganzomilebac _ epistemuri samyaroebi. aseT samyaroebSi aqtualuri 

samyaros `Tvalsazrisi~ ar moqmedebs, aq movlenebs sakuTari 

samreklodan akvirdebian. Tuki aq hesperuss ar aqvs Tviseba ìgivea, rac 

fosforusi~, e.i. mas is arc arasdros hqonia (aseTia am samyaros èpistemuri 

mdgomareoba~), rac ar hqonia, imas verc dakargavs da, Sesabamisad, 

saxelsac SeinarCunebs. erTi sityviT, epistemur samyaroebSi hesperusi 

SeiZleba hesperusi iyos, fosforusi _ fosforusi da, amisda miuxedavad, 

hesperusi aRar iyos fosforusi. interpretacia naZaladevi da 

antiintuiciuria, magram _ Tanmimdevruli. ufro gonebamaxviluri da saxalisoa 

sxva kombinaciis _ SemTxveviTi (araaucilebeli) da aprioruli 

WeSmaritebis nimuSi. aseTi ucnaurobis tipur magaliTs deviss (Davies 

2004:107) davesesxebiT _ `Tuki vinmem saerTod gamoigona elva-Sesakravi, 

es is iqneboda, vinc is realur samyaroSi gamoigona~. es gamonaTqvami apriorulicaa 

da SemTxveviTic _ yvela epistemur samyaroSi WeSmaritia, 

kontrfaqtualur samyaroebSi ki SeiZleba WeSmariti arc iyos; stilisturad 

odnav mZime da zomierad wriuli _ TviT frazaSia miniSneba epis- 

166

temur samyaroze (iseT warmosaxviT samyaroze, romelsac Tavi aqtualurad 

anu realurad `warmoudgenia~). 

epistemur organzomilebian semantikaSi `propozicia~ gaigivebulia 

organzomilebian matricasTan, romlis yoveli ujra aRmoCndeba ori parametris 

_ kontrfaqtualuri samyaroebis da epistemuri samyaroebis gadakveTaze 

da miiRebs oridan erT-erT mniSvnelobas _ WeSmarits an 

mcdars. nebismieri ori gansxvavebuli mniSvnelobis winadadebis Sesabamisi 

matricac gansxvavebuli iqneba. erTi sityviT, modeli saSualebas mogvcems 

kidev erTxel davadasturoT kargad cnobili faqti _ nebismieri 

ori, Tundac sinonimuri, magram formiT gansxvavebuli winadadebis mniSvnelobebi 

srulad ar daemTxveva erTmaneTs. Sedegs STambeWdavs ver davarqmevT, 

magram udavod pozitiuria. amis garda, Cven SevZlebT argumentirebulad 

davadginoT, ama Tu im frazis WeSmariteba apriorulad Sem- 

TxveviTia, aposteriorulad aucilebeli, apriorulad aucilebeli Tu, 

saerTodac, aposteriorulad SemTxveviTi _ Tanac am apriorizmisa da 

aucileblobis cnebebs specifikuri, mxolod am organzomilebiani semantikis 

farglebSi gansazRvruli mniSvneloba eqnebaT. 

yvelaferi 1892 wels daiwyo, freges cnobili statiis “Über Sinn 

und Bedeutung” gamoCenis Semdeg. oficialuri versiiT, swored am droidan 

gaacnobiera filosofiam erTi sagulisxmo faqti: or gansxvavebul 

sityvas SeiZleba saerTo denotati hqondes, magram mniSvnelobiT ramdenadme 

gansxvavdebodes erTmaneTisgan. `hesperusi~ da `fosforusi~ erTsa 

da imave planetas aRniSnaven, magram arsebobs e.w. intensionaluri (eqstensionalurisgan 

gansxvavebiT) konteqstebi, sadac maTi urTierTCanacvleba 

Sesabamisi winadadebis WeSmaritul mniSvnelobas Secvlis _ fraza- 

Si `hesperusi planeta veneraa~ `hesperusi~ Tamamad SeiZleba Canacvldes 

`fosforusiT~ da mTliani winadadeba kvlavac WeSmariti iqneba. magram 

es ase araa frazisTvis `mavani fiqrobs, rom hesperusi planeta veneraa~ 

_ am viRacam SeiZleba arc icodes, rom hesperusi igive fosforusia. filologia 

am faqts mokled da konkretulad aRwers _ ènaSi ar arsebobs 

sruli sinonimebi~. enis filosofias cali TvaliT mainc rom Caexeda 

klasikur lingvistur kvlevebSi (Tundac trubeckois `fonologiis 

safuZvlebSi~), saxelebis denotaciisa da mniSvnelobis erTmaneTisgan gasarCevad 

iqneb arc dasWirveboda meore ganzomilebis SemoReba, bunebrivenovani 

frazebis analizisas eqstensionaluri konteqstebis nacvlad iqneb 

semantikuri neitralizaciis konteqstebze emsjela da arc maTematikuri 

esTetika gaTeliliyo ase umowyalod: epistemur organzomilebian matricaSi 

faqtobrivad mxolod diagonaluri ujrebia `kognitiurad Rirebuli~, 

umravles SemTxvevaSi danarCeni ujrebi avtomaturad ivseba. am samyaroSi 

enobrivi erTeulebis _ sityvebis, frazebis, winadadebebis _ gansazRvras 

eqstralingvisturi realobis safuZvelze cdiloben. ufro 

zustad, miiCneva, rom es realoba sakmarisad myari da mkafioa imisTvis, 

rom masze dayrdnobiT maTematikuri sizustiT dadgindes enobriv erTeulTa 

semantika. zogadad realoba ki ufro mkacria: kvanturi orazrov- 

167

nebis epoqaSi abstraqtul obieqtebze Teoriis SeTxzva òbieqturi~ _ am 

abstraqciis Semoqmedi subieqtisgan damoukidebeli _ faqtebis safuZvelze 

banaluri anaqronizmia. nebismieri enobrivi erTeulis èqstensiis~ 

(denotatis) gansazRvra principulad SeuZlebelia mxolod da mxolod 

eqstralingvisturi cnebebis gamoyenebiT _ am ukanasknelTa identifikacia 

isev enobrivi saSualebebiT xdeba. Tavis mxriv, èqstensia~ ìntensiis~ 

(mniSvnelobis) gansazRvris safuZvelia. gamodis, rom enobrivi erTeulis 

mniSvneloba sxva erTeulebis mniSvnelobebiT dgindeba, miTiuri myari pirvelsawyisi 

ki mouxelTebeli rCeba. samagierod, am erTeulisTvis iqmneba 

uamravi enobrivi konteqsti. es uneblie orientiri sworia, oRond gzaa 

SemovliTi. romelime winadadebis mniSvnelobis gansasazRvrad uricxvi 

warmosaxviTi samyaro unda avagoT (an Calmersiseuli epistemurad sruli 

winadadebebi, romelTa arawinaaRmdegobrioba isev eqstralingvistur 

sferos unda daemyaros) da winadadebis mniSvneloba gavaigivoT im ormagadindeqsirebul 

(organzomilebian semantikaSi) samyaroTa simravlesTan, 

romelSic es winadadeba WeSmariti iqneba. arsebobs pirdapiri gzac: yoveli 

enobrivi erTeulis mniSvneloba gavaigivoT im enobriv konteqstTa 

simravlesTan, romelSic ki Segvxvedria es erTeuli, da enobrivi obieqtis 

mniSvneloba ganvsazRvroT uSualod enobrivi konteqstiT da ara am 

ukanasknelis mier aRniSnuli Tu gamoxatuli situaciuri konteqstiT. 

aseTi sqema Tavidan agvacilebda samyaroebis Seqmnis rutinul proceduras 

da, amave dros, advilad axsnida bunebrivenovani erTeulis mniSvnelobis 

cvalebad bunebas: erTi da imave erTeulis mniSvneloba xSirad 

arsebiTad gansxvavebulia ara marto sxvadasxva subieqtisTvis, aramed misi 

gamoyeneba yovel axal _ iqamde ararsebul, magram enobrivi uzusiT 

dasaSveb _ konteqstSi garkveulwilad cvlis mis semantikas. zogadad, 

sityvis mniSvnelobis dadgenisTvis enobrivi konteqstis rolze is faqtic 

miuTiTebs, rom nebismieri ganmartebiTi leqsikonis Rirseba fasdeba 

ara sityvaTa mniSvnelobebis fsevdoformaluri da viwrospecialuri gansazRvrebebiT, 

aramed damowmebuli _ ara sagangebod SeTxzuli, aramed 

literaturidan mopovebuli _ konteqstebis siuxviT. 

literatura 

Kripke 1980: Saul A. Kripke, Naming and Necessity, Basil Blackwell. 

Stalnaker 2006: Robert Stalnaker. Assertion Revisited: On the Interpretation of Two- 

Dimensional Modal Semantics. In: Garc (ed.), Two-Dimensional Semantics, Clarendon 

Press, Oxford. 

Chalmers 2006: David J. Chalmers, The Foundations of Two-Dimensional Semantics. In: 

Manuel Garcia-Carpintero & Josep Macia (eds.), Two-Dimensional Semantics: 

Foundations and Applications. Oxford University Press. 

Davies 2004: Martin Davies, Reference, Contingency, and the Two-Dimensional 

Framework, Philosophical Studies 118: 83–131. 

168

Vladimer Lekiashvili 

Possible Worlds and Parameterized Semantics 

Summary 

The issues of definition of the meanings of linguistic items on the basis of possible 

worlds semantics and, in particular, its two-dimensional epistemic version, the 

question of rigid designation, as well as the methods of formalization of the 

concepts of necessity and apriority are considered in the article. We attempt to 

show that the definition of the meanings of linguistic items via the sets of doubleindexed 

worlds, in spite of the theoretical difficulties of such a procedure, does not 

exceed in semantic significance the construction of the set of acceptable linguistic 

contexts for the items. 

169

170 


lamara margvelani, giorgi CikoiZe 

sxva enebidan Semosuli e.w. `nasesxebi~ leqsikis Sesaxeb 

miRebuli tradiciiT ucxo enidan Semosul sityvebs nasesxeb sityvebs 

uwodeben. ara da, unda iTqvas, rom ena sityvebs ar sesxulobs. nasesxebi 

ukan dasabrunebels niSnavs. ama Tu im enaSi sxva enidan Sesul leqsikas 

(sityvebs) ena ki ar sesxulobs, aramed igi sxva enis saleqsikono er- 

Teulebs (sityvebs) kars uRebs, aZlevs maT Semosvlis saSualebas da aqcevs 

Tavis sakuTrebad (iTavisebs, imkvidrebs). isic unda iTqvas, rom enaSi 

mosagvarebel sxva problemebTan erTad unda vebrZoloT ama Tu im enis 

gavleniT Seqmnil uxeS Secdomebs. amis erT-erTi TvalsaCino magaliTia 

yovlad dauSvebeli gamoTqma „gayidvaSia“, romelsac iyeneben „iyidebas“ 

nacvlad. bunebrivia, enaSi daSvebul Secdomebs win unda aRvudgeT. 

arsebobs axali sityvis damkvidrebis ramdenime gza: 

1) sruliad axali JReradobis erTeulis Seqmna da misTvis saTanado 

semantikis miniWeba; 2) nakluli mniSvnelobisTvis imave enaSi romelime 

kvazi-sinonimis, anu axlo mniSvnelobis sityvis moZebna da gafarToeba 

ise, rom misma semantikam dafaros arsebuli xarvezi; 3) romelime sxva 

enidan saWiro mniSvnelobis mqone sityvis „Semotana“, damkvidreba da 

CarTva sakuTar leqsikur maragSi. 

ena, „cocxali organizmi“, gaurbis amocanis gadawyvetis pirvel 

gzas, yovel SemTxvevaSi misi Camoyalibebis dasrulebul stadiaSi, roca 

masSi ukve Zlieradaa damkvidrebuli asociaciebi miRebul JReradobaTa 

da maT Sesabamis mniSvnelobaTa Soris. ena, „cocxali organizmisTvis“ 

Cveuli damoukideblobisken swrafviT da sakuTari Tavis SenarCunebis- 

Tvis, ewinaaRmdegeba aseT xelovnur „Carevas“ mis struqturaSi, romelic 

arRvevs ukve Camoyalibebul da damkvidrebul asociaciur mimarTebaTa 

sistemas. Tanac „angrevs“ mas „Signidan“ raRac axali ucxo elementis 

„SemotaniT“, romelsac am mimarTebasTan Tavidanve naTesaobis „pretenzia“ 

aqvs. 

enis Sida struqturis TvalsazrisiT Sinagani „afeTqebis“ cdas upirispirdeba 

misTvis ufro „uvnebeli“ romelime ucxouri elementis SemoerTeba, 

romelsac misTvis ucxo enaSi swored mosaZebni axali mniSvneloba 

aqvs. ena Tamamad iRebs mza ucxo sityvas, romelic arsebul asociaciur 

simravles kidev erT elements hmatebs ukve damkvidrebuli, Cveuli 

Sinagani struqturis arsebiTi „damaxinjebis“ gareSe. metic, miRebis/damkvidrebis 

aqtSi Caereva ufro mdgradi gramatikuli komponenti da axal 

„stumars“ „Semosavs“ enisTvis Cveuli formiT yvela misi TaviseburebiT. 

ase, magaliTad, qarTulSi Semosuli arsebiTi saxelebi ikumSeba da ikveceba 

qarTuli morfologiuri „Cvevebis“ Sesabamisad: fanjara _ fanjris...

ucxoeli „stumrebi“ ramdenime xnis Semdeg ganixileba da aRiqmeba, 

rogorc mSobliuri enobrivi ojaxis wevri da xSir SemTxvevaSi ucxo 

enidan maTi warmomavloba da gare enobriv samyaroSi maTi fesvebi mxolod 

etimologiiT dainteresebuli specialistebisTvis rCeba cnobili. 

amave dros, enis „cocxali organizmi“ cdilobs Tavi aaridos „Sinaurad 

Semosili“ ucxoeTSi gaCenili erTeulebis nakads, „Semosevas“. leqsikuri 

TvalsazrisiT SezRudvebi, pirvel rigSi, exeba adamianis cnobierebasa 

da qvecnobierebaSi yvelaze Rrmad Camjdar semantikur velebs, 

romlebic enis ganviTarebis yvelaze adrindel sawyiss da, kerZod, misi 

leqsikuri maragis saTaves warmoadgenen. aseTebia, magaliTad, adamianis 

sxeulis nawilebis dasaxelebebi, sivrceSi gadaadgilebis aRmniSvneli 

zmnebi, verbaluri komunikaciuri procesebis saxelebi, emociur-mentaluri 

velis leqsika da zogi sxva. Tumca es SezRudva, iseve, rogorc enis 

wesebis da SezRudvebis umravlesoba, „aramkveTria“, anu sakmaod xSir gamonaklisebs 

da darRvevebs uSvebs. ase, magaliTad, Cveni sxeulis iseTi 

mniSvnelovani komponentebi, rogoricaa: Tvali, yuri, cxviri, piri, xeli, 

fexi... rogorc Cans, qarTuli leqsikis pirvandeli fenis warmomadgenelni 

arian. Tumca iseTi, SeiZleba iTqvas, umniSvnelovanesi, wamyvani nawili 

sxeulisa, rogoricaa „Tavi“, warmomavlobis TvalsazrisiT garkveul 

eWvs badebs („beS-tau“ _ xuTTava mwvervali), „Tavis“ ukana nawilis aRmniSvneli 

sityva „kefa“ _ berZnuli warmomavlobis unda iyos. 

rac Seexeba qarTulSi Semosuli warmoSobiT sxvaenovani sityvebis 

istoriul-geografiul wyaroebs, unda aRiniSnos, rom maTi ufro Rrma, 

damkvidrebuli, „asakovani“ da, aqedan gamomdinare, mniSvnelovani fena 

ekuTvnis saqarTvelos samxreTel da Tavis droze sakmaod Zlier mezoblebs: 

berZnebs (anu bizantias), arabeTs, sparseTs. amaTgan berZnuli warmoSobis 

leqsika gamoirCeva xmarebis ufro Zveli da amaRlebuli religiur-filosofiuri 

sferoTi. 

aRmosavluri (arabuli, sparsuli...) enebis gavlena xSirad Tavs iCens 

ufro konkretuli sayoveldReo xmarebis (Tumca zogjer sakmaod mniSvnelovan) 

sagnebTan dakavSirebiT. 

saqarTveloSi ruseTis oraswlian mmarTvelobas didi „STabeWdileba“ 

ar mouxdenia qarTul leqsikaze, yovel SemTxvevaSi, mis normatiul, literaturul 

komponentze (imis miuxedavadac ki, rom swored rusuli, ra 

Tqma unda, warmoadgenda sabWoTa kavSiris realur globalur enas). am, 

garkveuli TvalsazrisiT, moulodneli movlenis mizezad, erTi mxriv, 

SeiZleba CavTvaloT is TvalsaCino Sinagani struqturuli gansxvaveba, 

romelic axasiaTebs am enebs (da SesaZloa, asaxavs garkveul emociur-mentalur 

dapirispirebasac ki am enebis matarebelTa Soris); meore mxriv 

ki, ufro ganyenebul mizezad SeiZleba miviCnioT is, rom ena, kerZod, qarTuli 

enac, ara marto „cocxal“, aramed garkveuli TvalsazrisiT „gonivrul“, 

organizmsac warmoadgens, romelic Tavs icavs seriozuli „Semosevis“ 

xifaTisagan, es ki aSkarad emuqreboda mas am oraswliani saxelmwifoebrivi 

daqvemdebarebis pirobebSi. 

171

isic unda iTqvas, rom rusuli ena asrulebda im arxis rols, romlis 

gavliT qarTulamde aRwevda Tanamedrove evropuli socialuri, politikuri, 

mecnieruli terminologia. am Sualeduri rgolis mniSvneloba, 

pirvel rigSi, sabWoTa epoqaSi saerTaSoriso kontaqtebze mkacri 

SezRudvebiT iyo ganpirobebuli. misi SedarebiTi mravalricxovanebis da 

misi pragmatikuli Rirebulebis miuxedavad am gziT SeZenili leqsika 

qarTuli enis „zedapirul“ fenad gveCveneba, romelic Zlierfesviani qar- 

Tuli morfologiis, semantikis da pragmatikis fonze garkveuli TvalsazrisiT 

„neitralurad“ gamoiyureba. Tumca, rogorc amas qvemoT moyvanili 

magaliTebi adasturebs, saerTaSoriso „civilizaciis“ elementebi 

garegnulad Cveulebrivi morfologiuri formebiT aris warmodgenili. 

moviyvanT ramdenime nimuSs sxvadasxva Tematuri sferodan: 

socialuri wyobileba: 

_ demokratia, plutokratia, socializmi...; 

dawesebulebebi: 

_ parlamenti, senati, universiteti, instituti, skola, banki, ofisi...; 

Tanamdebobebi: 

_ prezidenti, ministri, deputati, direqtori, reqtori, profesori, 

docenti...; 

samecniero dargebi: 

_ lingvistika, maTematika, biologia, fizika...; 

terminebi: 

_ fonema, morfema, afiqsi, diferenciali, integrali, radikali, funqcia, 

operatori.... 

ukanasknel magaliTebTan dakavSirebiT vaxsenoT is SemTxvevebic, romlebic 

ganekuTvnebian axali mniSvnelobis „SemoWris“ meore variants, saxeldobr, 

moviyvanT axali cnebebis gaformebis magaliTebs, romlebic ena- 

Si ukve miRebul leqsikas iyeneben: 

monakveTi, simravle, kuTxe, siCqare, aCqareba, wneva, xaxuni... 

axali leqsikis warmoqmnis am variantSi xSirad gamoiyeneba ucxoenovani 

kompozitebis daSla, maTi komponentebis Targmani da am ukanasknelebis 

qarTulenovani kompoziciis Seqmna: 

_ председатель _ Tavmjdomare, руко-водитель _ xelmZRvaneli...; 

_ само-лет _ TviTmfrinavi, верто-лет _ Sveulmfreni, паро-воз _ orTqlmavali...; 

_ тре-угольник _ samkuTxedi...; 

_ Foot-ball _ fex-burTi, volley-ball _ fren-burTi, hand-ball _ xelburTi, 

water polo _ wyalburTi. 

daskvnis saxiT unda aRiniSnos, rom mocemul enaSi axali leqsikis 

„Semosvla“ zogjer marTlac ar cvlis enis ZiriTad saxes, kerZod, gramatikas 

da uvneblad amdidrebs mis komunikaciur saSualebebs, rasac 

udidesi mniSvneloba aqvs dRevandel samyaroSi, sadac sxvadasxva enebis 

matarebel erebs Soris ufro da ufro viTardeba yvela saxis kavSirebi 

(socialuri, politikuri, mecnieruli, industrialuri da sxva). 

172

Tumca, mxedvelobaSi unda miviRoT isic, rom Tanamedrove samyaroSi 

inglisuri enis saxiT gabatonebulia axali „esperanto“. marTalia, qar- 

Tulma, rogorc zemoT aRvniSneT, warmatebiT gauZlo orsaukunovan gamocdas, 

riTac aSkarad daadastura Tavisi sicocxlisunarianoba, magram 

dRevandeli gaZlierebuli sakomunikacio saSualebebis pirobebSi da swavlisadmi 

mkveTrad dacemuli interesis fonze ar SeiZleba ar vifiqroT 

imaze, Tu rogor davexmaroT Cven „cocxal organizms“ _ qarTul enas 

da rogor SevunarCunoT mas popularoba Cveni qveynis farglebSi. ker- 

Zod, unda vifiqroT imaze, rogor SevamciroT televizoris da kompiuteris 

gavlena axalgazrdobaze, movardnili niaRvariviT rom ar walekos 

saWiro leqsika. enobrivi Semosevebisagan Tavdacvis erT-erT perspeqtiul 

saSualebad gvesaxeba Tavad kompiuteris gamoyeneba. kerZod, enis swavlebis 

kompiuteruli sistemebis, kompiuteruli leqsikonebis da gramatikebis 

Seqmna. Tumca, am xaziT garkveuli nabijebia gadadgmuli. davasaxelebT 

bolo wlebis naSromebs: 1) l. margvelani, qarTuli enis kompiuteruli 

modelebi. arCil eliaSvilis marTvis sistemebis instituti. 

redaqtorebi: i. qobalava, g. CikoiZe. Tbilisi, 2008 (monografia). 

2) Г. Чикоидзе. Систематизация значений некоторых классов языковых единиц. 

Институт Систем Управления Арчила Элиашвили. Редактор Б.Л. Имнадзе. 

Тбилиси, 2010 (Монография). 

Lamara Margvelani, Giorgi Chikoidze 

On Loanwords from Foreign Languages 

Summary 

The object of this survey is a part of Georgian vocabulary which comes from the other 

(foreign) languages. This enrichment of the vocabulary, in spite of its obvious merits, is 

fraught by the threat of the loss of its language, this “living organism”, preserves itself from 

this danger by the limitation of such “intrusion”. This consideration is illustrated by the fact 

that the Georgian language received very few lexical “income” from Russian, in spite of 

two centuries of the closest contact between the native countries of these two languages. 

The main lexical units came through the languages of the southern neighbours. 

173

qeTevan megreliSvili 

174 


Tavanis warmomavlobisa da omonimizaciisaTvis qarTulSi 

mravalsaukunovani sparsul-qarTuli enobrivi urTierTobebis fonze 

qarTulSi Semosuli da damkvidrebuli sparsuli nasesxobebis sakmaod 

vrceli korpusi didi xania qarTveli, da ara mxolod qarTveli, iranistebisa 

Tu zogadad enaTmecnierTa sakmaod saintereso sakvlev Tematikas 

warmoadgens. xangrZlivi istoriul-mezobluri kavSirebi gansazRvravda 

leqsikis SemoWras sxvadasxva iranuli enobrivi epoqidan rogorc Zveli, 

ise saSualo da axalsparsuli epoqebidan. 

urTierTobebi iranul enebTan xorcieldeboda ara marto werilobi- 

Ti, aramed zepiri gziTac. zepirmetyvelebiT kontaqtebs ganapirobebda 

sparselTa saxloba saqarTvelos aRmosavleT nawilSi adreuli Sua saukuneebidan 

moyolebuli XX saukunis I meoTxedis CaTvliT (anTaZe 

2009:9). saqarTveloSi sparselebi upiratesad TbilisSi cxovrobdnen. 

maTi gansaxlebis ZiriTad adgilad gvian Sua saukuneebSi seidabadis ubani 

da qalaqis cixis mimdebare teritoria iTvleboda (aleqsiZe 2009:67). 

cocxali enobrivi kontaqtebis safuZvelze xdeboda rogorc calkeuli 

nominaciuri erTeulebis, ise komunikaciur erTeulTa, frazaTa Tu mTel 

frazeologiur winadadebaTa sesxeba. Tbilisur metyvelebaSi damkvidrebuli 

aRmosavluri leqsika Tavmoyrilia ioseb griSaSvilis `qalaqur 

leqsikonSi~ (griSaSvili 1997), romelSic leqsemaTa umravlesoba axalsparsuli 

warmomavlobisaa. 

winamdebare statiaSi ganxilulia erTi leqsikuri erTeuli _ Tavani. 

Tavani qalaqur Jargonul metyvelebaSi sakmaod kargad fesvmokidebuli 

sityvaa. informantTa mixedviT, igi niSnavs ‘wagebul Tanxas’, ‘Casabarebel 

Tanxas’ an ‘raime moqmedebas, romelic wagebulis sanacvlod unda Sesrulddes; 

zogadad _ wagebuls’. aRniSnuli sityva Zalian xSirad ixmareba 

zepirmetyvelebaSi, e.w. qurdul JargonSi. mag: `Tavani aqvs Casatani – 

500 lari~, `Tavani maqvs Casabarebeli – restorani aT kacze~ da sxv. 

CvenTvis saintereso leqsema fiqsirdeba prozaSic da poeziaSic. aka 

morCilaZis moTxrobaSi `kai biWis cxovreba~ vkiTxulobT: F 

– mere Tavani? 

_ ra Tavani? 

_ Tavani rogor CaaqT? 

Semdegi nimuSi citirebulia giorgi dvalis leqsidan `maradiuli 

kiTxva~: 

Tu trfobis fardags davigebT, 

anda gavkicxavT mavanT, 

SevcodavT? _ RmerTTan wavagebT, 

eSmaks ki vabarebT `Tavans~.

orive magaliTSi gansaxilveli sityvis mniSvneloba naTelia, igi gulisxmobs 

wagebuls, gadasaxdels, Casabarebels. rac Seexeba Tavanis saleqsikono 

ganmartebas, igi am gagebiT ar gvxvdeba arc erT qarTul leqsikonSi, 

maT Soris arc levan bregaZis Jargonis leqsikonSi (bregaZe 

2005), arc ioseb griSaSvilis qalaqur leqsikonSi (griSaSvili 1997). 

Tavanis erTaderT ganmartebad sxvadasxva leqsikonebSi mocemulia ‘sxveni’ 

(qegl 1986, neimani 1978), romelsac Cven qvemoT mivubrundebiT. 

leqsema Tavani modis sparsulidan, romlis etimoni bgeriTi SedgenilobiT 

absoluturad identuria nasesxobasTan _ tāvān. i. rubinCikTan 

mis ZiriTad mniSvnelobebad saxeldeba: 1) anazRaureba, gadaxda, kompensacia; 

2) jarima, sauravi. cnobili iraneli leqsikografebi dehxoda (dehxoda 

1994), mohamad moini (moini 1996), hasan anvari (anvari 2004) amis 

garda kidev ramdenime ganmartebas gvTavazoben: 1) sanacvlo, samagiero, 

badali; 2) codva, Secdoma, danaSauli. dehxodas sparsuli enis ganmartebiT 

leqsikonSi damatebulia kidev erTi, CvenTvis saintereso ganmarteba: 

ānče, dar qomār baxte rā be barande dādan bāyad – is, rac yomarSi wagebulma 

mogebuls unda gadauxados (dehxoda 1994: 5516). msesxebel enaSi 

moxda sityvis semantikuri velis daviwroeba, qarTulSi Tavani umTavresad 

ukanaskneli mniSvnelobiT damkvidrda. 

1. zaralis anazRaurebis, kompensaciis, jarimis mniSvnelobiT tāvān 

xSirad gamoiyeneba sparsul klasikur poeziaSi: 

be tāvānaš dinār baxšam ze ganj 

bešuyam del-e ġamgosarān ze ranj. 

imis sakompensaciod dinars gavcem saganZuridan, 

mwuxareTa guls tanjvas Camovban 

/firdousi/. 

parvāne suxt xištan rā 

bar šamۥ če lāzem ast tāvān. 

pepelam sakuTari Tavi daiwva, 

sanTels kompensacia (Tavani) raRaSi sWirdeba 

/saadi/. 

andaza: gonah konand gāvān, kadxodā dehad tāvān. 

danaSauls saqoneli Cadis, gadasaxads (Tavans) qadxoda ixdis. 

2. codvas, danaSauls, braleulobas aRniSnavs tāvān-i Semdeg nimuSebSi: 

ze šāhi bar u hič tāvān nabud 

bad ān bod ke ۥahdaš farāvān nabud. 

mefes mis winaSe aranairi brali ar miuZRoda, 

cudi is iyo, rom misi danapirebi ar iyo bevri 

/firdousi/. 

agar zamin bar nadehad, tāvān bar zamin maneh, 

vagar setāre dād nadehad, tāvān bar setāre maneh. 

Tuki miwa nayofs ar mogcems, miwas nu daadanaSauleb, 

175

176 

da Tu varskvlavi samarTals ar mogcems, brals varskvlavebs 

nu dasdeb! 

/yabusname/. 

3. xSiria tāvān-is samagieros, sanacvlos mniSvnelobiT xmarebis Sem- 

Txvevebi. gorganis `vis o raminSi~ taxisagan moabadis mokvlis epizodSi 

avtoris mier gamoTqmul sawuTros samduravSi vkiTxulobT: 

be jāye to naguyi tā če kardim, 

joz idar ke dotā nān-e to xordim, 

negar, tā hast čun to hič sofle, 

ke yekayek dāde bestāni be jomle. 

na mā goftim mārā mihmān kon, 

pas āngah del čenān bar mā gerān kon, 

koni mārā hami do ruze mehmān 

pas āngah jān-e mā xāhi be tāvān. 

ar ityvi, ra CavidineT Seni samagierosTvis, 

garda imisa, rom oriode Seni puri vWameT. 

Sexede, arc erTi gaiZvera ar iqneba Seni msgavsi, 

radgan saTiTaod boZebuls erTianad gvarTmev. 

Cven xom ar gviTqvams, gvistumreo, 

Semdeg ki ase daiZvireo Cvenze guli (gagvinawyendi). 

oriode dRiT gvmaspinZlob [wuTisofelSi], 

Semdeg ki sanacvlod (Tavnad) Cvens suls iTxov. 

„visramianis“ saTanado adgilas sparsuli tāvān mTargmnels gadmoaqvs 

rogorc ‘muqafa’: 

„orsa dResa mimaspinZleb da merme misad muqfad sulTa mTxov“ . 

‘muqafa’ sabasTan sapasuxos, sanacvlos niSnavs (saba 1993:526). amave 

ganmartebas iZleva z. sarjvelaZec (sarjvelaZe 1988). Tanamedrove qar- 

Tul zepirmetyvelebaSi gavrcelebuli Tavani uSualod wagebulis garda 

samagiero, Casanacvlebel moqmedebasac gulisxmobs. TviTon sparsulSic, 

anvaris leqsikonis mixedviT, tāvān-is pirvel mniSvnelobad motanilia 

fuli, an raime moqmedebis Sesruleba zaralis sanacvlod. samagieros, sanacvlos 

aRniSnavs xsenebuli sityva nikoloz yifianis leqsSi „Tavani“: 

wuTSi Cateuli samoci Seni sunTqva 

wamSi Cavtie da samocjer SegisunTqe... 

axla Seni droa, Tavans iTxovs guli... 

Tavanis etimologiis saintereso varianti dafiqsirda internetgverdze 

church.ge, sadac sxvadasxva religiuri mimdinareobebisa da seqtebis 

ganxilvis paralelurad sakmaod vrceli infomacia devs manisa da maniqevelobis 

Sesaxeb (mani da maniqeveloba 2007:216-277). manis ojaxis mimoxilvis 

Semdeg, romelic warCinebuli sparsuli gvaris STamomavali iyo, 

vkiTxulobT: „12 wlis asakSi manis gamocxadeba hqonda, eCvena àngelozi~ 

saxeliT el-Tavan, romelic manis tyupiscali iyo~. iqve frCxilebSi

mocemulia ganmarteba: ‘Tavan’ – tyups niSnavs. angelozis saxeli kidev 

ramdenjerme figurirebs: „el-Tavanma gaumxila mans Tavisi daniSnuleba 

dedamiwaze, Tumca daavala, rom kidev 12 weli daecada. marTlac, 12 

wlis Semdeg el-Tavani mans isev gamoecxada da 24 wlis asakSi mani gamovida 

saqadageblad“ (mani da maniqeveloba 2007). 

TiTqmis yvela ucxour vikipediaSi Cans manis biografiis aRwerisas 

angelozi Tu tyupiscali. baCana bregvaZis mixedviTac manis gamoecxada 

òreuli Tu tyupiscali~ (bregvaZe 2006:548), Tumca saxeli arsad ar 

aris miTiTebuli. mxolod germanul vikipediaSi dasturdeba saxelis 

arameuli varianti – ‘Toma’. "Dabei erschien ihm sein von Gott gesandter 

‘Gefährte’ und ‘unzertrennlicher Zwilling’ (aramäisch tōmā)..." (de.wikipedia.org/ 

wiki/Mani). qarTul teqstSi ar aris dakonkretebuli, romel enaze 

niSnavs ‘Tavan’ tyups. ar aris gamoricxuli, rom igi isev sparsuli 

tāvān-is im mniSvnelobas ukavSirdebodes, romelic moinTan da dehxodas- 

Tan ganmartebulia rogorc badal, ۥavaz – msgavsi, sanacvlo, magieri, badali 

(moini 1996, dehxoda 1994). 

sparsul enaSi tāvān polisemiuri xasiaTisaa. zemoT CamoTvlili substantiuri 

mniSvnelobebis garda igi didi aqtivobiT monawileobs funqcionirebad 

rTul zmnebSi anu zmnur frazeologizmebSi, aseve awarmoebs 

e.w. CarCokonstruqciebs. qarTulSi igi Semosulia ZiriTadad monosemantad, 

romelic gvxvdeba Sedgenili Semasmenlis saxelad nawiladac. struqturuli 

TvalsazrisiT qarTulsa da sparsul gamoTqmebSi ikveTeba analogiebi. 

mag: sparsuli rTuli zmna _ tāvān dādan (misi varianti, CarCokonstruqcia 

– tāvān-e čizi (kasi) rā pas dādan) – fulis micema an raime 

moqmedebis Sesruleba zaralis sanacvlod (dādan – micema); qarTuli – 

‘Tavanis micema, Tavanis Catana, Cabareba’; sparsuli – tāvān gereftan – a) 

vinmesgan fulis aReba (anvari 2004); b)gadaxdevineba (rubinCiki 1983; 

golqariani 2002) an tāvān-e čizi gereftan – raRacis anazRaurebis miReba, 

(gereftan – aReba, miReba); qarTuli –‘Tavanis miReba, gadaxdevineba’; sparsuli 

tāvān kešidan – iZuleba kompensaciis, jarimis gadaxdisa (kešidan – 

moweva, amoweva, amoqaCva); qarTuli – ‘Tavanis amoReba’. gadasaxadi, jarima, 

vali, Tavani adamianisaTvis nebismier SemTxvevaSi zedmeti problema 

da usiamovnebaa. saintereso zmnuri frazeologizmia dafiqsirebuli dehxodasTan 

– tāvān šodan – problemis mimateba, sirTuleebis Seqmna, vinmes- 

Tvis problemad gaxdoma, romelic dasturdeba moulavis SemoqmedebaSi: 

andarin bārān o gel u key ravad 

bar sar o jān-e to u tāvān šavad. 

amisTana wvimasa da talaxSi is rogor ivlis?! 

SenTvis (Seni Tavisa da sulisaTvis) problema, 

zedmeti bargi (Tavani) Seiqneba 

/moulavi/. 

kidev erTi rTuli zmna tāvān nehādan – vinmesTvis danaSaulis dabraleba, 

m. moinis ganmartebiT: taqsir nehādan be garden-e kasi – sityvasityviT: 

‘sxvis kiserze danaSaulis akideba’ (nehādan – dadeba), struqturulad da 

177

semantikurad axlos dgas qarTul gamoTqmasTan – ‘Tavanis Sewera > Tavani 

Seawera’. 

qarTul Jargonul metyvelebaSi TavanTan erTad gvxvdeba misi paraleluri 

fonetikur-semantikuri varianti Tavni. 

internetgverdze forum.ge erT-erT sakamaTo Temad gamotanilia SekiTxva: 

`kai biWis sityva Tavania?~ 

pirveli mokamaTe: `sityva Tavani araa~. 

meore mokamaTe: `Tu kaia, kai biWis Tavani sityvaa~. 

mesame mokamaTe: `kai biWis sityva Tavni rom iyos, 

exla unda mqondes komunisturi priCoska, 

sul Savebi unda mecvas, 

naikis kepka Tavze unda medos 

da ubanSi kai biWis saxeli unda mqondes...~ 

/ forum.ge 2009/ (stili daculia). 

moyvanil amonaridebSi savsebiT naTelia Tavnis mniSvneloba. Tavni, 

romelic Tavanis variantul formas warmoadgens, ar momdinareobs sparsulidan. 

am SemTxvevaSi moxda misi mniSvnelobis kontaminireba TavanTan 

da mis paralelurad moikida fexi sasaubro qarTulSi. Tavni gansxvavebuli 

mniSvnelobis qarTuli warmomavlobis sityvaa, romelic ukavSirdeba 

arsebiT saxel Tav-s, ‘Ziri, ZiriTadi, mTavaris’ gagebiT. misi saleqsikono 

ganmartebebia: ‘ZiriTadi Tanxa sargebliT gasesxebuli fulisa an im 

fulisa, romelsac vaWari atrialebda’ (qegl 1986:236); ‘saTavno, Tavi 

Tanxa, ZiriTadi Tanxa’ (neimani 1978: 192). mag: `visac ki Cemi fuli emar- 

Ta... sargebeli ar momca, Tavni ki damibruna~ (l. ardaz.). i. griSaSvil- 

Tan sityva Tavni axsnilia rogorc фонд (griSaSvili 1997). sabasTan 

Tavni ar gvxvdeba, Tumca mocemulia misi afiqsuri derivati saTavno ganmartebiT 

‘sasargeblo’ (saba 1993:29). 

leqsema saTavno dasturdeba `visramianSi~. erT-erT epizodSi visi 

hkicxavs ZiZas da eubneba: `kacisa ukeTesi saTavno sircxvilia~ (visramiani 

1988: 65). saTavnos sarjvelaZiseuli axsna aris ‘saTave, sawyisi; gan- 

Zi’ (sarjvelaZe 1988:479). sparsulis Sesabamis konteqstSi joft –‘jufTi, 

mewyvile, cxovrebis Tanamgzavri’ ikiTxeba: 

ravān rā šarm bāšad behtarin joft 

sulisTvis saukeTeso mewyvile sircxvilia 

(vis o ramini 1970:135) 

saTavno qarTul teqstSi ufro sabaseul ‘sasargeblos’ unda gulisxmobdes, 

anu: adamianisTvis yvelaze sasargeblo [megzuri] sircxvilia. 

saTavno ZiriTadi Tanxis mniSvnelobiT fiqsirdeba qarTuli mziTvis 

wignebSic. `Sahnavazs Tavisi asulisaTvis saqonels garda mziTevSi fulic 

gautanebia `saTavnod~ da mziTvis wignSi naTqvami aqvs: `saTavno 

TeTri marCili aTasi~ (javaxiSvili 1930:108). `vefxistyaosanSi~ gvxvdeba 

Tavn Ziridan nawarmoebi zmnuri formebi: gaaTavne da gaaTavnis: 

178

`Seni yvela aqamdisi Wiri lxinsa gaaTavne~ (naTaZe 2005:1283) 

`rostans eWvi Seuvida, Wmunva amiT gaaTavnis~ (naTaZe 2005:828) 

gaTavneba gagebulia rogorc ‘gasworeba, gaTanabreba’ (naTaZe 2005:367; 

caiSvili 1988:382). 

Tavni, saTavno, gaTavneba saerTo warmomavlobis leqsemebia, romelTa 

Zireul sityvasac qarTuli arsebiTi saxeli Tavi warmoadgens da maT zemoT 

ganxilul sparsul nasesxobasTan saerTo araferi aqvT. 

rodesac sityva Tavanze vmsjelobT, gverds ver avuvliT kidev erT, 

bgeriTi SedgenilobiT identur arsebiT saxels, romelic jer kidev Zveli 

aRTqmis wignebSi dasturdeba. `gana RmerTi caze maRla ar aris? Sexede 

varskvlavTa Tavans, ra maRalia!~ (iobi, Zveli aRTqma, Tavi 22). goderZi 

Coxelis leqsSi ùflis gza~ vkiTxulobT: `maradiuli ra aris, 

miwa Tu zecis Tavani?~ an `cota kidev da ielvebs krwanisis da metexis 

eklesiis Tavani~ (lado asaTiani). 

zemoT aRvniSneT, rom Tavani sasaubro qarTulSi damkvidrebuli gagebiT 

ar fiqsirdeba arc erT qarTul leqsikonSi. qegl-Si da a. neimanTan 

mocemuli leqsemis erTaderTi ganmartebaa ‘sxveni’. sxveni, Tavis mxriv, axsnilia, 

rogorc ‘adgili, sivrce saxlis Wersa da saxuravs Soris’; sabas- 

Tan _ ‘sarTulSi Sesanaxavi’. citirebuli magaliTebis mixedviT Zneli iqneba 

Tavanis dakavSireba sxvenTan. sakmaod gamWvirvaled gveCveneba moyvanil 

citatebSi Tavanis semantikuri datvirTva: igi Seicavs Tavis, simaRlis, kamaris, 

wveris gagebas. (zecis Tavi, zecis an varskvlavTa kamara – TaRi, 

eklesiis wveri). masala, sadac TavanSi sxveni SeiZleba moiazrebodes, am 

jerze ver moviZieT. Jargonis Tavani _ ‘wagebuli, gadasaxadi’ da Tavani _ 

‘sxveni’ (Tu Tavi, wveri, bolo, kamara) warmoadgens omonimur sityvebs. 

Tavani, rogorc sxveni, SeiZleba ukavSirdebodes sparsul sityvas 

tāvāne, romelic dehxodas sparsuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikonis mixedviT 

igivea, rac tābxāne an garmxāne. Tavanes sazafxulo binas eZaxian. an, 

igi warmoadgens nagebobas, romelsac oTaxebis ukan miaSeneben xolme da, 

radgan gamWoli haerisagan daculia, zamTarSi Tbilia, zafxulSi ki _ 

grili (dehxoda 1994:5518). gorganis `vis o raminSi~ tāvāne-s gamoyenebis 

SemTxvevac dasturdeba. rodesac ZiZa viss raminisaTvis saniSne cecxlis 

danTebas avalebs, eubneba: 

folān tāvāne ke u rā dar gošāde ast 

sar-e divār-e u bar dar nehāde ast 

daraš begošā va pas āteš bar afruz 

im Tavanes, romlis karic Caketili aris, 

[da] misi kedlis bolo karzea dayrdnobili, 

sarkmeli gamouRe da Semdeg cecxli aanTe 

(vis o ramini 1970:215). 

qarTulis saTanado pasaJi Semdegnairad ikiTxeba: ège saTabano sarkumeli 

erTi gavaRoT da sanTeli avanToT~ (visramiani 1988:144). saTaba- 

179

no z. sarjvelaZis mier ganmartebulia, rogorc ‘giSris abano’ (sarjvelaZe 

1988:478). igi, rogorc Cans, eyrdnoba saT-is sabaseul ganmartebas, 

saTi – giSeri, sityvas miiCnevs orkomponentian kompozitad saT-abano anu 

saTis abano, rac mogvcemda kidec ‘giSris abanos’. sinamdvileSi sa-Taban-o 

warmoadgens sa-o prefiqs-sufiqsuri warmoebis derivats da sxva araferia, 

Tu ara dehxodas mier ganmartebuli damxmare miSeneba. aqedan gamomdinare, 

savaraudoa, rom qarTul leqsikonebSi Tavanis ganmartebad mocemuli 

sxveni SeiZleba ukavSirdebodes sparsuli tāvāne-s mniSvnelobas. 

daskvnis saxiT SeiZleba iTqvas, rom qarTul Jargonul metyvelebaSi 

gavrcelebuli Tavani mniSvnelobiT ‘azartul TamaSebSi wagebuli Tanxa 

an raime moqmedeba’ sparsuli nasesxobaa, romlis etimoni aris polisemiuri 

xasiaTis leqsema tāvān. am ukanasknelis meSveobiT sparsulSi iwarmoeba 

bevri zmnuri frazeologizmi. aseve qarTulSic aRniSnuli nasesxoba 

monawileobs sxvadasxva gamoTqmaSi: Tavanis Cabareba, Tavanis amoReba 

da a.S. 

Tavanis paralelurad sasaubro enaSi dasturdeba misi fonetikuri 

varianti Tavni. ar unda moxdes misi aRreva qarTuli warmomavlobis 

sityvasTan Tavni – ‘ZiriTadi Tanxa sargebliT gasesxebuli fulisa’ (amave 

Zirisaa afiqsuri derivati sa-Tavn-o, zmna ga-Tavn-eba), romelic modis 

arsebiTi saxelidan Tavi. 

qarTul saliteraturo enaSi (umetesad mxatvrul nawarmoebebSi) 

fiqsirdeba kidev erTi Tavani (zecis Tavani). igi mniSvnelobiT uaxlovdeba 

Tavs, wvers, kamaras da Jargonis Tavanis omonimur variants warmoadgens. 

ar gamovricxavT, rom misi saleqsikono ganmarteba ‘sxveni’ SeiZleba 

ukavSirdebodes sparsul leqsikur erTeuls tāvāne, romelsac leqsikografebi 

ganmartaven rogorc sacxovrebeli oTaxebis ukan miSenebul 

stabiluri temperaturis mqone nagebobas. 

literatura 

aleqsiZe 2009: m. aleqsiZe, sparselebi da sparsuli kultura XIX s-is saqar- 

TveloSi, Tbilisi. 

anTaZe 2009: f. anTaZe, saSualo sparsulidan qarTulSi Semosuli SorisdebulTaTvis, 

i. WavWavaZis saxelobis quTaisis samecniero weliwdeuli, I, quTaisi. 

bregaZe 2005: l. bregaZe, Jargonis leqsikoni, II gamocema, Tbilisi. 

bregvaZe 2006: b. bregvaZe, Txzulebebi da Targmanebi, w. I, Tbilisi. 

griSaSvili 1997: i. griSaSvili, qalaquri leqsikoni, gamosacemad moamzada rusudan 

kusraSvilma, Tbilisi. 

visramiani 1988: visramiani, qarTuli mwerloba, t. 3, Tbilisi. 

kilaZe 2011: giorgi kilaZis interviu levan bregaZesTan, http://taobebi.site.ge/ 

wordpress/?p=2054#more-2054, Tebervali 12, 2011. 

180

mani da maniqeveloba 2007: www.church,ge. marTlmadidebluri forumi, onlainbiblioTeka, 

Tema: eresebi, seqtebi, sqizmebi, ganwvaleba anu gamoyofa eklesiis 

istoriaSi. 

naTaZe 2005: SoTa rusTaveli, vefxistyaosani, saskolo gamocema, teqsti gamosacemad 

moamzada, Sesavali, ganmartebani, komentari da literaturuli garCeva 

daurTo n. naTaZem, Tbilisi. 

neimani 1978: a. neimani, qarTul sinonimTa leqsikoni, Tbilisi. 

saba 1993: sulxan-saba orbeliani, leqsikoni qarTuli, t. II, Tbilisi. 

sarjvelaZe 1988: qarTuli mwerloba, t. 3, leqsikonis Semdgeneli z. sarjvela- 

Ze, Tbilisi. 

qegl 1955: qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni, arn. Ciqobavas saerTo redaqciiT, 

rvatomeuli, t. IV, Tbilisi. 

qegl 1986: qarTuli enis ganmartebiTi leqsikoni, erTtomeuli, mTavari redaqtori 

arn. Ciqobava, Tbilisi. 

caiSvili 1988: qarTuli mwerloba, t. IV, tomis redaqtori s. caiSvili, Tbilisi. 

javaxiSvili 1930: iv. javaxiSvili, saqarTvelos ekonomikuri istoria, wigni 

pirveli, Tbilisi. 

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Gvaxaria, Tehrān, 1349. 

rubinCiki 1983: Рубинчик Ю.А., Персидско-русский словарь, Москва. 

anvari 2004: Hasan Anvari, farhang-e ruz-e soxan, Tehrān, 1383. 

dehxoda 1994: loqāt nāmeyie Dehxoda, jeld-e čahārom, Tehrān,1373. 

golqariani 2002: Qadir Golqāriān, farhang-e do suyie, fārsi – rusi, rusi – fārsi, 

Tehrān,1381. 

moini 1996: Mohamad Moin, farhang-e fārsi, jeld-e avval, Tehrān, 1375. 

najafi 1999: Abulhasan Najafi, farhang-e fārsiye ۥāmiāne, Tehran, 1378. 

Mani de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mani_ (Religionsstifter). 

www.forum.ge. 13.01.2009 

Ketevan Megrelishvili 

On the Origin and Homonimization of the Word “tavani” in Georgian 

Summary 

For centuries Georgian-Persian language contacts have occurred not only through writing 

but orally as well. The oral contacts were conditioned by the inhabitance of Persians in the 

Eastern part of Georgia. On the basis of live language contacts, certain nominative and 

communicative units, as well as phrases and phraseological units, were borrowed. 

The given paper focuses on the word (tavani) widespread in Georgian urban jargon. The 

word denotes “an amount of money lost in gambling”, “an amount of money to be paid to 

the winning gambler” or “a certain action that has to be performed as a result of losing a 

game”. ‘tavani’ is a borrowing from Persian, the etymon of which is a polysemantic 

lexeme tāvān meaning: a) compensation of damage, monetary or other type of fine; b) 

something given instead, a substitute; c) crime, mistake, sin; d) an amount lost in gambling. 

As a result of borrowing, the Georgian version of the word underwent the narrowing of the 

semantic field; hence, the word is monosemantic and its meaning coincides with (d) from 

the above-mentioned list. In Persian numerous verbal phraseological units and set 

181

expressions are derived from tāvān. Its Georgian version is a nominal part of a compound 

predicate: ‘tavanis chabareba’ (to pay the lost amount), ‘tavanis amogheba’ (to demand 

the amount won in gambling), etc. 

Parallel to ‘tavani’, of similar semantics in colloquial language is its phonetic variant 

‘tavni’. This word should not be mixed with a word of Georgian origin ‘Tavni’ – meaning 

the main amount of loan without interest (affixal derivate – sa-tavn-o, verb – ga-tavn-eba). 

This word is derived from the Georgian noun tavi (head). 

One more word ‘tavani’ is found in Georgian literary works. Its meaning is close to head, 

top, height; hence, this word is a homonym of the ‘tavani’ which is found in jargon. 

Interestingly enough, its vocabulary definition ‘attic’ may be connected with the Persian 

lexical unit tāvāne, defined by Iranian lexicographers as a building of stable temperature 

constructed behind the living-rooms. 

182


irine meliqiSvili, nana gamyreliZe, 

ivane leJava, luiza lorTqifaniZe, 

qeTevan margiani, izabela qobalava 

glotalizebuli fonemebi (eieqtivebi) qarTvelur enebSi 1 

glotalizebuli Tanxmovnebi msoflios mraval enaSi aris gavrcelebuli. 

maTi realizacia sxvadasxva enaSi sakmao sxvaobebs avlens. glotalizebulebi 

warmoadgenen yru Tanxmovnebs, romelTa warmoebaSic monawileobs 

xorxismieri artikulacia. glotalizebuli Tanxmovnebis specifikas 

qmnis usunTqveli (arafiltvismieri) artikulacia. 

haernakadis mimarTulebis mixedviT gansxvavebulia glotalizebuli 

Tanxmovnebis ori saxe: egresiuli (eggresive) _ anu eieqtivebi (ejectives _ 

laT. ejectio „gamodevna, gamoZeveba“) da ingresiuli (ingressive) _ anu implozivebi 

(implosives). filtvebidan momdinare haernakadiT warmoqmnili 

bgerebisagan gansxvavebiT eieqtivebis warmoqmnisas xdeba laringsis aweva, 

ris Sedegadac erTmaneTs mibjenili an miaxloebuli saxmo simebi gzas 

uRobavs filtvebidan momdinare haernakads da bgerebi warmoiqmneba haeris 

im maragiT, romelic piris RruSia darCenili. am artikulaciuri 

Taviseburebis gamo eieqtivebi fonetikurad mxolod yru bgerebi SeiZleba 

iyos. maTi warmoebis adgili da ragvaroba ganisazRvreba oraluri 

xSvis adgiliTa da ragvarobiT. warmoqmnis TaviseburebiT aris ganpirobebuli 

eieqtivebisaTvis damaxasiaTebeli sxva niSnebic. saxeldobr, piris 

RruSi haeris Semcirebisa da, Sesabamisad, wnevis gadidebis Sedegad ganxSva 

xdeba swrafad da mowyvetiT. amitom, eieqtivebis xangrZlivoba naklebia, 

vidre imave rigis araglotalizebuli Tanxmovnebisa. amis sapirispirod, 

implozivebis warmoebisas xdeba haeris Sewova da bgeraTa warmoqmna 

am Sewovili haeris meSveobiT. eieqtivebis sapirispirod, imploziuri 

Tanxmovnebi, rogorc wesi, mJReria. eieqtivebisa da implozivebis fonetikuri 

buneba gansazRvravs maT mimarTebas lokalur rigebTan. eieqtivebi 

upiratesobas aZleven ukana rigis artikulacias, xolo implozivebi _ 

wina rigis artikulacias. zog SemTxvevaSi eieqtivebis glotalizacia 

sustia da aseTi Tanxmovnebi àraaspirirebul~ yru xSulebad miiCneva. 

lingvistur literaturaSi maT intermediatebs (Sualedurebs) uwodeben 

(Catford 1982:68). 

1 statiaSi warmoadgenilia rusTavelis samecniero fondis mier dafinansebuli proeqtis 

(glotalizaciis niSani qarTvelur enebSi akustikuri da funqcionaluri 

TvalsazrisiT, 07-1086-1-120; 2008-2010) farglebSi Sesrulebuli kvlevis Sedegebi. 

funqcionaluri kvleva ganxorcielebulia irine meliqiSvilis, qeTevan margianisa 

da izabela qobalavas mier, xolo akustikuri _ ivane leJavas, nana gamyreliZisa 

da luiza lorTqifaniZis mier. 

183

qarTvelur da kavkasiis sxva enebSi gvaqvs mxolod egresiuli glotalizebulebi 

_ eieqtivebi. Cveni ganxilvis sagani maTi Taviseburebebi 

iqneba. termins glotalizacia vixmarT viwro gagebiT – eieqtivebis aRsaniSnavad. 

qarTul saenaTmecniero literaturaSi `glotalizacia~ swored 

am mniSvnelobiT gamoiyeneba. 

winamavali daxasiaTebidan cxadi xdeba, rom glotalizacia rTuli 

diferencialuri niSania da ramdenime fonetikur maxasiaTebels aerTianebs: 

damatebiT xSvas glotisSi, daWimul artikulacias (Sesabamisad, ma- 

Ral intensivobas) da mcire grZlivobas; glotalizebuli fonemebi ara 

marto rTuli artikulaciiT xasiaTdeba, aramed maTSi fonetikuri komponentebis 

paradoqsuli SeerTebac gvaqvs: daWimuli artikulacia bgeris 

SefardebiT xangrZlivobas iwvevs _ rogorc wesi, daWimuli bgerebi ufro 

grZelia, vidre aradaWimulebi. glotalizebuli fonemebi ki xasiaTdeba 

artikulaciuri daWimulobiT da mcire grZlivobiT. esec, cxadia, 

arTulebs maT warmoebas da ganapirobebs maT markirebul xasiaTs – isini 

SedarebiT naklebad arian gavrcelebuli enebSi; xolo im enebSi, sadac 

isini warmodgenilni arian, maT dabali sixSire da distribuciuli SezRuduloba 

axasiaTebT. 

msoflios enebSi arsebobs glotalizebul fonemaTa saxesxvaobebi. es 

Sepirobebulia imiT, rom glotalizaciis niSnis komponentebi SesaZlebelia 

sxvadasxvagvarad kombinirebdnen enebSi; amas garda, SesaZlebelia gansxvavebuli 

iyos am komponentebis gamovlenis xarisxi. 

amitom mniSvnelovania, gavarkvioT, ra tipis glotalizebulebi 

gvaqvs qarTvelur enebSi, aris Tu ara sxvaoba glotalizebulad miCneul 

fonemaTa artikulaciaSi qarTvelur enebsa da dialeqtebs Soris da ra 

saxisaa es sxvaoba. hipoTeza glotalizaciis xarisxis gansxvavebis Sesaxeb 

qarTvelur enebs Soris warmoqmna am niSnis mqone fonemaTa funqcionirebis 

sxvaobam _ gasxvavebulma fonotaqtikurma da fonostatistikurma 

maxasiaTeblebma da winaswarma akustikurma dakvirvebam. CvenTvis sainteresoa 

agreTve qarTvelur enaTa glotalizebulebis Sedareba mTis kavkasiuri 

enebis glotalizebulebTan da maT Soris msgavseba-gansxvavebebis 

dadgena. 

glotalizebuli fonemebis sintagmaturi kombinirebis unari sxva 

niSnebTan SedarebiT SezRudulia, glotalizacias Cveulebriv ufro mkacri 

fonotaqtikuri SezRudvebi edeba, vidre mJRerobisa da aspiraciis 

niSnebs. ZiriTadad es aris kombinirebis disimilaciuri SezRudvebi _ er- 

Ti morfemis farglebSi ori glotalizebuli fonemis distanciuri SeerTebis 

akrZalva (Greenberg 1970:133). saerTo-qarTvelurSi moqmedebda 

glotalizebul fonemaTa kombinirebis disimilaciuri SezRudvis wesi. is 

garkveulwilad moqmedebda Zvel qarTulSic. dResac cocxalia svanurSi, 

magram aRar moqmedebs axal qarTulsa da megrul-lazurSi. qarTuli enis 

mTis dialeqtebSi sustad SeiniSneba am wesis moqmedebis kvali. glota- 

184

lizebulTa funqcionirebaSi momxdari es cvlilebebi miuTiTebs, rom maT 

fonetikur bunebaSic unda momxdariyo gardaqmnebi. amasve gvavaraudebinebs 

akustikuri STabeWdilebac. qarTuli da megruli glotalizebulebi 

nakleb mWaxe da mkveTr STabeWdilebas axdenen, vidre mTis kavkasiur ena- 

Ta glotalizebulebi. amitom sainteresoa qarTvelur enaTa glotalizebulebis 

Sedareba kavkasiis sxva enaTa glotalizebul TanxmovnebTan (rogorc 

mTis kavkasiur enaTa, ise kavkasiis indoevropuli enebis _ osurisa 

da somxurisa) da maT Soris msgavseba-gansxvavebebis dadgena. Cveni winaswari 

hipoTeza, romlis Semowmebasac visaxavdiT miznad, Semdegi iyo: svanuri 

glotalizacia ufro intensiuria, vidre qarTuli da megrul-lazuri; 

mTis kavkasiur enaTa glotalizacia ufro Zlieria, vidre qarTvelur 

enaTa glotalizacia. 

glotalizebuli Tanxmovnebi SeviswavleT ori ZiriTadi TvalsazrisiT 

_ funqcionaluriT da akustikuriT. 

funqcionaluri TvalsazrisiT sistemurad SeviswavleT eieqtivebis 

fonotaqtika da fonostatistika saerTo-qarTvelurSi (rekonstruirebuli 

leqsikis safuZvelze), Zvel qarTulSi, axal qarTulSi, svanuri enis 

dialeqtebSi da megrulSi. glotalizaciis xarisxis dasadgenad mniSvnelovania 

agreTve ucxo enebidan martivi (araaspirirebuli) yru fonemebis 

sesxebis kanonzomierebebi. sesxebis tendencia gviCvenebs, Tu ramdenad 

specifikuria bgera sasesxebeli enis bgerasTan mimarTebiT; Cven SeviswavleT 

sakiTxi _ rogor gadmodis qarTvelur da kavkasiur enebSi ucxo 

enaTa martivi yruebi _ mkveTrebiT Tu fSvinvierebiT, raTa dagvedgina am 

niSanTagan romelia ufro specifikuri da romeli Seicavs met dabrkolebas 

ucxo enebis martivi yruebis gadmocemisaTvis. 

eqsperimentulad SeviswavleT glotalizebuli Tanxmovnebi Tanamedrove 

qarTul enasa da dialeqtebSi, svanuri enis balszemour, balsqvemour 

da lentexuk dialeqtebSi, megrulsa da lazurSi. Sedarebis mizniT 

SeviswavleT agreTve xunZuri enis andalaluri dialeqtis, abazuri enis 

tapanTuri dialeqtis, yabardouli enis besleneuri dialeqtis, udiuri 

enis varTaSnuli (oguzuri) dialeqtis, osuri da somxuri enebis glotalizebuli 

Tanxmovnebi. 

warmovadgenT Cveni kvlevis Sedegebs. 

1. fonostatistikuri monacemebis urTierTSedareba 

tabulis saxiT warmovadgenT saerTo-qarTvelur, Zvel qarTul, axal 

qarTul, svanuris zemosvanur (balszemour da balsqvemour) da lentexur 

dialeqtebsa 1 da megrulSi /p t w W k y è/ eieqtivebis sixSireebis 

procentul maCveneblebs. frCxilebSi mocemulia TiToeul enobriv 

erTeulSi maTi sixSiruli rangi. 

1 

eieqtivebis funqcionirebis TvalsazrisiT svanur dialeqtebs Soris yvelaze did 

Taviseburebebs avlens lentexuri. amitom mis monacemebs calke warmovadgenT. 

185

186 

saerTo- 

qarTveluri 

Zveli 

qarTuli 

axali 

qarTuli 

zemosvanuri lentexuri megruli 

p 3,15%(6) 8,20%(5) 6,87% (5) 7,03%(6) 5,62%(6) 9,53 %(6) 

t 17,07%(3/4) 18,96%(3) 18,41% (3) 18,97%(2) 25,51%(2) 16,99%(2) 

w 12,99%(5) 23,88%(2) 17,86% (4) 12,87%(5) 10,05%(5) 11,70%(5) 

W 17,07%(3/4) 6,01%(6) 5,76% (6) 13,13%(4) 11,89%(4) 15.70%(3) 

k 29,87%(1) 25,01%(1) 30,22% (1) 30,90%(1) 32,97%(1) 29,92%(1) 

y 19,85%(2) 17,94%(4) 20,88% (2) 17,10%(3) 13,94%(3) 11,83%(4) 

è 4,31%(7) 

yvela qarTvelur enobriv erTeuls aerTianebs /k/-s yvelaze maRali 

sixSire da /p/-s dabali sixSire. /p/-s dabali sixSire universalur movlenas 

warmoadgens. igi misi artikulatoruli da akustikuri maxasiaTeblebiT 

aris Sepirobebuli (ladefogedi, axvlediani). giorgi axvledians 

SeniSnuli aqvs mkveTr fonemaTa glotalizaciis gansxvavebuli xarisxi 

warmoebis adgilTan mimarTebiT. igi Tvlis, rom qarTulSi /p/-s naklebi 

simkveTre axasiaTebs /k/-sa da /t/-sTan SedarebiT da gamoTqvams varauds, 

rom /p/-s naklebi simkveTre saerTo movlena SeiZleba iyos enebisaTvis 

(axvlediani 1999:369-370). ladefogedic miuTiTebs, rom eiqteivi p’ ufro 

susti bgeraa, vidre eieqtivi k’ (Ladefoged 2006:147-148). es movlena 

yru TanxmovanTaTvis damaxasiaTebeli zogadi kanonzomierebaa da mas 

funqcionaluri Sesatyvisi aqvs sixSiruli da distribuciuli mimarTebebis 

saxiT. glotalizebuli fonemebisaTvis es kanonzomiereba ufro Zlierad 

vlindeba da xSirad iRebs sistemis xarvezis saxes, anu bevria ena 

xarveziT p’-s adgilas (kavkasiis enaTagan /p/ ar aris warmodgenili bevr 

daRestnur enaSi: andiurSi, axvaxurSi, bagvalalurSi, boTlixurSi, ru- 

TulurSi, tindiurSi, RodoberiulSi, xunZurSi, xinaluRurSi, meliqiSvili 

1976). 

Zvel qarTulSi, zemosvanurSi, lentexursa da megrulSi gvaqvs six- 

Siruli rigi: k > t > y > p; saerTo-qarTvelursa da axal qarTulSi 

ki rigi: k > y > t > p. 

sayuradReboa /w/-s maRali sixSire Zvel da axal qarTulSi (Zvel 

qarTulSi igi sixSirul rigSi meore adgils ikavebs, axal qarTulSi ki 

_ meoTxes) da /W/-s uaRresad dabali sixSire; ise rom, Zvel qarTulSi 

igi /p/-ze mcire raodenobisa aRmoCnda. zanursa da svanurSi /W/ metia 

/w/-ze; am enobriv erTeulebSi /w/ sixSirul rigSi bolos wina adgils 

ikavebs. aseTivea maTi mimarTeba teqstobriv sixSireebSic (meliqiSvili 

1976:78). 

urTierTSebrunebuli mimarTebebi: /w/ > /W/ Zvel da axal qarTulSi 

da /W/ > /w/ svanursa da zanurSi _ qarTvelur enaTa bgeraTSesatyvisobebiT 

unda iyos gamowveuli: sibilantur SesatyvisobaTa rigi: qarTuli

w/: zanur-svanuri /W/ ganapirobebs am mimarTebebs. SeiZleba davinaxoT 

cvlilebis dinamika Zvelidan axali qarTulisaken: Zvel qarTulSi /w/-s 

anomaliurad maRali sixSire aqvs _ meore adgili uWiravs sixSirul 

rigSi, xolo axal qarTulSi kanonzomier meoTxe adgils ikavebs. vfiqrobT, 

SesaZlebelia, rom es procesi istoriul cvlilebaTa Sedegad mi- 

Rebuli gadaxris gasworebis magaliTad miviCnioT. meore mxriv, is, rom 

kanonzomier mimarTebaTagan gadaxra gvaqvs Zvel qarTulSi da ara zanursvanurSi, 

unda mowmobdes imas, rom transformacia momxdaria swored 

qarTulSi; amrigad, es monacemebi kidev erT mowmobas warmoadgens SesatyvisobisaTvis 

_ qarTuli sisina: zanur-svanuri SiSina _ SiSina fonemaTa 

aRdgenis sasargeblod. 

2. fonotaqtika 

2.1. TanxmovanTa kontaqturi mimdevrobebi 

2.1.1. decesiuri kompleqsebi qarTvelur enebSi 

saerTo qarTv. Zveli 

qarTuli 

axali 

qarTuli 


pk _ 1,94%(7) 2,05%(6/7) _ _ _ 

tk 8,45%(6) 9,71 %(3) 13,70% (5) 11,01%(5/6) 10,98%(5/6) 12,57%(6) 

wk 9,86%(5) 5,82%(4) 16,44% (4) 14,68%(3) 13,41%(3/4) 17,28%(2) 

Wk 25,35%(1) 2,91%(5/6) 2,05%(6/7) 15,60%(2) 19,51%(2) 13,35%(5) 

sul 43,66% 20,38% 34,24% 41,29% 43,90% 43,20% 

py _ 0,97%(8) 0,68% (8) 1,83%(7) _ _ 

ty 22,53%(2) 32,05%(2) 26,04% (1) 33,94%(1) 31,71%(1) 16,75%(3) 

wy 12,68 %(4) 43,69%(1) 20,55 % (2) 11,01% (5/6) 10,98% (5/6) 15,97%(4) 

Wy 21,13(3) 2,91%(5/6) 18,49 % (3) 11,93% (4) 13,41% (3/4) 24,08%(1) 

sul 56,34% 79,62 % 65,76 % 58,71% 56,10% 56,80% 

decesiuri kompleqsebis TvalsazrisiT qarTveluri enebisaTvis damaxasiaTebelia: 

1. /pk/ da /py/ kompleqsebis simcire: saerTo-qarTvelurSi maT aRsadgenad 

Sesabamisi masala ar dasturdeba; ar Cans /pk/ arc Zvel qarTulSi, 

svanursa da zanurSi; ar dasturdeba /py/ lentexursa da megrulSi. 

Zvel qarTulSi, rodesac kompleqsis pirveli wevri labialuri xSulia, 

decesiuri kompleqsebi upiratesobas aZleven araharmoniul SeerTebas: 

bt, bk, bW by (btuli, bebki, bkiWi, bWe, byroba/pyroba). harmoniuli 

kompleqsi py gvaqvs mxolod formaSi pyroba. aqac /p/-s /b/ enacvleba da 

gvaqvs dubleturi formebi. axal qarTulSic metia labialuri mJReriT 

187

dawyebuli araharmoniuli kompleqsebi, vidre harmoniulebi. gvaqvs /bk/ 

(bebki, bubko), /bwk/ (bwkali, bwkari, bwkaredi), /bW/ (bWe, bWoba, sabWo) 

kompleqsebi; galaktion tabiZesTan vxvdebiT formebs mibyroba, vbyrob 

(tabiZe 1995); 

aseTi kompleqsebi gvxvdeba dialeqtebSic _ imerulSi: bskeri, bskvnis, 

bWori, abkurebs; xevsurulSi: bwkali „brWyali“, bwknevi „frCxili“, bWe, 

bWoba, bWvn-a, CabWvnis „fSvna“; moxeurSi: gabwkalva `gakawvra~, dabkaveba 

`brkes mokideba~, yabyi `Txeli Tovli~, yebWo `TiTistaris nawili~. 

amrigad, kontaqtur fonotaqtikaSic vlindeba labialuri mkveTri 

/p/-s sisuste da mJReri labiali /b/-s maRali kombinatoruli unari. 

2. B tipis decesiuri kompleqsebis /ty, wy, Wy/ raodenoba yvela enobriv 

erTeulSi sWarbobs A tipis decesiuri kompleqsebis /tk, wk, Wk/ raodenobas. 

3. enobriv erTeulTa umravlesobaSi yvelaze xSiri kompleqsia /ty/ 

(saerTo-qarTveluri, zemosvanuri, lentexuri, megruli). 

4. CVC- tipis Ziris TavkidurSi kompleqsTa saerTo sixSire ufro 

metia, vidre bolokidurSi (statiis moculoba ar iZleva SesaZleblobas 

srulad warmovadginoT masala, romelsac es ganzogadebebi emyareba. am 

masalas srulad warmovadgenT monografiul gamokvlevaSi). 

2.1.2. aqcesiuri kompleqsebi qarTvelur enebSi 

aqcesiuri kompleqsebi saerTod ar dasturdeba saerTo-qarTvelursa 

da zanurSi; qarTvelur enaTagan aseTi kompleqsebi gvaqvs Zvel da axal 

qarTulsa da svanurSi. Zvel qarTulSi gvaqvs araharmoniuli aqcesiuri 

kompleqsebi: kb, kd, tb, wb, wd, Wd, yb, yd; harmoniul kompleqsTagan 

gvaqvs mxolod kt. amasTan, kt mxolod nasesxeb sityvebSia. 

axal qarTulSi gvaqvs Semdegi araharmoniuli aqcesiuri kompleqsebi: 

kb, kd, tb, wb, wd, Wd, yb, yd; xSulTagan Sedgenili yvela aqcesiuri 

kompleqsis meore wevri mJReria. 

svanurSi aqcesiuri kompleqsebi xSiria, magram, rogorc wesi, morfonologiuri 

procesebis, ZiriTadad reduqciis Sedegad aris miRebuli. 

magaliTad: kaba àkrZalva~ – ikbi ìkrZaleba~ ikbeni ìkrZalavs~; Tumca, 

nareduqciali kompleqsebis sixSire svanurSi Zalian maRalia, radgan 

morfologiuri formebi, sadac ZirTa reduqcia xorcieldeba (I seriis 

mwkrivebi da maTgan nawarmoebi formebi) ufro metia, vidre formebi 

gaxmovanebis safexurze. 

iseTi aqcesiuri kompleqsebi ki, romlebic sinqroniulad xmovani CanarTiT 

ar dasturdeba, ZiriTadad aseve arahomogenuria meore mJReri 

wevriT: svanurSi gvaqvs formebi: likbgne `Cakakuneba~, kikber `karis 

Sesatexi xis mori~, likból `mofereba~, hðyba `yba~, qarTulidan nasesxebi 

igówbuli `gawbildeba~; 

amrigad, Zvel da axal qarTulsa da svanurSi aqcesiur kompleqsTa 

ZiriTadi tipi aris arahomogenuri, romlis meore wevria mJReri xSuli. 

gvaqvs fonotaqtikuri wesi: xSulTa aqcesiur kompleqsSi, romlis pirveli 

wevri glotalizebulia, meore wevri mJReria; 

188

am wesis interpretaciisas unda gaviTvaliswinoT, rom igi ufro 

farTo wesis nawils warmoadgens: mskdomi + mskdomi tipis aqcesiur 

kompleqsebSi meore wevri, rogorc wesi, mJReria; e.i. gvaqvs aqcesiuri 

kompleqsebi: mJReri + mJReri (gboba, gdia, jdoma); fSvinvieri + mJReri 

(Tbili, cda) da glotalizebuli + mJReri (kbili, kdema, tba, wbili, 

mwde, Wde, yba, yda). 

sxva struqturis aqcesiuri kompleqsebi gvxvdeba mxolod nasesxeb 

sityvebSi. Zveli da axali qarTuli gansxvavebulad gadmoscemen ucxo 

enaTa /kt/ tipis kompleqsebs. Zvel qarTulSi nasesxeb sityvebSi /kt/ kompleqsis 

fardad warmodgenilia /kt/, an /kd/ kompleqsebi. mag., elektroni, 

lektiki; sekdenberi, okdonberi. 

axal qarTulSi evropul enaTa /kt/ kompleqsis fardad /qt/ aris 

damkvidrebuli: aqti, taqti, leqtori, dialeqti, direqtiva, diqtatura, 

kompaqturi, kontaqti, konfliqti, faqti, paqti, praqtika, seqtemberi, 

oqtomberi da mravali sxva. 

svanurSi homogenuri aqcesiuri kompleqsebi warmoiqmneba mxolod reduqciis 

Sedegad. 

qarTuli enis dasavlur dialeqtebSi (gurulSi, imerulSi, aWarul- 

Si) aqcesiuri arahomogenuri kompleqsebi asimilaciis gziT homogenurebad 

gardaiqmneba: kpili, mokta da misT. 

2.2. glotalizebulTa distanciuri mimdevrobebi qarTvelur enebSi 

2.2.1. glotalizebulTa disimilaciuri SeerTebis wesi 

mJReri _ 

glotalizebuli 

glotalizebuli _ 

mJReri 

aspirirebuli _ 

glotalizebuli 


aspirirebuli 


glotaliz. 

yru napr. _ 

glotalizebuli 


yru napr. 

mJReri napr. _ 

glotalizebuli 


mJReri napr. 

saerToqarTveluri 

Zveli 

qarTuli 

axali 

qarTuli 


17,00%(2) 25,12%(2) 9,68%(4) 17,95%(2) 12,47%(5) 11,11%(3) 

21,50% (1) 25,37%(1) 11,30%(3) 25,09% (1) 17,21%(1) 14,70%(2) 

6,50%(6) 9,30%(5) 8,33%(5) 11,72%(4) 13,06%(3) 7,52%(5) 

21,50%(1) 10,80%(4) 12,17%(2) 11,35%(5) 13,35%(2) 10,02%(4) 

8,50%(4) 17,58%(3) 40,29%(1) 16,30%(3) 17,21% (1) 49,35%(1) 

11,00%(3) 5,77%(6) 4,56%()7 6,78%(6) 6,82%(6) 2,50%(6) 

7,00%(5) 1,76%(8) 7,67%(6) 5,31%(7) 12,76%(4) 1,96%(7) 

7,00%(5) 3,52%(7) 3,19%(8) 2,75%(8) 3,56%(7) 1,52%(8) 

_ 0,75%(9) 2,59%(9) 2,75%(8) 3,56%(7) 1,31%(9) 

189

distanciuri mimdevrobebis mixedviT qarTveluri enebi or jgufad 

SeiZleba davyoT: 

a) enobrivi erTeulebi, sadac glotalizaciis niSani disimilaciur mimdevrobas 

aZlevs upiratesobas: saerTo-qarTveluri, Zveli qarTuli, 

zemosvanuri; aq glotalizebulebis kombinireba mJRerebTan yvelaze 

maRalia. 

b) enobrivi erTeulebi, sadac glotalizaciis niSani asimilaciur mimdevrobas 

aZlevs upiratesobas: axali qarTuli, lentexuri, megruli; 

aq SeerTeba glotalizebuli-glotalizebuli yvelaze didi albaTobiT 

xasiaTdeba. 

glotalizaciis niSnis midrekileba disimilaciuri kombinirebisaken 

universalur kanonzomierebas warmoadgens (grinbergi). am tendenciis 

moSla glotalizaciis niSnis Sesustebas moaswavebs. mkveTrebis disimilaciuri 

gamJRerebis wesi giorgi axvledianma gamoavlina jer osurisa 

da svanurisTvis, xolo Semdeg misi moqmedeba dadginda Zveli qarTulisaTvis. 

Zvel qarTulSi ukve Cans am kanonzomierebis moSlis procesi _ 

teqstebSi didi raodenobiT gvaqvs dubletebi, sadac disimilaciuri SeerTeba 

asimilaciuriT icvleba. aseTebia, magaliTad, rogorc nasesxebi, 

ise sakuTriv qarTuli formebi: batara/patara, brtyeli/tyrpeli, bilwi/pilwi, 

nagrteni/nakrteni, naberwyali/naperwkali, grkali/krkali, gurka/kurka, 

kedi/keti, yaryadi/yaryati, ebiskoposi/episkoposi, ebistole/epistole, 

galatozi/kalatozi, tibikoni/tipikoni,kabadukia/kapadukia, apodiqsi/apotiqsi, 

ambartavani/ampartavani, drtÂnva/trtÂnva, zadiki/zatiki, aspidi/aspiti, 

padimari/patimari, paWaniki/paWanigi, tabaki/tapaki, tobazi/topazi, 

kabarWi/kaparWi, kapadoni/kapatoni, kelabtari/kelaptari, wrdiali/wrtiali, 

wumbe/wumpe, Wabuki/Wapuki, Wuardli/Wuartli; 

qarTuli enis mTis dialeqtebi _ xevsuruli, fSauri, moxeuri ramdenadme 

inarCuneben glotalizaciis midrekilebas disimilaciuri SeerTebisaken. 

amas mowmobs formebi: 

xevsuruli 

batara Sdr. patara, baWiWi Sdr. paWiWi, birwkili `frCxili~, kubati 

Sdr. kupati, kabarWi Sdr. kaparWi, bWvnis `fcqvnis~, naWkdevi Sdr. naWdevi, 

girkali Sdr. rkali, girko Sdr. rko, girwyili Sdr. rwyili, jinWari 

Sdr. WinWari, jinWvela Sdr. WinWveli; rusuli yru SesaZlebelia 

mJReriT gadmovides, rodesac sityvaSi meore glotalizebuli gvaqvs: darasta 

Sdr. староста; 

fSauri 

batara, bawawa Sdr. pawawa, bwkali, bwkleva „mobRauWeba“, baWiWi Sdr. pa- 

WiWi, bortyavs Sdr. forTxavs, brtyvnavs Sdr. Sdr. brdRvnis, girkali 

„rkali“, kedi „keti“, jinWveli, jinWari, zalte „salte“, daeReteba 

Sdr. daexeteba; 

moxeuri 

batarad „cota“, batarZali, bawawkinta, gurkaÎ Sdr. kurka, dagrkovili 

`xveuli Tma~, zalte Sdr. salte, zoko Sdr. soko. 

190

amrigad, SeiZleba vifiqroT, rom saerTo-qarTvelurSi glotalizacia 

Zlier fonetikur maxasiaTebels warmoadgenda. Zvel qarTulsa da zemosvanurSi 

garkveulwilad SenarCunebulia saerTo-qarTveluri viTareba, 

xolo axali qarTuli da megruli srulebiT aRar avlenen glotalizaciisaTvis 

damaxasiaTebel fonotaqtikur da fonostatistikur niSnebs. 

2.2.2. glotalizaciis mimarTeba mJRerobisa da aspiraciis niSnebTan 

glotalizacia ufro axlos dgas mJRerobis niSanTan, vidre aspiraciis 

niSanTan. amas mowmobs is, rom mJRerebTan misi kombinirebis unari 

sWarbobs aspirirebulebTan dakavSirebis unars: 

glotalizebulebis 

kombinacia 

saerTo- 

qarTvel. 

Zveli 

qarTuli 

axali 

qarTuli 


mJRerebTan 52,34%(1) 64,04%(1) 25,66%(2) 52,22%(1) 40,49%(1) 27,85%(2) 

aspirirebulebTan 37,33%(2) 25,24 % (2) 25,07%(3) 28,00 % (2) 36,03%(2) 18,92% (3) 

glotalizebulebTan 11,33%(3) 10,72% (3) 49,27% (1) 19,78 % (3) 23,48%(3) 53,23% (1) 

gansxvaveba mJRerobasTan da aspiraciasTan kombinirebis SesaZleblobs 

Soris metia saerTo-qarTvelurSi (15%), Zvel qarTulsa (38%) da zemosvanurSi 

(24%). axal qarTulSi (0,59%), lentexursa (4,45%) da megrulSi 

(8,93%) gansxvaveba Semcirebulia, mkveTrebis siaxlove fSvinvierebTan 

izrdeba. axali qarTuli da megruli asimilaciur (glotalizebuli 

+ glotalizebuli tipis) SeerTebas aZleven ukve upiratesobas. 

mJRerebTan siaxloves avlenen agreTve rogorc decesiuri, ise aqcesiuri 

kontaqturi SeerTebebi. rogorc vnaxeT, araharmoniuli kompleqsebi 

swored mJRerisa da glotalizebulis kombinaciebs warmoadgenen. ase- 

Tebia: decesiuri bk, bt, bw, bW, by da aqcesiuri kb, kd, yb, yd, wb, wd, 

Wd mimdevrobebi; 

am monacemebis safuZvelze vfiqrobT, rom qarTvelur enaTa xSulTa 

sameulebis sistemaSi sameulis pirveli dayofaa: fSvinvieri /f T q c C/ 

_ arafSvinvieri /b d g Z j p t k w W/ da momdevno: glotalizebuli /p 

t k w W/ _ araglotalizebuli /b d g Z j/. orive diferencialuri niSnis 

TvalsazrisiT aramarkirebulebia mJReri xSulebi, rac maT sixSirul 

maxasiaTeblebSic aisaxeba (meliqiSvili 1976). mJRerebis aramarkirebulebad 

miCnevis fonetikur safuZvels qarTvelur enaTa xSulebis mJRerobis 

dabali xarisxi warmoadgens. 

2.2.3. decesia/aqcesia da laringalur niSanTa kombinaciebi 

decesia-aqcesiis TvalsazrisiT kontaqturi da distanciuri SeerTebebi 

gansxvavebul kanonzomierebebs amJRavneben.Kkontaqturi SeerTebebi 

did upiratesobas aniWeben decesiur mimdevrobas, xolo distanciurebi _ 

aqcesiur mimdevrobas: 

1. aqcesiur distanciur mimdevrobaTa raodenoba yvela enobriv erTeul- 

Si sWarbobs decesiur mimdevrobaTa raodenobas. 

191

2. decesiur distanciur kombinacias upiratesobas aZleven mimdevrobebi: 

mJReri + glotalizebuli da fSvinvieri + glotalizebuli; kombinaciebi: 

glotalizebuli + mJReri, glotalizebuli + fSvinvieri, 

glotalizebuli + glotalizebuli da glotalizebulebis kombinacia 

yru da mJRer napralovnebTan Zvel da axal qarTulSi da megrulSi 

upiratesobas aniWebs aqcesiur mimdevrobas. svanurSi es wesi 

daculia xSulTa kombinaciebSi da irRveva napralovnebTan SeerTebisas. 

3. ucxo enaTa martivi yru Tanxmovnebis gadmocema qarTvelur da 

mTis kavkasiur enebSi 

berZnulidan nasesxeb leqsikaSi berZnuli /π τ κ/ gadmodis rogorc 

mkveTri /p t k/, xolo berZnuli /φ θ χ/ – rogorc fSvinvieri /f T q/. sainteresoa 

kombinatoruli cvlilebebi, romlebic xdeba sesxebisas. es aris 

ori mkveTridan erTis disimilaciuri gamJRereba, romelic enaSi glotalizaciis 

maRali xarisxis mauwyebelia: ebiskoposi, ebistole, apodiqsi, 

`xelwerili~ abokurofa àpokrifi~, aspidi, tibikoni, galatozi, kabbadukia 

`kapadokia~, kelabtari; 

disimilaciuri gamJRerebis wesi sparsulidan nasesxeb leqsikaSic moqmedebda. 

magaliTad: patrucagi < patrōÜāk, perangi < pērahānak; tabastaki 

< tapastak, tabaki < tāpāk, ostigani < ōstīkān, xvastagi/xostaki < 

xwāstak, artagi < Artak; kuStabani < kuÛtapān; Wabuki < Üāpók, Warmagi < 

Üarmak, gundruki < kundurūk 

berZnuli araaspirirebuli yru Tanxmovnebi bgeraTkompleqsebSic 

mkveTrebiT gadmodis: kt < kt – nektari, fakti, viktoli, iktioni, indiktioni, 

elektroni /ilektrioni/iliktrioni „qarva“. 

sainteresoa Tveebis dasaxelebaTa formebi, romlebic laTinuridan 

aris nasesxebi: sekdenberi (laT. september), okdonberi/okdomberi (laT. 

october). aq laTinur /ct/-s Zvel qarTulSi /kd/ Seesabameba. amgvarad, gvaqvs 

aqcesiuri kompleqsi /kd/, romelic, iseve rogorc /kt/, axal qarTul nasesxobebSi 

mTlianad Secvala /qt/ kompleqsma (Sdr. seqtemberi, oqtomberi, 

eleqtroni, faqti, neqtari da mravali sxva. ix zemoT). 

axali qarTuli rusul yruebs ZiriTadad mkveTrebs uTanadebs. aseT 

SeTanadebas vxvdebiT XVIII-XIX saukunis dokumentebsa da mxatvrul nawarmoebebSic 

rusulTan ukve pirveli kontaqtebis doneze _ georgievskis 

traqtatSi, ioane batoniSvilis, giorgi avaliSvilis, aleqsandre 

WavWavaZis, grigol orbelianis, nikoloz baraTaSvilis, ilia WavWavaZis 

nawerebSi. SesaZlebloba gvaqvs rusulidan sesxebas droSi gavadevnoT 

Tvali. am TvalsazrisiT didi raodenobiT masalas Seicavs oTar miqiaSvilis 

monografiuli gamokvleva àxali qarTuli enis Camoyalibebis istoriisaTvis 

(rusul-qarTul enobriv urTierTobaTa aspeqtebi)~ (miqiaSvili 

2005). 

XVIII s. georgievskis traqtatis qarTul teqstSi gvaqvs rusulidan 

nasesxebi sityvebi: kniazi, poruTCiki/porudCiki, deistvitelni kamerReri, 

192

mokamande, saeparxio, arximandriti, mentebi. rusuli yruebis gadmotana 

xdeba ZiriTadad qarTuli mkveTrebiT. 

XIX saukunis daswyisidan qarTvel moRvaweTa nawerebSi gvaqvs rusuli 

nasesxobebi: i. batoniSvili, `kalmasoba~: kraoti, kniazi, cigankuri, 

itancaveben, patriarxi, Reqtori < Гектор. giorgi avaliSvilis nawereb- 

Si gvxvdeba formebi: poCta, egzarx-mitropoliti, arximandriti, panixidi, 

butilka, koleJskis sovetniki, tituliarni sovetniki. 

romantikosebis nawerebSi aseve bevria rusuli da rusuli gziT Semosuli 

sityvebi: 

al. WavWavaZe – imperatrica, kavkazi, moskva, peterbuxi, podagra, 

traxtati, RiSpania, otpuski, smotrebi; 

grigol orbeliani – biblioteka, doxtori, otpuski, smotrebi, zakonebi, 

kamisia, ostavka "отставка", me starSi varo, banka, kvartira, 

aziateci, talknul `xeli wamkrao~, podsudSi misces, podarestSi, polkSi 

prikomandirovad, kamanda, staqani, maska, povozka, otdelenie, butilka, 

pamiatniki, zakuska, traxtiri, Cluqi, paraxodi, feCi, palatno, kazanskis 

soboro, uSkoloni, ubibliotekoni, planebi, vozduSni zamkebi, 

dokladni zapiskebi, foCta, polkis kamandiri, skuCnoba, paxodi; 

nikoloz baraTaSvili _ sudaisprava, Stacki, poruCeniiT, bumaJniki, 

kalaska, Sampanskebi, oblastis naCalniki, Skola, vtancaob, sovetniki, na- 

Calnikma. 

`saqarTvelos gazeTis~ 1819-1821 wlebis nomrebSi vxvdebiT formebs: 

korolsa, imperatrica, podporuCiki, praporSCiki, ispravniki, komandiri, 

poSlina, perevodCiki, sovetis, Castis, stoli, lodka, foStebis. 

ilia WavWavaZis nawerebSi vxvdebiT rusuli metyvelebis qarTuli anbaniT 

transliteraciis SemTxvevebs (WavWavaZe 1989:496-498, 524; dawerili 

unda iyos 1858 wels): Sto ti! vot iesCo, atCevo ne imet?Otovo, 

Sto... eto poCemu? paSol k Certiam; StoJ, eto nesCastie! Ddaleko maxnul!Bbratec; 

a zdes vsio est; ti, bratec, abiJaeS menia, nakonec; naCalniki; 

Rubernatori; baSporti; teatri, foSta; iamSciki; povoska; 

fSvinvierebiT gadmosuli leqsikis did nawilSi gvaqvs mezobloba 

fSvinvis didi odenobis mqone afrikatebTan da napralovnebTan (C, S, x, 

s) da SesaZlebelia am formebisTvis asimilacia vivaraudoT. aseTebia: fe- 

Ci, foCta (foSta, fosta), Skafi, staqani, qaSi, CoTqi, Cluqi, quCeri/ku- 

Ceri, quxna/kuxna, sufi, saldaTi. axsnis meore SesaZleblobaa sesxeba 

iseTi enobrivi erTeulidan (an rusuli enis iseTi dialeqtidan), sadac 

es formebi aspiracias Seicavdnen (Лежава 2006). 

qarTul dialeqtebSic rusuli yruebi ZiriTadad glotalizebulebiT 

gadmodian; mxolod ramdenime leqsemaSi aris damkvidrebuli maT Sesatyvisad 

fSvinvierebi. 

megrulSic rusuli yruebi Cveulebriv glotalizebulebiT gadmodian: 

padvali, padreTi rus. портрет, poezi rus. поезд, palatka, palaCi, palkoniki, 

paraxodi, paroni rus. паром, proli/poli „iataki“, prastina, pravezia, 

plani, pluti rus. плут, propka rus. пробка „sacobi“, sekreti rus. 

секрет, kubeci, kaWka rus. тачка „cxenuremi“, kuWka rus. кучка, kraoti; 

193

svanurSi ki rusuli yruebi ufro xSirad aspirirebulebiT gadmodian: 

qarTofil /qarTobil, fiTil rus. фитиль, farTik¡ `winsafari~ rus. 

фартук, farSi¡æ`yalbi, orguli~ rus. паршивый, foSda/foSta fosta 

rus. почта, feC, surduq `serTuki~ rus. сюртук; gvaqvs glotalizebulebiT 

gadmocemis SemTxvevebic: pilatok, pirisda¡ rus. пристав, papiros/pŠpiroz, 

pŠrtia, karavŠt, rubzŠk. 

mTis kavkasiur enebSi es sakiTxi SeviswavleT afxazuri, adiReuri, 

yabardouli, xunZuri, wezuri, xvarSiuli, hinuxuri, beJituri, arCibuli, 

hunziburi, lezgiuri, Tabasaranuli, udiuri, CeCnuri, inguSuri, bacburi 

enebis monacemebis safuZvelze (masala movipoveT gamokvlevebidan da leqsikonebidan: 

lomTaTiZe 1954, qadagiZe, qadagiZe 1984, jeiraniSvili 1971, 

Бокарев 1967, Дешериев 1967, Кумахов 1967, Муркелинский 1954, Шагиров 

1962, Карасаев, Мациев 1978, Оздоев, 1980, Хайдаков, 1962, WOLD). rusuli 

yru xSulebi Crdilo kavkasiur enebSi ufro xSirad aspirirebulebiT 

gadmodis. gansxvavebas gvaZleven mxolod samxreT kavkasiaSi mcxovrebTa 

enebi: bacburi da udiuri, romlebSic rusuli yruebi glotalizebulebiT 

gadmodian. aq savaraudoa qarTuli enis gavlena. 

amrigad, qarTulsa da megruls nasesxeb masalaSi ucxo enaTa yruebis 

mkveTrebiT Canacvleba axasiaTebT, xolo svanuri ufro aspirirebulebiT 

gadmoscems sasesxebeli (rusuli) enis yru Tanxmovnebs. amiT igi uaxlovdeba 

mTis kavkasiur enebs, sadac aseve upiratesoba rusuli yru Tanxmovnebis 

aspirirebulebiT gadmocemas eniWeba. qarTulTan siaxloves iCenen 

bacburi da udiuri, rac qarTulis gavlenas SeiZleba mieweros. es 

gansxvaveba gamowveuli unda iyos glotalizaciis xarisxis sxvaobiT. 

glotalizaciis dabali xarisxi iZleva ucxo enis martiv yru fonemas- 

Tan SeTanadebis safuZvels, xolo maRali xarisxi – qmnis specifikur 

bgeras, romlis SeTanadeba ucxo enis martiv yrusTan ufro Znelia, vidre 

aspirirebulTan an preruptivTan. 

4. qarTveluri, kavkasiuri da kavkasiis enobrivi arealis 

indoevropuli enebis xSuli Tanxmovnebis akustikuri analizi 

qarTveluri, kavkasiuri da kavkasiis enobrivi arealis indoevropuli 

enebis xSul-mskdomi Tanxmovnebisa da afrikatebis cifruli akustikuri 

analizi Sesrulebulia kompiuteruli programebiT _ Praat-iTa da Wave- 

Surfer-iT. gaanalizebuli audiomasalis grafikuli gamosaxulebebi (oscilograma, 

speqtrograma da intensivobis mrudi) vizualizebulia Wave- 

Surfer -is meSveobiT. 

sakvlevi erTeulebia: axali qarTuli ena, qarTuli enis guruli da 

xevsuruli dialeqtebi; svanuri enis balszemouri, balsqvemouri da lentexuri 

dialeqtebi; megrul-lazuris zugdidur-samurzayanouli da xofuri 

kilokavebi; xunZuri enis andalaluri dialeqti, abazuri enis tapanTuri 

dialeqti, yabardouli enis besleneuri dialeqti, udiuri enis 

varTaSnuli (oguzuri) dialeqti; osuri enis ironuli dialeqti da 

somxuri enis aRmosavluri dialeqti. 

194

xmovnebis garemocvaSi warmoTqmuli xSuli bgerebis TaviseburebaTa 

dasadgenad ganxorcielda akustikuri analizi Semdegi parametrebis gaTvaliswinebiT: 

1. skdomis (ganxSvis) Cqamisa da xSvis grZlivoba; 

2. drois monakveTis grZlivoba oraluri skdomidan (ganxSvidan) saxmo 

simebis rxevis (resp. JReris) dawyebamde (Voice onset time – VOT); 

3. Cqamis intensivobis mateba-klebis dinamika (K=I/T); 1 

4. skdomis momdevno ubgero intervalis grZlivoba (Post burst period); 

5. momdevno xmovnis: 

– TrTolis xarisxi (Jitter perturbation) 

– f0-is cvlileba (f0 perturbation) 

– intensivobis mateba energiis maqsimumamde (Reise to peak energy) 

– sawyisi fonacia (Voice quality-onset of vowel); 

ZiriTadi tonisa (f0) da saxmo simebis TrTolis saSualo mniSvnelobebi 

gamoTvlilia xmovnis dawyebisa da xmovnis Sua nawilis samperiodian 

monakveTze. f0-is cvlilebisa da TrTolis raodenobrivi mniSvnelobebi 

warmoadgens sxvaobas xmovnis dawyebasa da xmovnis Sua nawils Soris. 

TanxmovanTa TiToeuli artikulaciuri fazisTvis saSualo grZlivobis 

gamosaTvlelad saWiro ganmartebebi: imis gamo, rom Tavkidur poziciaSi 

mJReri xSuli warmodgenilia xSvis ornairi _ mJReri da yru _ 

variantiT, fazebis saSualo mniSvnelobebi gamoTvlilia orivesTvis calcalke 

_ erTi iqneba mJReri xSviTa da CqamiT, meore mxolod CqamiT _ 

da Semdeg aris gasaSualoebuli ori monacemis mixedviT. mJReri xSvis 

SemTxvevaSi periodi skdomidan (an ganxSvidan _ afrikatebisaTvis) saxmo 

simebis rxevis (resp. JReris) dawyebamde iqneba uaryofiTi, xolo yvela 

sxva SemTxvevaSi – dadebiTi. 

xSirad, glotalizebuli bgerac ori variantiT aris warmodgenili 

_ skdomis (ganxSvis) momdevno ubgero intervaliT da mis gareSe. glotalizebulebis 

fazaTa saSualo grZlivobebi gamoTvlilia orive Sem- 

TxvevisaTvis cal-calke da Semdeg aris gasaSualoebuli. magaliTad, Tu 

im glotalizebuli Tanxmovnis Cqamis saSualo grZlivoba, romelic warmoTqmulia 

ubgero intervalis gareSe, udris T1-s, maSin drois monakveTi 

am bgeris skdomidan saxmo simebis rxevis dawyebamde iqneba agreTve T1; 

ubgero intervaliT warmoTqmuli imave Tanxmovnis drois monakveTi Tanxmovnis 

skdomidan (ganxSvidan) saxmo simebis rxevis dawyebamde iqneba 

ori sididis jami T2+S2 (T2 _ skdomisa da S2 _ ubgero intervalis 

grZlivoba). 

orive tipis (nairsaxeobis) glotalizebuli Tanxmovnis skdomis 

saSualo grZlivoba iqneba _ (T1+T2):2, xolo skdomidan saxmo simebis 

1 formulaSi ( K=I/T) I (decibelebSi) aris skdomis (ganxSvis) Cqamis intensivobis matebisa 

da klebis jamuri sididis Sefardeba Cqamis grZlivobasTan (T-milisekundebSi). 

195

xevis dawyebamde periodis saSualo grZlivoba _ (T1+T2+S2):2; amitom 

cxrilebSi Cqamisa da ubgero intervalis saSualo grZlivobaTa jami 

yovelTvis SeiZleba ar udrides drois monakveTs skdomidan saxmo 

simebis rxevis dawyebamde. 

ubgero intervalis saSualo grZlivobebi gamoTvlilia mxolod 

ubgerointervaliani glotalizebuli bgerebisaTvis. 

rogorc cnobilia, glotalizaciis niSnis Sefaseba SesaZlebelia 

ramdenime akustikuri parametris meSveobiT: drois monakveTi skdomidan 

saxmo simebis rxevis dawyebamde (voice onset time – VOT) da xSvis grZlivobis 

Sefardeba am monakveTTan, ubgero intervalis grZlivoba, ganxSvis 

Cqamis intensivoba da misi dinamika, momdevno xmovnis ZiriTadi tonis 

cvlileba, xmovnis intensivobis matebis dinamika, JReris dasawyisSi saxmo 

simebis rxevis aperiodulobis (TrTolis) xarisxi da fonaciis tipi 

(leJava, lorTqifaniZe 2010). 

erT-erTi kriteriumi, romelic ganasxvavebs glotalizebuli bgerebis 

or tips, aris momdevno xmovnis energiis matebis dinamika; intensivobis 

swrafi mateba damaxasiaTebelia xisti (stiff) glotalizebulebisaTvis, 

xolo mdore, neli mateba – sustebisaTvis (slack). 

am niSnis mixedviT, qarTveluri enebis glotalizebulebSi mkafiod 

ar aris gamoxatuli esa Tu is tipi, radgan umetes sakvlev erTeulSi 

glotalizebulebisaTvis dasaSvebia intensivobis matebis rogorc neli, 

ise zomieri da swrafi mateba. intensivobis mxolod neli mateba damaxasiaTebelia 

guruli (qali), balsqvemouri (mamakaci) da lentexuri (mamakaci) 

dialeqtebis warmomadgenelTa metyvelebisaTvis. 

glotalizebulTa gamijvnis meore kriteriumi aris momdevno xmovnis 

ZiriTadi tonis cvlilebis suraTi. samecniero literaturaSi saxmo simebis 

moqmedebis dawyeba maRali ZiriTadi toniT axsnilia saxmo simebis 

zomieri medialuri SekumSviTa da gaswvrivi daWimulobiT, xolo dabali 

ZiriTadi toniT dawyeba _ Zlieri medialuri kumSviTa da mcire gaswvrivi 

daWimulobiT. 

amrigad, xmovnis dasawyisSi maRali f0 Zlieri (xisti) glotalizaciis 

niSani unda iyos. arc am parametris mixedviT aris erTgvarovani suraTi 

qarTveluri enebis glotalizebul TanxmovnebSi. ufro xSirad f0is 

cvlileba uaryofiTia, anu xmovani iwyeba dabali toniT, rac niSnavs 

sust glotalizacias. 

erTsa da imave sakvlev erTeulSi, rogorebicaa axali qarTuli, lentexuri 

da xofuri (TurqeTis mxare), suraTi gansxvavebulia diqtorebis 

mixedviT. qarTulSi maRali f0-iT dawyeba mamakacisTvis aris damaxasiaTebeli, 

lentexurSi – qalebisTvis, xolo xofurSi – mamakacebisTvis. aRsaniSnavia, 

rom swored xofurSia sagrZnobi gansxvaveba mamakacebsa da qalebs 

Soris am niSnis mixedviT. 

am parametris mixedviT zogadad qarTveluri enebis glotalizebulebis 

umravlesoba SeiZleba miekuTvnos susti glotalizebulebis tips. 

196

Tavkiduri glotalizebuli Tanxmovnebis momdevno xmovnis JReris 

dawyebis aperiodulobis maCvenebeli – TrTolis xarisxi meryeobs 4,5- 

8,5%-is farglebSi; is yovelTvis maRalia mJRerisa da, – gansakuTrebiT 

ki, fSvinvieris imave maCvenebelTan SedarebiT. Tumca, unda aRiniSnos, 

rom xSirad gansxvaveba arcTu ise didia. 

kidev erTi parametri, romlis mixedviTac ganasxvaveben sust (slack) 

da xist (stiff) glotalizebulebs, aris xmovnis sawyisi fonacia. am TvalsazrisiT, 

qarTvelur enebSi glotalizebulis momdevno xmovnis dawyeba 

SesaZlebelia rogorc aperioduli JReriT, ise `Wriala~ xmiT (creaky 

voice). 

izolirebul sityvebSi warmoTqmuli qarTveluri enebis Tavkiduri 

glotalizebuli p, t, k, xSul-mskdomi Tanxmovnebis skdomidan JReris 

dawyebamde drois monakveTis (VOT-is) mixedviT aseTi klebadi mimdevroba 

gveqneba (grZlivoba milisekundebSi): 

balszemouri (49)> balsqvemouri (43)> xevsuruli (36) > 

zugdidur-samurzayanouli (31) > lentexuri (29) > xofuri (28) > 

guruli (26) > axali qarTuli (25). 

am parametris mixedviT balszemouri, balsqvemouri da xevsuruli 

CaiTvleba `xist glotalizebulebad~, guruli da axali qarTuli _ 

`sust glotalizebulebad~, xolo megrul-lazuri da lentexuri SeiZleba 

`zomier (saSualo) glotalizebulebad~ CaiTvalos. 

gaanalizebul masalaSi qarTveluri enebis xSul TanxmovanTa xSvis 

fazis grZlivobis Semdegi Tavisebureba gamovlinda: mJReri Tanxmovnis 

xSvis grZlivoba mcirea yrus grZlivobasTan SedarebiT, xolo glotalizebulis 

xSva, rogorc wesi, aRemateba fSvinvierisas. amasTanave, mskdomis 

xSva ufro grZelia, vidre afrikatis. 

erT-erTi parametri, romlis mixedviTac ganasxvaveben sust da xist 

glotalizebulebs, aris xSvisa da skdomidan JReris dawyebamde monakve- 

Tis grZlivobaTa Sefardeba. susti eieqtivebisaTvis es maCvenebeli didia, 

xolo xisti eieqtivebisaTvis mcire. 

glotalizebul /p, t, k/ mskdom TanxmovanTa xSvisa da skdomidan 

JReris dawyebamde monakveTis grZlivobaTa Sefardeba saSualo mniSvnelobebia: 

balszemouri 2,16; axali qarTuli 2,69; zugdidur-samurzayanouli 3,15; 

xevsuruli 3,25; guruli 3,75; lentexuri 3,79; xofuri 4,05. 

Cven mier Seswavlili kavkasiuri enebis glotalizebuli Tanxmovnebi 

momdevno xmovnis intensivobis dinamikis TvalsazrisiT SeiZleba mivakuTvnoT 

susti tipis glotalizebulebs, radgan energiis mateba yovelTvis 

nelia, Tumca Zalian iSviaTad SeiZleba iyos zomieric da swrafic. 

glotalizebulis momdevno xmovnis f0-is cvlilebis mixedviT aq qar- 

Tvelur enaTa msgavsi viTarebaa, anu xmovani SeiZleba daiwyos dabali Zi- 

197

iTadi toniT an maRali toniT. magaliTad, abazuri enis afrikatebis 

momdevno xmovani iwyeba dabali f0-iT, xolo mskdomebi – maRali f0-iT. 

maSasadame, gamodis, rom afrikatebi warmoiTqmian saxmo simebis mcire 

gaswvrivi daWimulobiT da Zlieri medialuri kumSviT, xolo mskdomebi 

gaswvrivi daWimulobiTa da zomieri medialuri kumSviT. 

glotalizebulebis momdevno xmovnis dawyebis TrTolis xarisxi daaxloebiT 

iseTivea, rogoric qarTvelur enebSi da Tavkidur poziciaSi 

glotalizebulebis momdevno xmovnis TrTolis xarisxi meryeobs 5,0- 

10,2%-is farglebSi. 

rac Seexeba drois monakveTs skdomidan saxmo simebis JReris dawyebamde, 

Seswavlili kavkasiuri enebidan yvelaze grZeli periodi xunZurisTvis 

aris damaxasiaTebeli; is agreTve aRemateba svanuri enis balszemouri 

dialeqtis glotalizebuli Tanxmovnebis monacemebs. 

garda xunZurisa, romelic am niSniT xisti (stiff) glotalizaciis 

tips ganekuTvneba, sxva danarCeni enebis (abazuri, yabardouli, udiuri) 

glotalizebulebi susti tipis glotalizebulebs warmoadgenen. yvelaze 

mcire grZlivoba am periodis mixedviT damaxasiaTebelia abazuri enis 

glotalizebulebisaTvis. 

kavkasiuri arealis indoevropuli enis – osuris – glotalizebuli 

Tanxmovnebi skdomidan JReris dawyebamde drois periodis mixedviT aRemateba 

somxuri enis glotalizebul Tanxmovnebs, anu am parametriT osuri 

glotalizebulebi sustsa da xist glotalizebulebs Soris daikaveben 

adgils, xolo somxuri glotalizebulebi susti glotalizebulebis 

rigs miekuTvnebian. 

maSin roca f0-is cvlilebis mixedviT somxuri glotalizebulebi 

xisti glotalizebulebisaTvis damaxasiaTebel xmovnis maRali f0-iT dawyebas 

gviCveneben, osurisa ki – sustis. xmovnis sawyisi fonaciiT somxuri 

susti glotalizebulis tipia, xolo osuri – xistis. 

saboloo daskvnis saxiT SeiZleba iTqvas, rom f0-is cvlilebis, TrTolis 

xarisxis, xmovnis intensivobis matebis, fonaciis da VOT-is monacemTa 

gaTvaliswinebiT SeiZleba qarTveluri enebi pirobiTad sam jgufad 

daiyos, romlebic glotalizebulebis tradiciuli kvalifikaciiT arc 

erT kategorias ar miekuTvneba da ufro maT Soris aris. SedarebiT ufro 

`xisti~ glotalizebulis kategoriaSi Seva: balszemouri, balsqvemouri; 

zomierSi _ xevsuruli, lentexuri, lazuri da ufro `sust~ kategoriaSi 

– axali qarTuli, guruli da megruli. 

qarTveluri enebis xSuli Tanxmovnebis akustikuri analizi gviCvenebs, 

rom glotalizebuli Tanxmovnebis diqotomiuri klasifikacia [susti 

– xisti] ar asaxavs realobas, da am enebSi glotalizaciis niSani 

gansxvavebul, Sereul suraTs iZleva. qarTvelur enebSi glotalizebuli 

Tanxmovnebi ar SeiZleba mivakuTvnoT arc susti da arc xisti glotalizebulebis 

kategorias. 

198

enebi 

Languages 

qarTuli 

Georgian 

svanuri 

Svan 

megrullazuri 

Megrelian- 

Laz 

abazuri 

Abaza 

yabardouli 

Kabardian 

xunZuri 

Avar 

udiuri 

Udi 

osuri 

Ossetian 

somxuri 

Armenian 

1. axali qarTuli 

( Standard Georgian) 

2. guruli dialeqti 

(Gurian Dialect) 

3. xevsuruli dialeqti 

(Khevsur Dialect ) 

4. balszemouri dialeqti 

(Upper Bal D.) 

5. balsqvemouri dialeqti 

(Lower Bal Dialect) 

6. lentexuri dialeqti 

(Lentekh Dialect) 

7. zugdidur-samurzayanouli 

kilokavi 

(Northwest Dialect) 

8. xofuri kilokavi 

(saqarTvelo, Khopa Dialect) 

9. xofuri kilokavi (TurqeTi, 

Khopa Dialect) 

10. tapanTuri dialeqti 

(Tapant Dialect) 

11. besleneuri dialeqti 

(Beslenei Dialect) 

12. andalaluri dialeqti 

(Andalal Dialect) 

(only t’ and k’.) 

13. varTaSnuli dialeqti 

(Oghuz Dialect) 

14. ironuli dialeqti 

(Iron Dialect) 

15. aRmosavluri dialeqti 

(Eastern Dialect) 

skdoma 

Burst 

ubg. int. 

PBP 

glotalizebuli xSul-mskdomi Tanxmovnebis (p’-p,- t’-t, k’-k) 

droiTi (milisekundebSi) maxasiaTeblebis cxrili 

VOT 

18,4 10,6 25,1 

16,8 15,1 26,2 

19,7 18,0 36,0 

23,8 26,1 49,1 

21,9 22,3 43,3 

16,1 16,9 28,9 

18,2 19,5 31,4 

13,9 14,2 25,6 

16,3 14,9 29,9 

17,7 _ 17,7 

12,5 7,5 18,8 

27,3 28,9 56,1 

12,5 12,8 20,1 

17,8 21,8 34,4 

17,65 11,1 22,4 

199

literatura 

200 

skdoma _ Burst 

ubgero intervali _ Post burst period 

dro skdomidan JReris dawyebamde _ Voice onset time (VOT) 

glotalizebuli xSul-mskdomi Tanxmovnebis (p’-p,- t’-t, k’-k) 

droiTi maxasiaTeblebis cxrilis diagrama 

axvlediani 1999: g. axvlediani, zogadi fonetikis safuZvlebi (meore gamocema), 


leJava, lorTqifaniZe 2010: i. leJava, l. lorTqifaniZe, glotalizaciis niSnis 

akustikuri analizi qarTul enasa da mis dialeqtebSi, kr.: „enaTmecnierebis 

sakiTxebi~, 1-2, Tsu gamomcemloba, Tbilisi. 

lomTaTiZe 1954: q. lomTaTiZe, aSxaruli dialeqti da misi adgili sxva afxazur-abazur 

dialeqtTa Soris, saq. mecn. akademiis gamomcemloba, Tbilisi. 

meliqiSvili 1976: i. meliqiSvili, markirebis mimarTeba fonologiaSi, `mecniereba~, 


jeiraniSvili 1971: e. jeiraniSvili, udiuri ena, Tsu gamomcemloba, Tbilisi. 

Бокарев 1967: Бокарев Е.А., Цезский язык, Языки народов СССР , IV, Издательство 

"Наука", Москва. 

Бокарев 1967: Бокарев Е.А., Гунзибский язык, Языки народов СССР, IV, 

Издательство "Наука", Москва. 

Бокарев 1967: Бокарев Е.А., Гинухский язык, Языки народов СССР, IV, 


Бокарев 1967: Бокарев Е.А., Хваршинский язык, Языки народов СССР, IV, 


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Дешериев 1967: Дешериев Ю.Д., Ингушский язык, Языки народов СССР, IV, 


Кумахов 1967: Кумахов М.А., Адыгейский язык, Языки народов СССР, IV, 


Лежава 2006: Лежава И.И., Некоторые вопросы сопоставительного анализа 

консонантизма русского и грузинского языков, Сборник трудов посвящаеся 85- 

летию Г.И. Цибахашвили, Издательство "Универсали", Тбилиси.

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Языки дагестана, Махачкала. 

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языков, Кабардино-балкарское книжное издательство Нальчик. 

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Working Papers of the Cornell Phonetics Laboratory, vol. 9, pp. 27-65. 

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Peculiarities of Stops in some Languages of Caucasian Area, Proceedings XIth International 

Congress of Phonetic Sciences, v. 3, Tallinn. 

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Especially Implosives, International Journal of American Linguistics, v.36. 

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giorgi axvledians, Tsu gamomcemloba, Tbilisi, 48-57. 

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gamocema). 

Shosted, Chikovani 2006: Shosted R. K., Chikovani V., Standard Georgian, Journal of the 

International Phonetic Association 36(2). 

Vicenik 2010: Vicenik, C., An Acoustic Study of Georgian Stop Consonants, Journal of the 

International Phonetic Association, 40(1). 

wyaroebi da leqsikonebi 

miqiaSvili 2005: o. miqiaSvili, axali qarTuli enis Camoyalibebis istoriisaTvis 

(rusul-qarTul enobriv urTierTobaTa aspeqtebi), gamomcemloba `qarTuli 

ena~, Tbilisi. 

tabiZe 1995: g. tabiZe, Txzulebani xuT tomad, t. V, prozauli nawerebi, `saqarTvelo~, 

Tbilisi, 

qadagiZe, qadagiZe 1984: d. qadagiZe, n. qadagiZe, wova-TuSur-qarTul-rusuli 

leqsikoni, `mecniereba~, Tbilisi. 

WavWavaZe 1989: i. WavWavaZe, TxzulebaTa krebuli, t. II, Tbilisi. 

Карасаев, Мациев 1978: Карасаев А.Т., Мациев А.Г., Русско-чеченский словарь, 

Издательство "Русский язык", Москва. 

Оздоев 1980: Оздоев И.А., Русско-ингушский словарь, Издательство "Русский язык", 

Москва. 

Хайдаков 1962: Хайдаков С.М., Лакско-русский словарь, Издательство иностранных 

словарей, Москва. 

WOLD: The World Loanword Database, ed. By Martin Haspelmath and Uri Tadmor, 

http://Wold.livingsources.org/. 

Irine Melikishvili, Nana Gamkrelidze, Ivane Lezhava, 

Luiza Lortkipanidze, Ketevan Margiani, Isabella Kobalava 

Glottalized Phonemes (Ejectives) in Kartvelian Languages 

Summary 

The article presents the results of the functional and acoustic study of ejectives in the 

Kartvelian languages. The phonotactics and phonstatistics of ejectives were studied in 

Common Kartvelian (on the basis of the reconstructed vocabulary), Old and Modern 

201

Georgian and in the dialects of Svan and Megrelian languages. The digital acoustic analysis 

of the ejectives of the Kartvelian, Caucasian and Indo-European languages of the Caucasian 

area was carried out by the computer programs: Praat and Wave Surfer. The following units 

were studied: Standard Georgian, the Gurian and Khevsur dialects of the Georgian 

language, the Upper Bal, Lower Bal and Lentekh dialects of the Svan language, the 

Zugdidi-Samurzakano (North-West) and Khopa dialects of Laz, the Beslenei dialect of 

Kabardian, the Andalal dialect of Avar, the Tapanta dialect of Abaza, the Oguz dialect of 

Udi, the Iron dialect of Ossetic and the eastern dialect of Armenian. 

The functional study revealed that the transformations in the distributional and 

phonostatistic systems of the Kartvelian languages have taken place. The universal 

dissimilative restriction of combining ejectives (Greenberg) was active in Common 

Kartvelian. This tendency acted in Old Georgian and is still functioning in Svan, but no 

more in Modern Georgian and Megrelian-Laz. In the mountain dialects of Georgian there 

are weak traces of this rule. These changes must be the result of transformations which 

have taken place in their articulation. 

The regularities of borrowing of plain unvoiced phonemes from foreign languages were 

also studied. Georgian and Megrelian-Laz substitute the voiceless unaspirated consonants 

in the borrowed material mainly with ejectives; this shows that the ejectives are perceived 

as less specific than the aspirates. Svan renders the voiceless unaspirated consonants more 

often with aspirated phonemes. By this it stands close to the North Caucasian languages and 

reveals a higher degree of glottalization. 

The acoustic analysis of the occlusive consonants of the Kartvelian languages shows that 

the majority of the glottalized consonants of the Kartvelian languages can be ascribed to the 

slack glottalization type. According to the VOT, the Upper Bal, Lower Bal and Khevsur 

can be considered “the stiff glottalized ones”, Gurian and Standard Georgian – “the slack 

glottalized ones,” and the Megrelian-Laz and the Lentekh can be considered to be “the 

moderate (medium) glottalized consonants”. Taking into consideration the parameters – the 

f0 perturbation, the jitter perturbation, the rise of the vowel intensity to the peak of energy, 

voice quality and VOT – the Kartvelian languages can be divided into three groups: to the 

comparatively stiff category of languages which have glottalized consonants can be 

ascribed Upper Bal, Lower Bal; Khevsur, Lentekh and Laz are in the moderate group, and 

Standard Georgian, Gurian and Megrelian are in the category of languages having slack 

glottalized consonants. 

202


marina mefariSvili 

protosemituri fonologiuri sistemis transformireba 

calkeul semitur enebsa da StoebSi 

ukanasknel xanebSi SedarebiT semitologiaSi gansakuTrebuli yuradReba 

eTmoba imgvar gamokvlevebs, romlebic exeba saerTo-semituri vi- 

Tarebis realizaciis sakiTxebs calkeul enebsa da StoebSi sxvadasxva 

enobriv doneze. winamdebare statiis mizania, ganisazRvros semituri fonologiuri 

sistemis Semadgeneli qvesistemebis, klasebisa da rigebis 

transformirebulobis xarisxi calkeul enebsa da StoebSi. 

imisaTvis, rom vimsjeloT, Tu ra saxis transformaciebi ganicades 

semituri fonologiuri sistemis calkeulma qvesistemebma, klasebma da 

rigebma sxvadasxva semitur enebsa da StoebSi, saWiroa SevexoT semituri 

fonologiuri sistemis zogad maxasiaTeblebs. amJamad mokled ganvixilavT 

protosemiturisa da calkeuli realizebuli semituri enebisa da 

Stoebis umniSvnelovanes niSan-Tvisebebs, rac maT specifikas ganapirobebs 

da gamoarCevs sxva enebisagan (mefariSvili 2008:21-22). 

protosemituri rekonstruirebuli fonologiuri sistemis mTavar 

maxasiaTeblebze msjelobisas unda aRiniSnos Semdegi: 

1. saerTo-semitur fonologiur sistemas axasiaTebs uaRresad mdidari 

konsonantizmi mravalricxovani saartikulacio rigebiT, gansxvavebiT 

vokalTa sistemisagan, romelic metad mwiria. semituri konsonantizmi 

xasiaTdeba wina, Sua da ukanaenismierTa soliduri raodenobiT. aq warmodgenilia 

Semdegi saartikulacio rigebi: bilabialuri b, p; dentaluri 

d, t, ŧ; interdentaluri d, ţ, t³ , alveolaruli z s ¿, prepalataluri š, 

velaruli g k ġ h, uvularuli q, faringaluri ‛, ħ da laringaluri ’, 

h. amas emateba ori aproqsimanti: bilabialuri w da palataluri y, 

agreTve oTxi sonori fonema _ r, l, m, n da damatebiTi lateraluri 

koartikulaciis mqone ori specifikuri sisina yru sibilanti ŝ da ¾. 

2. fonologiur sistemaSi opozicia iqmneba mJReroba: siyrue: glotalizebulobis 

niSniT. amasTanave, aRniSnuli opoziciebi iqmneba rogorc 

xSulTa sameulebSi (mag., d: t: ŧ; g: k: q), aseve napralovnebSi (mag., z: s: s³; 

d: t: t ³ ). 

3. gansakuTrebiT TvalSi sacemia rogorc ukanaenismier (guturalur) 

[g, k, q, ġ, h, ‛, ħ, h, ’], ise sibilantur [d, ţ, t³ , z, s, ¿, š, ŝ, ¾] fonemaTa 

simravle da fonetikuri mravalferovneba. 

4. semituri enebisaTvis damaxasiaTebelia e.w. èmfatikuri~ Tanxmovnebi, 

romlebic protosemitur doneze unda aRdges rogorc glotalizebulebi. 

calkeul semitur Stoebsa da enebSi isini swored glotalizebulia, 

xolo enaTa da StoTa meore nawilSi _ faringalizebuli anu èm- 

203

fatikuri~. glotalizebuli saxiTaa isini SenarCunebuli axal samxreTarabul 

enebsa da eTiosemiturSi, xolo faringalizebuli koartikulaciiT 

warmogvidgeba danarCen semitur enebSi, mag., arabulSi, arameulSi, ebraulSi. 

5. gansakuTrebiT sayuradReboa semituri fonologiisaTvis specifikuri 

e.w. lateraluri sibilantebis ŝ ¾ arseboba. aseve mniSvnelovania 

afrikat fonemaTa ganviTareba diaqroniaSi. Tumc afrikatebis protosemitur 

doneze aRdgena ar ivaraudeba, magram maTi ganviTarebis Sinagani resursi 

calkeul Stoebsa da enebSi sruliad bunebrivi iyo, rac ganxorcielda 

kidec. magaliTad SegviZlia davasaxeloT arabuli, aseve eTiosemituri 

enebi da dialeqtebi, agreTve axalarameuli dialeqtebi da a.S. 

(wereTeli 1979:112, mefariSvili 2008:83). 

6. dabolos, kidev erTxel unda vaxsenoT vokalTa qvesistema, romelic 

semitur konsonantizmTan SedarebiT bevrad Raribia, radgan igi funqcionaluri 

TvalsazrisiT erTgvarad SezRudulia, vinaidan Ziris semantikas 

ar gansazRvravs. 

saerTo-semituri fonologiuri sistemis zogadi daxasiaTebis Semdeg 

saWiroa yuradReba gavamaxviloT sistemis Semadgenel komponentebze. aRniSnul 

sistemaSi, Tavis mxriv, gamoiyofa ramdenime qvesistema Tu klasi, 

romelTa Sorisaa: a. vokalTa qvesistema; b. aproqsimantebi anu naxevarxmovnebi; 

g. likvidTa anu sonorTa klasi ( r l m n ); d. xSulTa klasi, 

romelic rva Tanmovans moicavs da Sedgeba labialuri, dentaluri, velaruli 

rigebisagan (b p d t ŧ g k q); e. cxra fonemisagan Semdgari 

sibilantTa rTuli qvesistema, romelic moicavs interdentalur (d, ţ, 

t ³ ), alveolarul (z s ¿), prepalatalur (š) da lateralur (ŝ ¾) sibilantur 

rigebs; v. eqvsi fonemisgan Sedgenili guturalur wyvileulTa 

qvesistema velaruli (ġ, h), faringaluri (‛, ħ ) da laringaluri (’, h) 

rigebiT. 

Tu SevadarebT protosemiturSi arsebul viTarebas calkeul semitur 

Stoebsa da enebSi dadasturebul suraTTan, anu Tvals gavadevnebT 

CamoTvlili qvesistemebisa da klasebis ganviTarebas diaqroniaSi, SegviZlia 

aRvniSnoT Semdegi: zemoCamoTvlili eqvsi klasi Tu qvesistema er- 

TmaneTisgan gansxvavdeba diaqroniaSi transformirebulobis xarisxiT; 

zogierTi maTgani konservatiulobiTa da stabilurobiT gamoirCeva, sxvebi 

ki SedarebiT mcire an maRali xarisxis modifikacias avlenen. Tu Sedarebis 

kriteriumad modifikaciis xarisxs gamoviyenebT, maSin zemoaRniSnuli 

qvesistemebi da klasebi SeiZleba sam jgufad daiyos; pirvel 

jgufSi gaerTiandeba iseTi qvesistema, klasi an klasis SigniT arsebuli 

rigi, romelic konservatizmiTa da stabilurobiT gamoirCeva, anu isini, 

romelTac diaqroniaSi cvlilebebi ar ganucdiaT da protosistemasTan 

identurobas avlenen. aseTia, magaliTad, mTlianad sonorTa klasi, agre- 

Tve xSulTa klasis SigniT stabilurobiT gamorCeuli dentaluri triada 

(d t ŧ), xolo sibilantTa qvesistemis SigniT – martiv alveolarul 

sibilantTa (z s ¿) triada. 

204

meore jgufSi SegviZlia gavaerTianoT fonemaTa is klasebi an qvesistemaTa 

is rigebi, romelTac diaqroniaSi calkeul enebsa Tu StoebSi SedarebiT 

umniSvnelo cvlilebebi ganicades. aq unda davasaxeloT naxevarxmovnebi, 

ukanaenismier wyvileulTa qvesistemis SigniT faringalebi, 

xSulTa klasSi ki _ labialuri da velaruli rigebi. 

mesame jgufSi ki gaerTianebulia fonemaTa is klasebi an qvesistemaTa 

is rigebi, romlebmac calkeul semitur Stoebsa da enebSi sagrZnobi modifikaciebi 

ganicades. aq pirvel rigSi unda davasaxeloT xmovanTa da 

sibilantTa (alveolaruli rigis gamoklebiT) qvesistemebi, agreTve guturalur 

wyvileulebSi – velaruli rigi. 

winamdebare statiaSi mokled SevexebiT meore da mesame jgufSi gaer- 

Tianebul klasebsa da rigebs. Tavdapirvelad mimovixiloT meore jgufSi 

gaerTianebuli klasebi da rigebi. protosemitur doneze aRdgeba ori aproqsimanti: 

w da y (mefariSvili 2008:147; diakonovi 1970). amasTan, ma- 

Ti realizacia da gamoyenebis sixSire calkeul semitur enebsa da StoebSi 

sxvadasxvagvaria. ase magaliTad, Tu samxreTsemitur StoSi, kerZod, 

samxreTarabulSi, eTiosemitursa da CrdiloarabulSi maT cvlileba ar 

ganucdiaT, aqadurSi orive maTgani dakargulia da nuls iZleva, CrdilodasavlurSi 

ki (ebraulSi, arameulSi, ugaritulSi, finikiurSi) Zalze 

dabalia w-is ZirSi Tanxmovnis funqciiT gamoyenebis sixSire, radgan Tavkidur 

poziciaSi w praqtikulad ar gvxvdeba, igi Canacvlebulia y-iT, 

anu ebraulsa da arameulSi semitur w-s ori refleqsi aqvs: II da III 

poziciaSi w, xolo Tavkidur poziciaSi – y. 

axla mokled ganvixiloT ukanaenismier wyvileulTa da xSulTa klasebi, 

romelTa calkeulma rigebmac met-naklebi xarisxis transformacia 

ganicades semitur enebSi. protosemitur doneze xSulTa klasi amgvarad 

aRdgeba: ix. (1) 

labialuri b p _ b _ _ b _ _ 

dentaluri d t ŧ (1) d t ŧ (2) d t ŧ (3) 

velaruli g k q g k q _ k q 

sistemaSi erTi carieli ujredia, radgan qvesistemaSi ukiduresad 

markirebuli (gamyreliZe... 2003:173) glotalizebuli labialuri Ð-s aRdgena 

protosemitur donezec ar ivaraudeba. xSulTa klass mTlianobaSi 

cvlileba ar ganucdia CrdiloaRmosavlur aqadursa da Crdilodasavlur 

semitur enebSi: ebraulSi, arameulSi, ugaritulsa da finikiurSi im 

dros, roca mcired modificirebulia am klasis labialuri rigi samxreTsemitur 

StoSi. kerZod, arabulSi, samxreTarabulsa da eTiosemiturSi 

yru labialuri p gasulia xSulTa sistemidan da gadasulia napralovan 

Ff-Si; Sesabamisad, aq sistemaSi ori carieli ujredi gvxvdeba, 

ix. sqema (2). arabulSi ki xSulTa sistemam kidev erTi cvlileba ganicada, 

sistemaSi mesame carieli ujredi gaCnda, radgan velarul rigSi 

mJReri wevri g palatalur afrikat ğ-Si gadavida da axali opozicia 

Seqmna š-sTan. A 

205

amgvarad, xSulTa sistema yvelaze metad arabul jgufSia modificirebuli. 

oriode sityva unda iTqvas eTiosemiturze, sadac Cndeba aspirirebuli 

p-c da glotalizebuli p.-c, magram orive maTgani meoreuli 

warmoSobisaa da araviTari etimologiuri kavSiri protofonemebTan ar 

gaaCniaT. maT Tumca SeiZines fonemis statusi, magram dabali sixSiruli 

maCveneblebiT gamoirCevian da gvxvdebian mxolod nasesxeb leqsikur er- 

TeulebSi, kerZod, p. gamoiyeneba yuSitizmebSi, xolo p _ berZnul nasesxobebSi. 

garkveuli saxis cvlilebebi ganicades guturalur wyvileulTa 

klasis faringalurma da velarulma rigebma. saerTo-semitur doneze aRdgenili 

guturalur wyvileulTa qvesistema amgvaria: ix. sqema (1) 

velaruli 

faringal. 

laringal. 

206 

ġ h 

‛ ħ 

’ h 

(1) - h 

‛ - 

’ h 

(2) - - 

‛ ħ 

’ h 

(3) - h 

- - 

’ – 

sistema analogiuri saxiT dasturdeba CrdiloarabulSi, samxreTarabulsa 

da Crdilodasavluri semituri Stodan ugaritulSi (mefariSvili 

2008:57). mogvianebiT, axal samxreTarabulSi aRniSnulma klasma mcire 

cvlilebebi ganicada. kerZod, mehrisa da harsusiSi mJReri faringaluri 

aini Seerwya mJRer laringals (‛ > ’), xolo sokotriSi velaruli rigi 

gadavida faringalurSi (ġ > ‛ ; h > ħ). 

ebraulsa da arameulSi qvesistemaSi ori carieli ujredi Cndeba _ 

ix. sqema (2), kerZod, TiTo wevri aklia velarulsa da faringalur rigebs: 

mJReri velaruli ġ gadavida faringalur ainSi (ġ > ‛), yru 

faringaluri ħ ki – velarul h -Si (ħ > h). aRsaniSnavia, rom ebraulsa 

da arameulSi ġ bgera arsebobs, oRond alofonis saxiT rogorc Sedegi 

begadqefaTis wesis _ anu postvokalur poziciaSi xSulTa spirantizaciis 

– moqmedebisa. 

ukanaenismierTa wyvileulebi sagrZnobladaa modificirebuli eTiosemiturSi. 

ganviTarebis adreul etapze geezSi dasturdeba 5 fonema; mJReri 

v̥ gasulia sistemidan da Serwymulia mJRer velarul g-sTan, yru x 

ki SenarCunebulia. tigresa da tigriniaSi es ukanasknelic dakargulia 

da gadasulia Sesabamis yru faringalur ‛-Si, amitom sistemaSi ori carieli 

ujredi Cndeba. ix. sqema (3). sistemis transformaciis procesi 

kidev ufro Sors wavida samxreTeTiopurSi; aq gamartivda faringaluri 

rigic da igi Seerwya Sesabamis laringalebs (‛ > ’; ħ > h). 

aRniSnuli qvesistema ukiduresad modificirebulia aqadurSi, sadac 

6 fonemis nacvlad SemorCenilia mxolod ori: mJReri laringaluri ’ da 

yru velaruli h, ris Sedegadac sistemaSi oTxi carieli ujredia, ix. 

sqema (4). daskvnis saxiT SeiZleba iTqvas, rom ukanaenismieri wyvileulebi 

zemoT ganxiluli klasebidan SedarebiT maRali xarisxis transformirebulobiT 

gamoirCevian, gansakuTrebiT aqadur Stosa da samxreTeTiopur 

qvejgufSi. 

(4)

amjerad ganvixiloT ori qvesistema, romelmac Zlieri transformacia 

ganicada semituri enebis diferenciaciisa da ganviTarebis gzaze. esenia 

xmovanTa da sibilantTa qvesistemebi. semitur xmovnebs enobriv sistemaSi 

axasiaTebT funqcionaluri TvalsazrisiT arasrulfasovneba, rac 

imaSi vlindeba, rom isini relaciur elementebad gvevlineba, radgan semituri 

Ziris mniSvnelobas konsonanti fonemebi gadmoscemen, xolo vokalebi 

gramatikul funqcias asruleben, an kidev azusteben ZiriTadi mniSvnelobis 

sxvadasxva niuansebs. protosemitur doneze aRdgeba sami xmovani 

ori sigrZiT, kerZod, wina rigis dabali aweulobis farTo a, maRali 

aweulobis i da ukana rigis maRali aweulobis u. amgvari suraTi ucvleli 

saxiTaa SenarCunebuli CrdiloarabulSi, epigrafikul samxreTarabulsa 

da ugaritulSi. sainteresoa, rom dasaxelebuli enebi zogadad 

mdidari konsonantizmiT xasiaTdeba, maTSi, Sesabamisad, 28, 29 da 27 

Tanxmovania warmodgenili. isic unda iTqvas, rom ganviTarebis mogviano 

etapze Crdiloarabulis dialeqtebSi e da o xmovnebic gaCnda. cvlilebebi 

ganxorcielda asa enebSic, kerZod, aq gvaqvs 7 xmovani; grZeli a e i 

o u da mokle a da e. msgavsi viTarebaa eTiosemiturSic; aq warmodgenilia 

5 mokle (a e i o u) da 2 grZeli xmovani (a e). amas garda, amharulSi 

ultramokle xmovanic gaCnda. rac Seexeba aqadurs, aq tradiciuli a i u 

xmovnebis garda meoTxe e xmovanic gaCnda, TiToeuli or-ori sigrZiT. 

xmovanTa sistema ukiduresad modificirebulia Crdilodasavlur StoSi, 

kerZod, ebraulsa da arameulSi. aq gvaqvs 5 (a i u o e) xmovani mokle da 

grZeli variantebiT. Amas emateba mesame _ ultramokle sigrZe, anu xmovanTa 

sistema ukiduresad gamdidrebulia. yuradRebas imsaxurebs fonologiur 

sistemaSi e.w. balansis faqtori, am enebSi konsonantTa sistema 

gaRaribda, moxda zogierT Tanxmovan fonemaTa opoziciis neitralizacia 

da Serwyma aramarkirebul konsonantebTan. Sedegad, 28-29 protosemituri 

Tanxmovnis nacvlad am enebSi darCa 22-23 konsonanti, samagierod gamdidrda 

xmovanTa sistema. es movlena sainteresoa zogadtipologiuri 

TvalsazrisiTac. 

dabolos, SevexoT urTules sibilantTa qvesistemasac, romelic 

protosemitur doneze 9 fonemiTaa warmodgenili. esenia erTmaneTisgan 

minimaluri diferencialuri niSnebiT gansxvavebuli napralovani sisin-Si- 

Sina fonemebi, romelTa Soris ori mJReria (z d) da 7 yru, sami maTgani 

glotalizebulia (an faringalizebuli anu èmfatikuri~), saartikulacio 

rigebia interdentaluri, alveolaruli, prepalataluri, aris ori 

damatebiTi lateraluri koartikulaciis mqone fonemac. sibilantTa qvesistema 

protosemitur doneze Semdegi saxiT aRdgeba: ix. sqema (1) 

d t t ³ 

z s ¿ 

š 

- ŝ ¾ 

(1) (2) D (3) (4) 

d t d ³ 

z s ¿³ 

š 

- ś ź 

d t z³ 

z s ¿ 

š 

đ 

z s ¿ 

š 

207

amgvari minimalurad gansxvavebuli fonemebis simravle maRali alba- 

TobiT unda gamartivebuliyo. asec moxda. pirvel rigSi gamartivda damatebiTi 

an rTuli artikulaciis mqone fonemebi anu lateraluri da interdentaluri 

sibilantebi. lateraluri sibilantebi TiTqmis imave fonetikuri 

mniSvnelobiT mxolod epigrafikulsa da axal samxreTarabul 

jgufSia warmodgenili, xolo interdentalebi – Crdilo- da samxreTarabulSi, 

agreTve dasavlursemituridan ugaritulSi. aRsaniSnavia isic, 

rom im enebSic, sadac es fonemebi SenarCunebulia, Tavad rigis SigniT 

zogierTi wevri fonetikurad saxecvlilia. mag., arabulSi interdentalebis 

yru glotalizebuli wevri gamJRerebulia (ix. sqema 3), an kidev, 

igi aseve gamJRerebulia axal samxreTarabulSi, iseve rogorc protosemituri 

yru glotalizebuli lateraluri sibilanti, Tan am ukanasknels 

glotalizaciac dakarguli aqvs, Tumc lateralur koartikulacias 

inarCunebs, ix. sqema (2). 

kidev erTi umniSvnelovanesi modifikacia, romelic semituri enebis 

diferenciaciis adreul etapzeve ganxorcielda, ukavSirdeba SiSina š-s. 

kerZod, arabulSi, eTiosemitursa da samxreTarabulSi SiSina š gadavida 

sisina s-Si. am konteqstSi uaRresad sainteresoa zogadad protosemitur 

sibilantTa qvesistemis yru fonemaTa vertikalur oTxi wevrisgan Sedgenil 

rigSi ganxorcielebuli cvlilebebi. kerZod, oTxwevra opozicia 

SenarCunebulia mxolod samxreTarabul enebSi. aqve unda iTqvas, rom es 

msgavseba erTgvarad garegnulia, radgan š aq meoreuli warmoSobisaa da 

ar ukavSirdeba etimologiurad protosemitur š-s, romelic am enebSic 

arabulisa da eTiosemituris msgavsad s-Sia gadasuli. samxreTarabuli 

enebis garda oTxwevra opozicia arsad aRar gvxvdeba, igi samwevra opoziciad 

modificirda arabulSi, ugaritulSi da nawilobriv Zvelebraul- 

Si, arameulSi, aqadursa da eTiosemiturSi ki – orwevra opoziciebi 

dasturdeba, radgan aRniSnul enebSi transformirebulia yru sibilantTa 

opoziciis rogorc interdentaluri ţ wevri, aseve yru lateraluri ŝ-c, 

ix. sqema (4). aqve damatebiT SevniSnavT, rom lateraluri sibilantebis 

rigis meore glotalizebuli wevri ¾ yvelaze modificirebuli fonemaa 

ara mxolod sibilantTa qvesistemis SigniT, aramed mTel fonologiur 

sistemaSi. es istoriuli fonema sxvadasxva semitur enebSi realizebulia 

¿ đ ź ‛ refleqsebis saxiT (amaze dawvrilebiT ix. mefariSvili 

2008:107-111). 

Tu SevajamebT sibilantTa qvesistemis transformaciis xarisxs, unda 

aRiniSnos, rom uaRresad markirebuli da Sesabamisad, transformirebulia 

lateralur sibilantTa rigi, gansakuTrebiT, misi glotalizebuli 

wevri ¾, romelsac modifikaciebis kuTxiT konkurencias semituri fonologiuri 

sistemis verc erTi sxva wevri ver uwevs. lateralur sibilantebs 

sirTuliTa da diaqroniuli cvlilebebis kuTxiT mosdevs interdentalur 

sibilantTa samwevriani rigi. aqve damatebiT SevniSnavT, 

208

om fonemaTa sxva klasebidan zemoT CamoTvlil modificirebul fonemebs 

mosdevs velarul spirantTa wyvileulis mJReri ġ wevri. rac Seexeba 

enebsa da Stoebs, protosemitur sibilantTa qvesistema absoluturad 

identur suraTs arc erT semitur enasa da StoSi ar iZleva. protosistemas 

yvelaze metad hgavs epigrafikuli da axali samxreTarabuli enebis 

jgufi, maT mosdevs Crdiloarabuli, romelSic mxolod lateraluri 

rigia sagrZnoblad modificirebuli, da dasavlursemituri Stodan – 

ugarituli. saSualo donis modifikaciaa ganxorcielebuli ebraulsa da 

geezSi, yvelaze metad saxecvlili ki am mxriv aris aqaduri, arameuli 

da samxreTeTiopuri enebi. 

dabolos, daskvnis saxiT SeiZleba iTqvas Semdegi: 

1. ganxiluli qvesistemebidan da klasebidan yvelaze konservatiulia 

sonorTa klasi, Semdeg modis aproqsimantebi da xSulTa klasi, Semdeg 

ki – ukanaenismierTa qvesistema. 

2. amis sapirispirod, yvelaze transformirebulia urTulesi cxrafonemiani 

sibilantTa qvesistema, romelic arc erT StoSi araa ucvleli 

saxiT warmodgenili. modifikaciis xarisxiT mas mosdevs xmovanTa 

qvesistema. amasTan, calkeul fonologiur sistemebSi SeiniSneba erTgvari 

balansi; iq, sadac mdidaria konsonantizmi, vokalizmi ufro arqaul 

saxes inarCunebs da mwiria. gamartivebul konsonantur sistemebSi ki sapirispiro 

suraTia. 

3. protosistemisa da transformirebuli sistemebis Sedarebisas calkeuli 

saartikulacio rigebi amgvar suraTs iZleva: ukiduresad markirebuli 

da Sesabamisad transformirebulia lateralur sibilantTa rigi, 

Semdeg ki – interdentalur sibilantTa rigi. 

4. calkeuli fonemebidan yvelaze metad modificirebulia semituri 

yru glotalizebuli lateraluri sibilanti, mas mosdevs yru lateraluri 

sibilanti ŝ da velarul spirantTa wyvileulis mJReri wevri ġ. 

5. sxvadasxva StoSi amgvari suraTi ikveTeba: protosistemasTan yvelaze 

did msgavsebas avlenen epigrafikuli da axali samxreTarabuli enebi, 

agreTve Crdiloarabuli. Kkonservatiulobis TvalsazrisiT maT mosdevs 

dasavlursemituridan ugarituli. Amis sapirispirod, ukiduresad 

modificirebulia aqaduri, Semdeg _ samxreTeTiopuri enebi, ebrauli da 

arameuli ki am TvalsazrisiT Sualedur pozicias gviCveneben. 

literatura 

gamyreliZe... 2003: T. gamyreliZe, z. kiknaZe, i. Saduri, n. Sengelaia, Teoriuli 

enaTmecnierebis kursi, Tbilisi. 

mefariSvili 2008: m. mefariSvili, semituri enebis istoriuli gramatika, naw. I, 

fonetika, fonologia, Tbilisi. 

Дъяконов 1965: Дъяконов И.М., Семито-Хамитские языки, Москва. 

Церетели 1979: Церетели К.Г., Сирийский язык, Москва. 

209

Marina Meparishvili 

Modified Systems of Proto-Semitic Phonemes in Different Semitic Languages 

Summary 

During the last period, in Semitic comparative linguistics the increase of interest in the 

studies concerning the reconstruction of phonological systems of parent-language, as well 

as of its different branches and groups, is observed. Attention is also paid to their 

relationship from the viewpoint of diachronic linguistics. The article also discusses the 

transformations of different Proto-Semitic phonemes, series and subsystems in various 

languages and branches. Some phonemes and series are stable and unchanged, while others 

are strongly modified. 

While comparing various branches and groups of Semitic languages with the Proto-Semitic 

it should be noted that series, subsystems and classes regarded in the article might be united 

in three groups: 1. the first group consists of unchanged, unmarked series of semitic 

phonemes preserved in various languages and branches such as liquids, three-member 

dental series in plosives and simple alveolar sibilants in fricatives; 2. the second group 

consists of the ones which are modified partly as approximants, labial and velar plosives, 

pharingeal fricatives, etc. 3. the third group consists of strongly transformed ones; the 

most modified are the series of lateral and interdental sibilants in the subsystem of 

sibilants; semitic vowels could also be regarded in this group. 

210


zaaqis mamis saxelis Sesaxeb 

lili JorJoliani 

firdousis „Sah-nameSi“ iranis legendaruli, uzurpatori da mtarvali 

mefis, zaaqis (zoaqis) mamis saxelia mardasi (Mardas), romlis samflobelos 

`Subosan mxedarTa veli“ (Dašt-e savārān-e neyze gozar) ewodeba 

da igi iq mcxovrebi Taziebis (arabebis) meTauria. mardasi `Sah-nameSi~ 

warmodgenilia keTilSobil, samarTlian, mowyale da RvTismoSiS xelmwifed, 

romelic Tavis walkotSi mdebare salocavSi malulad RamiT scems 

Tayvans RmerTs da Cumad loculobs (firdousi 1916, I:44). `Sah-nameSi~ 

ar aris aRniSnuli mardasis am saqcielis, anu RamiT Cumad da malulad 

locvis mizezi. vnaxoT ra viTareba gvaqvs am mxriv `Sah-namemdel~ Txzulebebsa 

da wyaroebSi. 

dRevandel avestaSi, an `dinqardSi~, romelSic sruli avestis mokle 

Sinaarsia gadmocemuli, zaaqis (avest. Aži Dahāka) mama saerTod ar ixsenieba, 

Tumca `dinqardSi“, rogorc z. safa aRniSnavs, avestis erT-erTi 

nawilis _ `Sutgar nask~-is Sinaarsis gadmocemisas naTqvamia, rom Zu devs, 

romelic zaaqis deda iyo, saxelad udagi (Ôdhāg) erqva da swored igi 

iyo, vinc acduna da amqveyniur siamovnebebze waaqeza jamSidi (safa 

1333:457) anu avestis გima xSaeTa (Yima xšaēta _ `brwyinvale ჲima~). 

falauri religiuri Txzulebebidan `bundahiSnSi~ zaaqis genealogia 

mocemulia rogorc mamis, ise dedis xaziT. aq mamis mxriv zaaqi aris Ze 

xrutaspisa, Ze zainigavisa, Ze virafsangisa, Ze Tazisa, Ze fravakisa, Ze 

siგamakisa, Ze maSiasi, Ze gaiomarTisa. am TxzulebaSi zaaqis dedis saxelia 

udai (Sdr. avest. Ôdhāg) da misi genealogiuri xazi ahrimanamde, 

anu borot sawyisamde aRwevs (bundahiSni 1880: Tavi XXXI, §-6). 

rogorc Cvens wignSi _ `zaaqianis sparsuli da qarTuli versiebi“ _ 

gvaqvs aRniSnuli, islamis periodis istorikosebidan abu hanifa dinavaris 

TxzulebaSi àxbar at-tival~ zaaqis mamas ilvani (ناﻮﻠﻋ) hqvia, xolo 

`mojmal aT-Tavarixis“ anonimi avtori mas arvandasbs uwodebs. Tabaris, 

saalibisa da birunis ki zaaqis mamis ori saxeli aqvT mocemuli. 

erTi sparselTa mixedviT: Tabari _ ‘avrvandasb’, saalibi _ ‘andarmasb’, 

biruni _ ‘avrandasb’, romlebic `mojmal aT-TavarixSi“ mocemuli saxelisagan 

odnav gansxvavdebian; meore ki _ arabTa mixedviT da am SemTxvevaSi 

samive avtoris Tanaxmad _ ilvani (JorJoliani 2003:44-46). 

xelnawerTa erovnuli centris P-462 xelnaweriT warmodgenil `Sahnames“ 

sparsul prozaul versiaSi, romlis SemuSavebis TariRi dadgenili 

ar aris, zaaqis mamis Sesaxeb vkiTxulobT: èrTi uTvistomo kaci 

hyavda mefe jamSids, romelic jamSid Sahis Tazibani iyo da saxelad furi 

erqva“ (xelnaweri P-462, 3b). rogorc vxedavT, firdousis `sar-e Ta- 

211

zian“ (TaziaTa meTauri, xelmwife) aq `Tazibanad“ qceula, romlis mniSvneloba 

bundovania, xolo mardasis nacvlad zaaqis mamisaTvis furi daurqmeviaT. 

saintereso viTareba gvaqvs `mefeTa wignis~ qarTul versiebSi. `rostomianSi“ 

zaaqis ambavi ar aris da Sesabamisad arc zaaqis mamis saxelia 

warmodgenili. `fridonianSi“ misi saxelis ori variantia mocemuli _ 

madras// mardi (mefeTa wignis qarTuli versiebi, II, 370). ùTruTian _ 

saamianis“ prozaul teqstSi saxelis ZiriTad formad ‘muradav’ aris mi- 

TiTebuli, xolo mis variantebad aris miCneuli muradava//muradv//murdav//murad 

formebi (mefeTa wignis qarTuli versiebi 1974:19; JorJoliani 

2003:195), romlebic mTargmnelisa da xelnawerTa gadamweris naxelavi 

Cans. am Txzulebis gamleqsavs ki aRniSnuli formebidan ‘murdav’ aurCevia 

(mefeTa wignis qarTuli versiebi 1974: 108). 

`saam falavnis wignSi“, miuxedavad imisa, rom Txzulebis qarTulad 

gadmomRebs xelT unda hqonoda zemoxsenebul P-462 xelnawerSi warmodgenili 

`Sah-names“ sparsuli prozauli versiis msgavsi teqsti, zaaqis 

mamis saxeli, rogorc mosalodneli iyo, furi ki ar aris, aramed ‘rizvania’ 

(mefeTa wignis qarTuli versiebi 1974:297). calke Txzulebis saxiT 

arsebul `zaaqianSi“, romelic leqsiTi saxisaa, zaaqis mamis saxelad 

‘muxvard’ aris warmodgenili (mefeTa wignis qarTuli versiebi 1916:10). 

rogorc vxedavT, `mefeTa wignis“ qarTuli versiebidan firdousis 

TxzulebaSi mocemul zaaqis mamis saxels mxolod `fridonianSi“ aqvs 

Sesatyvisi. prozauli ùTruTian-saamianis“ ‘muradav’, misi variantuli 

formebi da leqsiTi ùTruTian-saamianis“ ‘murdav’, romelic prozauli 

versiis erT-erTi variantia, SeiZleba mardasis Zalze saxecvlil formebad 

CavTvaloT. gasaziareblad migvaCnia daviT kobiZis mosazreba, rom 

`zaaqianis“ ‘muxvard’ zaaqis mamis ùTruTian-saamianis“ wakiTxvasTanaa axlos, 

romelic gadamwerTa mier unda iyos damaxinjebuli. Tumca mkvlevari 

imasac fiqrobda, rom `zaaqianis“ gamleqsavi, SesaZloa, zaaqis ambis 

CvenTvis ucnob versiasac iyenebdao (kobiZe 1959:145, 152). `saam falavnis 

wignis“ ‘rizvan’ ki udavod mTargmnelis mier P-462 xelnawerisagan gansxvavebuli 

teqstis gamoyenebaze migvaniSnebs. 

sayuradReboa, rom iranul sakuTar saxelTa leqsikonebSi (iusti, 

abasi, furfarsi da sxv.) saxel mardasis etimologia ar aris mocemuli. 

etimologiis gareSea warmodgenili es saxeli hosein Sahidi mazandaranis 

(biJanis) `Sah-names“ anTroponimTa da toponimTa leqsikonSic. saerTod, 

unda iTqvas, rom am saxelis warmomavlobiT bolo dromde mkvlevrebi ar 

dainteresebulan. 

1983 wels (hijriT 1362 wels) krebulSi Ìran Name“ gamoqveynda 

mahmud omidsalaris statia `zahaqi _ vaJi mardasisa, Tu kaciWamia zahaqi?“, 

romelSic mkvlevari saxel mardass aJi dahakas (zaaqis) avestiseul 

epiTetad miiCnevs. igi aRadgens mardasis avestur formas marəta-asa da 

fiqrobs, rom marəta aris igive ax. sp. mard, ensan _ `kaci“ àdamiani“, as 

ki „xordan“ zmnis avesturi ekvivalentiao. es avesturi epiTeti axal- 

212

sparsulSi anu `Sah-nameSi“ zaaqis mamis saxelad qceula (omidsalari 

1362:328-339). 

omidsalaris am mosazrebas exmianeba 11 wlis Semdeg, 1994 wels jalal 

xaleyi moTlayis mier gamoqveynebuli gamokvleva `mardasi da zahaqi~, 

romelSic avtori `Sah-nameSi“ mocemul zaaqis TanxmobiT eSmakis mier 

walkotSi amoTxril ormoSi mardasis Cavardnas da sikvdils miiCnevs 

zaaqis demavendis mTis ufskrulSi Cakidebis anareklad (xaleyi moTlayi 

1373:912-913). 

krebul „Name-ye Farhangestan“-is 2008 wlis (hijriT 1387w.) gazafxulis 

nomerSi ki daibeWda bahar moxTarianis statia saTauriT `mardasi 

_ kaciWamia keTilSobili kaci!“. saTaurs Zaxilis niSani asrulebs. statiis 

avtori cdilobs aCvenos da axsnas, rom `Sah-names“ mardasis RvTismosaoba 

aris narCeni vedebiseul TqmulebaTa ciklisa, romlis Sesaxeb 

falaur wignebSi araferia naTqvami da romelic `Sah-nameSi“, rogorc 

Cans, zepiri Tqmulebebis safuZvelze aisaxa (moxTariani 1387:39-49). 

aRsaniSnavia, rom jer kidev 1848 wels germanelma orientalistma 

raul roTma gamoavlina msgavsebani avestisa da vedebis Tqmulebebs Soris. 

man, kerZod, miakvlia msgavsebas avestis Traetaona-aJi dahakas brZolasa 

da vedebis wylis RvTaebis aptias vaJis Tritas mier samTava da 

Svidkudiani Rrublis demonis ahis damarcxebis Sesaxeb (roTi 1848:216- 

230). 

b. moxTarianis Tanaxmad, avestiseuli Tqmuleba Traetaonasa da aJi 

dahakaze aris iranuli varianti vedebis Tqmulebisa Tritas waqezebiT 

indras mier samTava da samxaxa viSvarupas da aseve ahi vrtras mokvlis 

Sesaxeb. b. moxTariani avestis aJi dahakasa da vedebis viSvarupas Soris 

ufro met msgavsebas xedavs, vidre aJi dahakasa da ahi vrtras Soris. 

rigvedaSi viSvarupa samTaviani urCxulia, romelic imavdroulad 

RvTismosavia, brahmania, axlo kavSiri aqvs iezdanTan (RmerTTan) da misi 

mokvla codvad iTvleba. indras ar unda, es codva mis kiserze iyos, amitomac 

igi aptias vaJs Tritas avalebs am saqmis Sesrulebas. 

avestaSi aJi dahakas SemorCenili aqvs erTgvari RvTismosaoba. gavixsenoT 

me-15 da me-19 iaStebi, romelTa Tanaxmadac, aJi dahaka anahიtas 

msxverplad swiravs 100 cxens, 1000 Zroxas, 1000 cxvars da daxmarebas 

sTxovs adamianTagan qveynis 7 mxaris dacarielebasa da RvTiuri Saravandedis 

xelSi CagdebaSi. magram misi mcdeloba fuWia, anahita mas ar exmareba 

(avesta 1960:5-§ 429-431 da 15-§19-21). aJi dahakas es qmedeba aris 

miniSneba mis RvTismosaobaze, romlis analogi, rogorc vTqviT, rigveda- 

Si arsebobs. amave dros qveynis 7 mxaris adamianTagan dacarielebis survili 

aris niSani da maCvenebeli misi kaciWamiobisa, romelic aJi dahakas 

Sesaxeb Semdgomi periodis TqmulebaSi (mag. mose xorenacis miTi biurasp 

aJdahakis Sesaxeb da firdousis `Sah-name“) ufro naTladaa gadmocemuli. 

b. moxTariani askvnis, rom, rogorc Cans, ariuli tomebis gancalkevebisas 

moxda gayofa erToblivi Tqmulebebisa. Semdgom, zardoStis reformebis 

dros, maTi axal sarwmunoebasTan SesabamisobaSi moyvanis mizniT, cvli- 

213

leba iqna Setanili TqmulebaTa personaJebis saxelebSi, epiTetebSi da 

maT qmedebebSi, rac didxans grZeldeboda da `Sah-nameSic“ aisaxa (moxTariani 

1387:43-48). 

amrigad, yovelive zemoTqmulis safuZvelze, SegviZlia vTqvaT, rom 

zaaqis mamis saxeli mardasi rogorc `kaciWamiobis“, ise `RvTismosaobis“ 

mniSvnelobiT zaaqis Zalian Zveli epiTetebidan warmodgeba da zaaqis epi- 

Tet mardasis leqsikuri mniSvneloba Semdgom epoqaSi, albaT zepiri 

Tqmulebebis gavleniTac, zaaqis mamis saxelSi aisaxa. 

literatura 

firdousi 1960, I: Фирдоуси, Шах-наме. Критический текст. Т. 1. Издательство 

восточной литературы, Москва (sparsul enaze). 

safa 1333: Zabihollah Safa, Hamase-sarâ’i dar Iran, èpikur TxzulebaTa Txzva 

iranSi~, Tehran (sparsul enaze). 

bundahiSni 1880: The Bundahis, Pahlavi Texts, Part I, translated by E.W. West, Oxford. 

JorJoliani 2003: l. JorJoliani, `zaaqianis“ sparsuli da qarTuli versiebi, 


xelnaweri P-462: xelnawerTa erovnuli centris xelnaweri P-462. 

mefeTa wignis qarTuli versiebi: mefeTa wignis qarTuli versiebi, sam tomad, 

t. I-1916, t. II-1934, t. III 1974, Tbilisi. 

kobiZe 1959: d. kobiZe, Sah-names qarTuli versiebis sparsuli wyaroebi, Tbilisi. 

omidsalari 1362: Mahmud Omidsalar, Zohhak pesar-e Mardas ya Zohhak-e adam khar 

(`zohaqi vaJi mardasisa Tu kaciWamia zohaqi~ ) “Iran Name~, sal-e dovvom, Tehran 

(sparsul enaze). 

xaleyi moTlayi 1373: Jalal Khaleghi Motlagh, Mardas va Zohhak (`mardasi da 

zohaqi~) “Iranshenasi”, sal-e chaharom, Tehran (sparsul enaze). 

avesta 1960: Le Zend – Avesta, traduction nouvele avec commentaire historique et 

philologique, II, Yasht 5 da Yasht 15, 19-21, Paris. 

moxTariani 1387: Bahar Mokhtarian, Mardas nikmard-e adamkhar (`mardasi 

keTilSobili kaciWamia ?~), “Name-ye Farhangestan”, Tehran (sparsul enaze). 

roTi 1848: R. Roth, Die Sage von Feridun in Indien und Iran, ZDMG, II, Leipzig. 

Lili Zhorzholiani 

214 

On the Name of Zahak’s Father 

Summary 

The name of the legendary king – father of Zahak – in Firdausi’s “Shahnameh” is Mardas, 

which is not mentioned in Avesta and numerous old legends of the Pahlavian works. Only 

“Bundahishn”, the old Pahlavian monument, written in the Islamic period ( IX century) 

presents his name – in the form of Khrutasp. 

The majority of historians of the Islamic period mention two names of Zahak’s father, i.e. 

according to Persians Avrvandasb (Tabari), Andarmasb (Sa’alibi), Avrandasb (Biruni),

which phonetically differ a little from Arvandasb, the form of this name given in “Mojmal 

At-Tavarikh” by the anonymous author. Arabs call this person – Ilvan, according to 

Dinavari, Tabari, Biruni and Sa’alibi. 

In “Pridoniani” from the Georgian versions of “Shahnameh”, the work of XV-XVIII 

centuries, the name of Zahak’s father is Mardas//Mardi, in the prosaic text of “Utrutian- 

Saamiani” it is Muradav (variants: Muradava, Murad, Murdav, Murad), in the verse text of 

“Utrutian-Saamiani” – Murdav, in “Zaakiani” – Mukhvard. In the oldest Georgian prosaic 

version he is called Rizvan, and in the Persian prosaic version probably close to the original 

“Shahnameh” (manuscript P-462 of the Georgian National Centre of Manuscripts) his name 

is Pur. 

Till the late period no proper attention was concentrated on the name of Zahak’s father, 

despite its non-uniformity, neither any interest was expressed towards the etymology of 

Mardas of “Shahnameh”. 

In 1983, the Iranian scholar Mahmud Omidsalar put the question: “Zahak – son of Mardas, 

or cannibal Zahak?” M. Omidsalar considers Mardas an epithet of Zahak (of Azhi Dahak) 

and thinks that it comes from the Avestian form of this epithet “mareta-asa” – “cannibal” – 

in his opinion, “mareta” means “man, human being”, and “as” is an Avestian equivalent of 

the same “khorda” – the verb “to eat”. 

M. Omidsalar’s consideration is shared in the article “Mardas or Zahak”, published also by 

the Iranian scholar Jalal Khaleghi Motlagh in 1994. 

In the work “Mardas – Cannibal, Noble Man!” published in 2008 in the collection of works 

“Name-ye Farhangestan”, Bahar Mokhtarian, in his comparative analysis of the legends of 

Mardas in “Shahnameh”, Azhi Dahak in “Avesta”, Vishvarupa and Ahi Vrtras in “Vedas” 

finds many common parallels (piety, cannibalism) between Azhi Dahak and Vishvarupa. 

The scholar concludes that in common legends of the period of separation of Arian tribes 

(Iranians, Indians) and later, during the religious reforms conducted by Zardosht, while 

suiting them to the new religion, changes were introduced in the names, epithets and 

activities of the personages of these legends. This process lasted long and was reflected in 

“Shahnameh” as well. Mardas, the name of Zahak’s father in “Shahnameh”, as in the 

meaning of both “cannibalism” and “piety” is a very old epithet of Zahak himself, in the 

establishment of which the verbal influence should also be taken into account. 

215

maia saxokia 

216 


Zveli sparsulis formebi da funqciebi: 

diaqroniul-tipologiuri mimoxilva 

Zveli sparsulis garkveuli formebi-funqciebi, rogorc wamyvani 

morfosintaqsuri konebis mniSvnelovani komponentebi, _ ganixileba aq sakuTriv 

Cveni da sxvadasxva Tanamedrove morfosintaqsuri debulebebis 

gaTvaliswinebiT (ix. saxokia, 1085, 1998, 2004, 2007a, iq warmodgenili 

bibliografiiT; aJeJi 1978, benvenisti 1966/1974, biuringi 1995, bosongi 

1999, keenani 1976, 1987; kempfi 1973, kendiuSenko 1984, kozinski 

1983, lemani 1976a, 1976b; li, tompsoni 1976/1982, malinsoni, bleiki 

1982, martine 1973, 1985; nikolsi 1975, 1984; parametri 1986, pragmantaqsi 

1986, sabolci 1986, serba 1981, sova 1969, sovaJo 1974, ssI 

1979, ssII 1981, scm 1977, filmori 1968, 1970; foli, valeni 1984, 

Saxteri 1982, Slezingeri 1979, Comski 1957/1962, 1965; ws 1985 da 

sxva), agreTve gansaxilvel sakiTxebSi wamyvani ZiriTadi literaturis 

gaTvaliswinebiT komparativistikaSi, indoevropeistikasa da iranologia- 

Si, sakuTriv iranul enaTmecnierebaSi (brandenStaini, mairhoferi 1964, 

gamyreliZe, ivanovi 1981a, 1984b, 1984 II; gonda 1957/1975, 1959/1975, 

1975a, 1975b; desnickaia 1981, 1983; edelmani 1974, kenti 1956, kompendiumi 

1989, lazari 1963, meie 1931, odri 1968, 1970, 1980; oranskaia 

1986, sokolovi 1979, sims-viliamsi 1981, singhi 1986, stepanovi, 1989, 

timberleiki 1982, foi 1901, Servo 1983, Sildzi 1982a, Sildzi 1982b, 

Sildzi 1986, Sildzi 1987, SvarcSildi 1984, Strunki 1968, Smalstigi 

1980, 1981, 1982a, 1982b, 1989; Smeia 1986, Smidi 1964, Smitti 1978, 

1967, 1981, 1980; hani 1969, hale 1987, 1988). 1 gamovyoT simpTomaturi 

rgolebi da maTi mTavari komponentebi. Zveli sparsuli masala relevanturia 

sparsuli enis diaqroniis, indoevropuli (ie) komparativistikisa 

da tipologiuri universaliebis TvalsazrisiT. forma-funqciaTa sakodifikaciod 

xSirad gadamwyvetia pirveladi monacemebis gaTvaliswineba, 

romlebic aRdgenilia rekonstruqciis Sedegad, radgan Zveli sparsuli 

saerTo protoindoevropuli (*pie) donis memkvidre enaTa ricxvs ganekuTvneba 

da Seicavs *pie aqtantur-sirkonstantur forma-funqciaTa suraTis 

amsaxvel refleqsebs (Sdr.: gamyreliZe, ivanovi 1981, 198a; Smalstigi 

1980, 1981, 1982, 1989; martine 1986, stepanovi 1989 da sxva). 

masalidan naTlad Cans, rom Zvel sparsulSi forma-funqciaTa kodifikacia 

farTod ukavSirdeba sityvaTa rigs, anu esa Tu is funqciuri 

1 sruli da vrceli bibliografia sakiTxTa farTo foniT ix.: saxokia, 1985, 1998, 

2004, 2007-Si.

semantika gansazRvravs morfosintaqsemaSi komponentis adgils. mxedvelobaSi 

misaRebia morfologiuri faqtoric; zogjer argumentad gvevlineba 

agreTve leqsikuri semantika (mag.: predikatuli birTvisa da misi referentebis 

urTierTobis garkvevisas an zedapiruli struqturis arCevisas). 

am argumentebis zemoqmedeba ikveTeba pirdapiri da iribi morfologiuri 

formebis aranJirebisas. masala adasturebs, rom pirdapir brunviT 

formad unda miviRoT zogadad mxolod nominativi an absolutivi, yvela 

danarCeni brunva iribi brunvebia. maT Soris, indoevropuli akuzativic, 

swored irib brunvaTa korpuss ganekuTvneba da ara pirdapir brunvebs. 

arsebobs garkveuli lingvisturi tradicia ie akuzativis anu braldebi- 

Ti brunvis pirdapirad moxseniebisa, radgan igi xSirad sintaqsurad pirdapiri 

damatebis/obieqtis gamomxatvelia, rac sinamdvileSi ufro gviani 

da meoreuli movlenaa (ix. desnickaia 1981, 1983; gamyreliZe, ivanovi 

1981, 1984a, 1984b:285-288, gonda 1957/1975:44-62, 1959/1975:72-81, 

1975a:63-71, 1975b:34-43; meie 1931, odri 1968, krisko 1984, 1988, 1990, 

1994 da sxva; amis Sesaxeb dawvr.: saxokia, 1985:13, 3-42, 141-162). pirdapir 

brunvaTa rigis lingvisturi arsi aris dasaxeleba, nominacia anu e. 

benvenistiseuli sagani (objet), romelic pirobiTad upirispirdeba process 

(proces) (benvenisti, 1950, 1966/1974). xolo iribi brunvebis rangi 

(Tu maTi sakompensacio saSualebebi, _ siRrmiseuli iribi brunvebi aRweriTi 

zedapiruli struqturiT) gamoxatavs nebismier SesaZlo mimarTebebs 

nominaciis rigis saganTa an movlenaTa Soris drosa da sivrceSi. 

Cemi daskvniT, aseTia urTierTmimarTeba morfosintaqssa da samyaros suraTis 

logikas Soris. 

irkveva, rom mraval enaSi, maT Soris, indoevropul da qarTul (qar- 

Tvelur) enebSi, am SemTxvevaSi ki, _ kerZod Zvel sparsulSi, ZiriTadad, 

yvela iribi brunva an misi Sesabamisi sxva forma, Seenacvleba erTurTs 

sxvadasxva funqciaTa mixedviT. ufro metic: urTierTcvalebadia zogjer 

iribi da pirdapiri brunviTi funqciebic, e.i. ori rangi brunviTi formebisa 

funqciebis mixedviT zogjer urTierTmonacvlea (ix. saxokia 

1985:182-183, 163-169, 185-186; saxokia 1984). 

amgvari indoevropuli uzusis saerTo suraTi Zalian kargad Cans swored 

Zveli sparsulis magaliTze. es memkvidre ena TvalnaTliv axdens *pie 

difuzuri mravalfunqciuri brunvis ilustrirebas, romelic Semdgom 

iwodeba sirkonstantul akuzativad (gamyreliZe, ivanovi 1984b:285-288). 

am did tipologiur sakiTxze ukve adreul naSromSi mqonda laparaki. 

iq Tqmuli vrceldeba Zveli sparsulis faqtebzec. zogierTi enobrivi 

sibrtye, magaliTad, tranzitoruli xasiaTis mqone morfosintaqsuri 

sistema, iZleva karg SesaZleblobas mravalferovani morfosintaqsuri 

faqtis dafiqsirebisa. aseTi diaqroniuli enobrivi done warmoadgens er- 

Tgvar poligons tipologiuri meqanizmebis gamosavlenad. aseT sinqronul 

masalas gvawvdis Zveli sparsulis warwerebis enobrivi done. aq ikveTeba 

ori ZiriTadi rgoli: 

217

1. erTi da igive morfologiuri forma asrulebs mraval sxvadasxva 

rangis sintaqsur-semantikur funqcias; 

2. imavdroulad sxvadasxva formebsac aerTianebs erTi saerTo sintaqsur-semantikuri 

funqcia. 

jamSi, sinqronul doneze adgili aqvs farTo polifunqciurobis, 

sinkretizmis movlenas da polimorfizmis anu morfosintaqsuri sinonimiis 

movlenas. 

Zveli sparsulis enobrivi sistemis tranzitoruloba, _ fleqsiis 

rRveva da analitizmis ganviTarebis dasawyisi, _ mxolod nawilobriv axsnis 

am morfosintaqsuri maxasiaTeblebis sakmaod maRal xarisxs. farTo 

tipologiuri TvalTaxedva gviCvenebs, rom mxolod amgvari axsna iqneboda 

arasruli, radgan sinamdvileSi polisemia da polimorfizmi met-naklebad 

bevr sxva enasac axasiaTebs, iqneba es diaqronia Tu sinqronia. magaliTisTvis, 

aq sakmarisia tipologiurad SevadaroT indoevropuli akuzativisa 

da qarTveluri dativis statusebi. msgavsi diaqroniul-tipologiuri 

ie//(q)qv erTobebis dadgenis Sedegad adreve gamovyaviT e. w. saerTo 

brunvebis seriebi. am brunvaTa dasaxelebebi Seesabameba ara morfologiur 

formas, aramed mocemul formaTa erTobliobis yvelaze ganzogadoebul, 

wamyvan, sintaqsur semantikas. amdenad, saerTo brunvebi warmoadgenen 

faqtobrivad siRrmiseul semantikur brunvebs, gamovlenils konkretuli 

gamokvleuli masalis safuZvelze. saerTo brunvebi invariantebia, 

xolo semantikur-sintaqsuri niSniT gaerTianebuli formebis jgufi, 

_ variantebi. invariantis realizacia ie//qv diaqroniul-tipologiuri 

diapazoniT xorcieldeba specialur tabulaze aRbeWdili variantebis saxiT 

(ix. saxokia 1984, saxokia 1985:3-42, 157-162, tab. 9, 11). 

erTi saerTo funqciiT gaerTianebuli elementebi tabulebze grafikuli 

sxivebis meSveobiT `gamosxivdebian~ semantikur-siRrmiseuli invariantidan. 

magaliTad, gvaqvs zogadi dativi (mimarTuleba, adresati), zogadi 

lokativi (adgilmdebareobis sxvadasxva formebi), zogadi agensi an 

subieqti da a.S. Teoriulad aseTi midgoma Cveni faqtebisadmi exmaureba 

araerT cnobil zogad Tu specialur debulebas da sistemebs brunvebis 

garSemo (Comski 1968, filmori 1970; Sdr. kempfi 1973). aq saintereso 

isaa, rom Zveli sparsulis monacemebi moicaven Cveni zogadi grafikuli 

sqemis yvela ZiriTad punqts da Seicaven induriranuli enebisTvis, da 

srulad indoevropuli uzusisTvis damaxasiaTebel simpTomatur sakvalifikacio-sakodifikacio 

morfosintaqsur niSnebs (Sdr. gonda 1975, oranskaia 

1986, Smalstigi 1980, 1982 da sxva). viRebT `funqciaTa ganfenis~ 

farTo suraTs. am funqciaTa matarebeli komponentebisagan Semdgari konebi 

moZraoben sinqroniul-diaqroniul sibrtyeebze da periodulad icvlian 

calkeul Semadgenel komponentebs, _ formebs an maT funqciebs. am 

cvalebadobaSi ase Tu ise did rols asrulebs ori morfosintaqsuri 

218

tipis urTierTqmedeba: I (semantikuri) da II (gramatikuli). ukanaskneli 

orgvarad realizdeba: 1) axali semantikuri funqcia emateba Zvels, an 

mTlianad enacvleba mas Zvel formaSi. 2) axali semantika Tu funqcia 

moiTxovs axal formas. zogjer erT konaSi sinqroniuladac ki forma-funqciaTa 

mTeli speqtri gvevlineba, magram amaTSi yovelTvis SeiZleba 

gamovyoT ZiriTadi pragmatuli maxasiaTebeli da wamyvani morfosintaqsuri 

funqcia. aseTi mravalferovani speqtri gvaqvs, magaliTad, ergativizebuli 

konebis bevr sxvadasxva zedapirul struqturaSi indoevropul da 

qarTvelur enebSi (saxokia 1985, 1998). formalur konaTa kodifikacia-dasaxeleba 

ganisazRvreba swored wamyvani forma-funqciebiT. 

amgvarad sparsulis diaqroniul WrilSic viRebT poligenetur formalur 

komponentebs, morfosintaqsemebs da maTi moZraobis sakmaod universalur 

meqanizmebs, tipologiuri paralelebiT indoevropuli da qar- 

Tuli (qarTveluri) diapazoniT. enaTa wamyvan sinqroniul suraTs Ziri- 

Tadad ganasxvavebs mxolod morfosintaqsur elementTa erTobliobis 

kombinaciebi anu konaTa kombinatorika, rasac enobriv saSualebaTa er- 

Tobliobas vuwodebT. yovel mocemul doneze es saSualebebi, romlebic 

gamoixatebian formulebiT, unda ganvixiloT rogorc Tavisufali morfosintaqsuri 

modelebi, romlebic met-naklebi xarisxiT SeiZleba moqmedebdnen 

sxvadasxva enebis gansxvavebul mTlian sistemebSi (ix. saxokia 

1985:141-162). kontrastul maxasiaTeblebs Soris napovni saerTo maxasia- 

Tebeli (formaluri Tu finqciur-semantikuri) iZleva zogadtipologiuri 

meqanizmebis mokvlevis meSveobas. es meqanizmebi ganekuTvneba adamianuri 

enis universaluri teqnikis sferos. swored aseTi kuTxiTaa Sefasebuli 

Zveli sparsulis monacemebi: calkeuli morfosintaqsuri komponentebis 

mravalmxrivi maxasiaTeblebis dazusteba mniSvnelovania mTliani 

konebis kodifikaciisaTvis. 

Zvel sparsulSi gamosayofia konaTa komponentTa Semdegi simpTomaturi 

maxasiaTeblebi: 

1. akuzativis (Acc) funqciebi Zvel sparsulSi farTo tipologiuri 

da SedarebiT-istoriuli planis gaTvaliswinebiT. 2. ablativis (Abl) 

sintaqsuri semantika. 3. lokativis (Loc) semantika; genitiuri lokativi 

(Locativus genitivi). 4. genitivis funqciebi sazogadod da kerZod akuzativTan 

mimarTebiT. 5. datiuri semantika; nacvalsaxeluri enklitikebi, 

akuzativTan Sefardeba konteqstis sistemaSi (konteqsturi semantika). 6. 

genitivisa da dativis urTierTmimarTeba, damoukidebeli nacvalsaxeluri 

formebi da enklitikebi; genitiuri nacvalsaxelebi da datiur-akuzatiuri 

morfologiuri formebi morfosintaqsur kompleqsebSi (konebSi). 7. 

orpredikatul konstruqciaTa (opk) komponentebis sintaqsuri semantika; 

akuzativis gamoyeneba opk-Si; miznis infinitivi, obieqturi akuzativi 

(Accusativus Obiecti), akuzatiuri masdarebi, ormagi akuzativi (Sdr. indu- 

219

i masdarebi da zogadad ie ormagi akuzativi). 8. relatiuri nacvalsaxelebi 

h(a)ya, t(a)ya da maTi kavSiri sityvaTa rigTan; msazRvrel-sazRvrulis 

standartebi. 1 

yvela maxasiaTebeli ase Tu ise ukavSirdeba sityvaTa rigis faqtors. 

teqstidan gamoyofili morfosintaqsuri konebis simpTomatur komponentebze 

maTi farTo diaqroniul-tipologiuri fonis gaTvaliswinebiT nawilobriv 

ukve araerTgzis mqonda laparaki. ase, magaliTad, akuzativis 

polifunqcioba Cemi terminia (saxokia: 1984, saxokia 1985: 3-42, 141- 

162). zogierTi komponentis Sesaxeb arsebobs sxvadasxva drois sxvadasxva 

specialistTa urTierTmsgavsi debulebebic, kerZod, _ akuzativis 

garSemo (meie, kenti, odri, popovi, desnickaia 1981, 1983; popovi 1881, 

krisko 1988, 1990, 1984, 1994; Smalstigi 1982 I, 1982 II, gamyreliZe-ivanovi 

1981, 1984:285-288; Sdr. saxokia 1984, 1985:3-42, 141-162). Sedegad 

ikveTeba akuzativis qcevis sintaqsur-semantikuri xazi *pie prototipis 

CaTvliT, rac kargad aisaxeba memkvidre enebSi. es exeba Zvel sparsulsac. 

akuzativis mimarTeba sxvadasxva irib brunvebTan avlens bevri 

wamyvani funqciis damTxvevas. morfosintaqsur planSi, magaliTad, aRsaniSnavia 

transformacia iribi ibieqti (Oid)> pirdapiri obieqti (Od) 

(ix. Smalstigi 1982 I:119-134, 1982 II, 1980, 1981; Sdr. saxokia 1984, 

1985). Sesabamisad, morfosintaqsuri kona P (predikati)+Oid> P+Od. diaqroniul 

dinamikaSi, rogorc Zveli *pie morfosintaqsuri fenomeni, aisaxeba 

memkvidre enebSic. diaqronistebis mier gardamavloba ganixileba 

pirvel rigSi rogorc semantikuri (leqsikur-semantikuri an logikursemantikuri) 

kategoria ufro metad, vidre gramatikuli. mag., j. gonda 

adarebs sanskritul sintagmebs: `qalaqs wavida (laT. tipi venit Romam)~ 

da `qalaqi SeWama~. meore sintagma pirdapiri gagebiT semantikurad SeuZlebelia, 

magram indoevropul enebSi SesaZlebelia genitiviT anu iribi 

brunviT pirdapiri obieqtis gamoxatva. es partitiuli genitivi vedebSic 

ixmareba. „wylis daleva~, `somis daleva~, `somas svams~ somasya pibbti, 

somām pibati, nagaram gacchati/asyati da a.S., partitiuli genitivi an akuzativi 

(gonda 1957/1975: 44-62). Sesapirispirebelia agreTve adverbialuri 

paraleluri formebi Gen. Instr., Acc: `Rame, Rames, RamiT~ skr. naktam, 

naktasya, naktena (gonda 1957/1975: 44-62). partitiuli genitivi Genitivus 

Partitivi pirdapiri obieqtisTvis Gen,-Od, cnobilia rusulSic, xolo 

sawyisTan obieqturi naTesaobiTi Genitivus Obiectivus qarTulSic kargadaa 

warmodgenili. adverbialuri moqmedebiTi, iseve rogorc indoevropuli 

akuzativis Sesabamisi adverbialuri dativi (Dat), qarTulSic saxezea, 

1 es ukanaskneli ukavSirdeba teqstis qsovilis struqturis, danawevrebisa da stilis 

calke mdgom sakiTxebs. irkveva, rom aq Zvelsparsul warweraTa teqstebis metrisa 

da ritmis sayuradRebo problematikacaa Careuli; am warweraTa qsovilSi poetikuri 

faqtoris arsebobac ki aris SeniSnuli (andronikaSvili 1990). morfosintaqsuri 

erTeulebis gamoyofis procesSi marTlac vawydebiT stilis, metrikisa da 

ritmis faqtorTa moqmedebas. EBO 

220

xolo adverbialuri indoevropuli instrumentalisis Sesatyvisi qar- 

TulSi mis srul tipologiur adekvaturobas gviCvenebs: tipi skr. naktena, 

rus. ночью, qarT. RamiT. zemomoyvanili adverbialuri formebis Sesatyvisebi 

rusulSi kargada aris warmodgenili. rac Seexeba gardamavlobas, 

`wigns Sexeda~ Tu `wigni waikiTxa~, gansxvavdeba pirvel rigSi 

semantikurad, rac yovelTvis rodi aisaxeba formalurad nebismier enobriv 

doneze. amis kargi magaliTia qarTuli zmna `cema: scema mas~. e.w. 

pirdapiri damateba iribi damatebis formiT aRiniSneba sxvadasxva enaSi, 

_ iranul enaTagan, magaliTad, iazgulamurSi, rasac, Cemi azriT, uTuod 

kavSiri aqvs aqtantur-sirkonstantuli sxvadasxva rangebis urTierTSenacvlebasTan. 

kerZod, am urTierTqmedebaSi did rols asrulebs mimarTulebiTi 

semantika: aqtanti, Tundac uaxloesi, aRiqmeba rogorc mimarTulebis 

obieqti (sagani) da formalurad uigivdeba sirkonstantul an ufro 

Soreul aqtantur komponents. aseTia enobrivi fenomeni mTeli indoevropuli 

da qarTveluri tipologiuri diapazoniT, rac aisaxeba induriranul 

enebSic. 

Zveli induris faqtebis analizis Sedegad j. gonda askvnis, rom akuzativi 

„ufro zogadia~ semantikiT, vidre yvela sxva iribi brunva, romelic 

axdens mis dublirebas. ukanasknelni ki ZiriTadad ZiriTadi funqciebis 

specifikurobiT, specializaciiT xasiaTdeba, sagangebod semantikiT, 

rogorc sintaqsis, ise pragmatulobis sferoSi. ase, magaliTad, partitiuli 

genitivi, _ mTelis nawilia (gonda 1975 I:63-71, 1975 II: 34-43). gamodis, 

rom sxva iribi brunvebi ufro viwroa, akuzativi ki aerTianebs 

yvela iribi brunvis funqcias, rac Seesatyviseba debulebas indoevropuli 

akuzativis protoindoevropuli prototipis, pirveladi difuzuri 

brunvis Sesaxeb, saidanac ganviTarda sxvadasxva aqtant-sirkonstantebi 

(gamyreliZe, ivanovi 1981, 1984b: 285-288). es viTareba simpTomaturad 

Seesabameba Zveli sparsulis monacemebsac. 

Cemi kodifikaciiT, indoevropuli akuzativi ganekuTvneba iribi brunvebis 

rigs. v. Smalstigis mixedviT, akuzativi momdinareobs dativisgan, dativi 

ki lokativisgan (Loc). faqti is aris, rom akuzativi Seicavs yvela 

am brunvis funqciebs indoevropuli diapazoniT, rac Sesabamisad gansazRvravs 

mis farTo semantikur vels. am velSi e.w. pirdapiri damatebis/pirdapiri 

obieqtis funqciiT specializacia yvelaze gviani, axali da sazogadod 

meoreulia. sagulisxmoa aq sivrciTi sirkonstantis semantikis faqtori, 

rac Tandayolil semantikur niSans unda warmoadgendes protoakuzativisTvis. 

amosavali brunvis kvalobaze, es funqcia erTob damaxasiaTebelia 

rogorc sxvadasxva memkvidre enebis akuzativisTvis (Zv. sp., Zv, ind., 

Zv. berZn., laT., da sxva), aseve Tanamedrove cocxali enebisTvisac (rus., 

da sxva) (Sdr.: Smalstigi 1982, 1981, 1980; gamyreliZe, ivanovi 1981, 

1984a; kempfi 1973, popovi 1881, krisko 1988, 1984, 1990, 1994; desnickaia 

1981, 1983 da sxva). reziumes saxiT am muxlSi aRsaniSnavia, rom semantikurad 

Tu formalurad, ie-akuzativis garSemo ikvreba ZiriTadad Semdegi 

zogadi brunvebis wre: akuzativi, lokativi, genitivi, dativi 

221

(Acc/Loc/Gen/Dat). xolo farTo tipologiuri fonisTvis aq sakmarisia 

SevadaroT qarTveluri dativ-transformativi (Dat/ Trans). yvela am niSnis 

arseboba, rogorc araerTgzis aRminiSnavs, simpTomaturad damaxasiaTebelia 

sxvadasxva drois Tu erTdrouli damoukidebeli debulebebisTvis (ix. 

literatura). *pie difuzuri brunva, _ ie-akuzativis prototipi, emsaxureba 

predikatul leqsemasTan koordinebul yvela obieqtur leqsemas da 

agreTve, _ sirkonstantebsac. aseve iqceva mogviano akuzativi sxvadasxva 

ie-enaSi, iseve rogorc akuzativis brunviTi formis makompensirebeli sa- 

Sualebebi (rogoricaa, mag., Tandebuli – rB- axalsparsulSi). es mniSvnelovani 

debulebebi unda ikiTxebodes meore mniSvnelovan gramatikul debulebasTan 

erTad: ergatiuli konstruqcia (ek) da nominatiuri konstruqcia 

(nk) erTi siRrmiseuli gamonaTqvamis Tanabari urTierTtransformebia, 

zedapiruli struqturis modelebia (gamyreliZe, ivanovi 

1984a:308-319, 358-368, 1981; Sdr. saxokia 1985, 1998, 2004, 2007). 

Cems specialur naSromSi adreve Sepirispirebulia induriranuli 

akuzativi da qarTuli (qarTveluri) dativi da transformativi, sadac 

moxmobilia klasikuri sanskritisa da Zveli sparsulis masala. lingvisturi 

universaliebis doneze aRniSnuli brunviTi formebi-funqciebi ZiriTadad 

ekvivalenturia (saxokia 1984, Sdr. saxokia 1985:3-42, 141-162). 

indoevropuli akuzativisa da qarTuli (qarTveluri) dativis amgvari 

funqciur-tipologiuri ekvivalenturoba did gavlenas axdens sazogadod 

ergatiuli konstruqciisa da nominatiuri konstruqciis urTierTmimar- 

Tebis axlebur Sefasebaze rogorc indoevropuli, ise qarTveluri enebis 

dinamikaSi. kerZod, magaliTisTvis, ergatiulobisa da akuzatiurobis dapirispireba 

zogadtipologiurad ar aris mkveTri, aramed ufro Sereulia 

an gaxleCili (mixed, split), rasac gansakuTrebiT amyarebs da adasturebs 

Tavad indoevropuli akuzativis iribuloba warmoSobiT da misi tipologiuri 

adekvaturoba qarTvelur dativTan (dawvr. ix. saxokia 1985, 

1998). rogorc aqve dublirebulad warmodgenili tabulebidanac Canda, 

indoevropuli akuzativis mimarT gamovitane daskvnebi, romelic vrceldeba 

sakuTriv Zveli sparsulis akuzativze pirvel rigSi (saxokia 

1985:183, 185-186, tab. 9, 11). 

Zveli sparsulis akuzativi morfosintaqsur konebSi funqciobisas 

faqtobrivad ikavebs erT-erTi posesiuri brunvis erTgvari qvetipis adgils. 

am mxriv igi amJRavnebs funqciur naTesaobas dativTan da genitiv- 

Tan. akuzativi, rogorc zogadi posesiuri brunva, Zvel sparsulSi 

gvxvdeba ergativisebur (anu posesiuri gardamavlobis) konebSi da normatiulad, 

_ afeqtur konebSi (grZnoba-gunebis posesiuroba), Sesabamisad, 

_ akuzativi aris mgrZnobeli/ganmcdeli subieqtic (eqsperienceri) da 

gardamavali predikatis agensic (aqtiuri subieqti). amave dros akuzativi 

ganekuTvneba rogorc zogadi dativis, aseve zogadi lokativis sferosac. 

ukanaskneli semantikuri velebidan gansakuTrebiT cnobilia da far- 

Tod gavrcelebulia indoevropuli akuzativis mimarTulebiTi funqcia. 

yovelive es Zvel sparsulSi kargadaa warmodgenili. 

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konaTa grafikul sqemaSi akuzativi faqtobrivad or polarul aqtantur 

sferos emsaxureba: subieqtisa (S) da obieqtis (O) sferos, amasTanave, 

_ orive ZiriTadi saxis obieqtis velebSi (Od da Oid). imavdroulad, 

akuzativi emsaxureba adverbialur sirkonstantebs. xsenebuli funqciebis 

dublireba ki xdeba yvela danarCeni iribi brunvebis meSveobiT. 

amitomac, am suraTis aRsawerad, gamarTlebuli meCveneba is, rom 

j.gondam indoevropul akuzativs uwoda `bundovani~ an òrazrovani~ 

brunva (ambiguous case) (gonda 1975:63-71). 

qvemoT CamovTvliT Zveli sparsulis (zogadad indoevropulis) akuzativis 

ZiriTad funqciebs Cemi Sromebis, Cemi masalisa da sxva zogadi 

gamokvlevis safuZvelze, tipologiuri fonis gaTvaliswinebiTa da mokle 

zogadi miTiTebis principiT: 

1. e.w. saskolo gramatikebSi yvelaze tradiciuli da gavrcelebuli 

indoevropuli akuzativis funqcia, _ e.w. pirdapiri damatebis aRniSvna. 

sinamdvileSi, retrospeqtulad esaa yvelaze gviani da meoreuli (meoradi) 

funqcia. 

2. yvelaze pirveladi da imTaviTve damaxasiaTebeli, amosavali indoevropuli 

akuzativis funqcia, _ mimarTulebiTi, Seesabameba Semdeg 

sintaqsur rolebs: iribi (an zogadi) obieqti (Oid), ubralo (Soreuli, 

garegani) damateba (Oext), adgilianobis aqtantebi da sivrcobrivi sirkonstantebi 

(Adv). 

3. sufTa, mkacri iribi obieqti (Oid), arasinkretuli, arasinkretizebuli 

Oext-Tan. aseTi Oid-is saukeTeso magaliTebia konebSi, sadac 

zmnebi an mimReoburi predikatuli birTvebi garkveul leqsikur-semantikur 

wres ganekuTvnebian: laparaki, Tqma, brZaneba, micema, moZraoba, mimar- 

Tuleba, _ wasvla, gamgzavreba, gagzavna, da sxva misT. 

4. iribi subieqti, posesori (S obl, Sposs). iribi obieqti, gadaazrebuli 

realurad S obl-ad, irib subieqtad, posesorad. gadaazrebis sqemaa: 

Oid>Sobl. am aqtantebis wamyvani semantikuri rolia posesori, xolo sintaqsuri 

rolia iribi obieqti, gadaazrebuli posesorad: Oid>Sposs. es 

roli funqciobs sxvadasxva posesiur konebSi. akuzativis es funqcia 

Zvel sparsulSi ganzogadoebulia ufro farTo funqciuri semantikis 

sferoSi: es aris gramatikuli posesiurobis sfero: posesiurobis cneba 

ara oden semantikuria, aramed iZens gramatikuli, morfosintaqsuri kategoriis 

mniSvnelobas. 

5. afeqturi zmnebis iribi subieqti maTi semantikuri da gramatikuli 

mniSvnelobiT. 1 sintaqsuri aqtantis Oid>S semantikuri roli aq gani- 

1 afeqturoba, afeqturi konstruqcia, afeqturi iribi subieqti, sxvadasxva enaTa masalazec 

sxva avtorTa mier aRiarebulia ara oden semantikur (Sinaarsobriv) cnebebad, aramed 

gramatikuli kategoriis cnebebadac; anu afeqturi subieqtis, eqsperienceris cneba 

terminologiurad garkveul gramatikul formebs gulisxmobs, kerZod, _ romelime 

iribi brunvis formas, magaliTad, dativs (alekseevi 1981; edelmani 1974). am statiaSi 

afeqtivi, eqsperienceri iribsubieqturi arsis mqone akuzativia. 

223

sazRvreba rogorc eqsperienceri (grZnoba-gunebis ganmcdeli subieqti) 

Sexper; gadaazrebis sqemaa: Oid>Sexper(Sobl). amgvari indoevropuli konebi 

ganixileba Cem mier rogorc semantikuri, ise formaluri TvalsazrisiT, 

imave planSi, rac qarTveluri inversia. 1 es funqcia saboloo jamSi ganekuTvneba 

farTo gramatikuli iribi posesiurobis cnebas anu formalur 

posesiurobas. posesiuroba formalurad ganisazRvreba formaluri Sesabamisi 

garkveuli morfosintaqsuri zedapiruli struqturis komponentTa 

formebiTa da konebis kombinatorikiT: imave principiT, rogorc aRiarebul 

iqna formaluri, gramatikuli afeqturoba, vaRiarebT formalur, 

gramatikul posesiurobas, romlis cneba kidev ufro farToa, vidre 

afeqturoba, radgan ukanaskneli pirvelis erT-erTi semantikuri qvejgufia. 

6. iribi agensi, romelic afeqturobis msgavsadve, erTiandeba saerTo 

formaluri iribi posesiurobis did morfosintaqsur jgufSi, erT-erTi 

semantikuri qvejgufis saxiT. es qvejgufia ergativizebuli gardamavloba, 

_ agensuri semantika, mimReobur-predikatul morfosintaqsur aRweriT 

perfeqtul konebSi. mogviano Zvelsparsul warwerebSi (arTaqserqse 

III, A3), akuzativis agensuri funqcia ergativizebul mimReobur analizur 

(perifrastul) konebSi gamoiyofa rogorc dativisa da genitivis 

analogia (Sdat, Sgen, Sacc). predikatia (P) kartam `gakeTebuli~ (perfeqtuli 

birTvi-mimReoba), Sacc mām `me~, windebuliani, wind. „Tan/mier~ upā: 

upā mām „Cemi/Cem mier/Cem Tana/Cemgan~. (upā) mām kartam `Cemi gakeTebulia/me 

gavakeTe/me maqvs gakeTebuli/me gamikeTebia~. mām (upā) aris 

iribi ergatiuli agensi akuzativis formiT da zogadi dativis funqciiT: 

SiblAgensErg. jamurad igi Sedis saerTo-gramatikuli posesiurobis 

semantikur-gramatikul blokSi, formaluri modelebis mixedviT _ 

gramatikuli posesiurobis sferoSi. esaa zmnuri posesiuri gardamavloba, 

miRebuli posesiuri morfosintaqsuri mimarTebis gamoxatvis gziT. 

amave dros, dublirebisas, Acc//Gen,Dat-s funqciebSi, SeiniSneba semantikuri 

aranJirebis faqtoric: saqme isaa, rom Sacc sazogadod regularulad 

da normatiulad gamoiyeneba afeqturi subieqtis funqciiT, xolo 

Sdat//Sgen regularulad da normatiulad gamoiyeneba ergatiuli iribi 

agensis funqciiT. afeqturi akuzativi, _ Zveli sparsulis erT-erTi 

normaa, xolo dativi da genitivi, _ ergatiuli iribi subieqturi agensis 

wamyvani norma. aseT viTarebaSi, agensuri akuzativis CarTvas ergativizebuli 

gardamavlobis sistemaSi swored rom amyarebs afeqturi akuzativis 

normatiuloba (tipi mām kāma (āha) `me msurda/survili mqonda~), 

miT ufro, rom orive semantikuri qvejgufi sagnobrivi mqoneblobis 

1 indoevropuli iribsubieqturi konstruqciebisa da qarTveluri e.w. inversiis zogadtipologiur 

identurobaze sxva avtorebic saubroben, rac gvimyarebs poziciebs 

(ix., mag.: kortava 1982; Sdr.: kozinski 1983, zolotova, 1988: 104-116, timberleiki 

1982, nikolsi 1975, 1984; kendiuSenko 1984 da sxva.) 

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(qona-yola), semantikur jgufTan erTad, ganekuTvneba formalurad gramatikuli 

posesiurobis did saerTo jgufs. agensuri akuzativi afeqtur 

da posesiur (qona-yolis) akuzativTan erTad erT konteqstSi unda ikiTxebodes 

da ganixilebodes imisTvis, rom moxdes misi adekvaturi kodifikacia. 

7. Soreuli obieqti, adgilianobis damateba, garegani aqtanti Oext; 

azrobrivad meore damateba/obieqti, ormagi akuzativis, miznis infinitivebis, 

obieqturi infinitivebis konebSi. es cnobili ie-uzusi Zvel sparsulSic 

kargadaa warmodgenili. gansakuTrebiT gamokveTilia damatebiTi 

anu meore obieqtis variantebi, romelsac vxvdebiT rTul zmnebSi da 

frazeologiur idiomebSi. esaa tipi hamaranam čartanaiy/hamaranam 

kartam, maθištam/xšāyaθiyam akunauš `brZolis warmoeba, meTaurad/mefed 

gaxdena~, aseve „cxenze Sesma, dawera, kargad moqceva, sakadrisad mizRva 

da sxva~. 1 

8. me-7 punqtSi mocemuli funqciidan gamomdinare, monawileoba miznis 

infinitivSi an obieqtur infinitivSi: iwarmoeba tipi paraita hamaranam 

zartanaiy „sabrZolvelad wasvla~ da misT. 

9. adverbialuri funqciebi. sxvadasxva garemoebebi, sirkonstantebi: 

adgilis, drois, adgilmdebareobis, mimarTulebis, distanciis, droiTi 

da sivrciTi cnebebi. droisa da sivrcis gamoxatvis mravali varianti. 

sinamdvileSi, esaa sawyisi da yvelaze mniSvnelovani, genetikurad amosavali 

da yvelaze qmediTi funqcia ie-akuzativisa. 

akuzativis ukve CamoTvlil funqciaTagan naTelia iribobieqtur, damatebiT 

da sirkonstantul funqciaTa siWarbe, iribaqtanturi wamyvani 

buneba-xasiaTi. amave dros, fenomenologiuria akuzativisTvis gramatikuli 

posesiurobis rigis sami ZiriTadi sintaqsur-semantikuri funqcia: 

posesori, eqsperienceri, ergatiuli agensi. es faqtebi TavisTavad iribi 

obieqtis gadaazrebis variantebad gvesaxeba. yovel da yvela SemTxvevaSi, 

yvela es subieqtic iribia. dasaxelebuli ZiriTadi sami rgolis garda, 

SesaZlebelia maT Soris gardamavali sxvadasxva leqsikuri da morfologiuri 

komponentebisgan Semdgari konaTa Sreebis gamoyofac, rasac paralelebi 

gaaCnia indoevropuli masStabiT. Sedegad ikveTeba akuzativis damaxasiaTebel 

funqciaTa Semdegi rangobrivi mwkrivebi, romelic aisaxeba 

aqtantTa grafikul velze (ix. tabula 1). 

aqtantebi da sirkonstantebi, siaxlove-siSoris mixedviT, sintaqsuri 

da semantikuri rolebis gaTvaliswinebiT dalagebulia sqemaSi. mimarTulebiT 

centridan, predikatuli birTvidan (P), ikveTeba Semdegi mwyobri 

ormxrivi mwkrivi ori ZiriTadi sferos mimarTulebiT: S da O sferoebi 

(ix. agr. tab. 1): 

…-

dominirebs e.w. specializebul akuzatiur funqciaze anu pirdapirdamatebiT 

mogviano funqciaze (Od). 

10. atributul-garemoebiTi funqcia, romelic aRiniSneba Zveli-ie 

diapazoniT. 1 am funqciaTagan umravlesi met-naklebi xarisxiT dublirebulia 

sinqroniulad da paralelurad sxva iribi brunvebiT: Dat., Instr., 

Abl., Gen., zogjer Loc.-iT, agreTve, _ genitiuri lokativiT//lokatiuri 

genitiviT (Gen/ Loc). Zvel sparsulSi am mxriv bevri saintereso momenti 

SeiniSneba, rogorc qvemoT moyvanili nimuSebidanac gamoCndeba (ix. qvemoT 

saerTo nimuSebis jgufebi). 

11. saxeldebis apozicia, danarTi. aq igulisxmeba gankerZoebul sityvaTa 

jgufebis pasaJebic da brunvadakarguli, ubrunveli elementi (sityva, 

leqsema, leqsikuri birTvi) „saxeli, saxelad~ nāma. 2 

akuzativis polifunqciobis mravalferovani suraTi zogadad vrceldeba 

met-naklebad mTels ie-diapazonze, magram aq xazgasasmelia, rom 

swored Zvel sparsulSi es suraTi koncentrirebuladaa warmodgenili. 

amgvarad, Zvel sparsulSi akuzativi unda vcnoT zogadi semantikis morfosintaqsur 

elementad, romelic gamoxatavs TiTqmis yovelgvar sintaqsur 

urTierTobebs P – predikatul birTvTan anu asrulebs mravalgvar 

sintaqsur-semantikur rolebs. Tavis droze, roca me gamovavline Zveli 

sparsulis akuzativis adgili sxvadasxva posesiur konebSi, sadac igi 

Sdat-is fard funqciebs asrulebs, Sevitane akuzativi dativis wris konebSi 

(Dat/Acc). Cemi Semdgomi klasifikaciiT yvela es morfosintaqsuri 

kona ganekuTvneba gramatikuli posesiurobis konaTa did kompleqss, 

bloks, da am blokSi akuzativi dativis morfosintaqsuri formaluri, 

struqturuli da semantikuri ekvivalentia urTierTanalogiur modeleb- 

Si: qonebrioba, afeqturoba, gardamavloba-ergatiuloba da sxva. 

amdenad, sxvadasxva funqciebSi gvaqvs sxva iribi brunvebis dublireba, 

magram mimarTulebiTi funqcia Zvel sparsulSi mTlianad ekisreba 

akuzativs. esaa akuzativis yvelaze Zveli da simpTomaturi funqcia indoevropuli 

enebis diapazoniT. Zvel sparsulSi mimarTulebiTi akuzativi 

realizebulia iseT konebSi, sadac predikatuli birTvebi (P) garkveuli 

semantikuri wris leqsemebia: moZraoba, gamgzavreba, wasvla, miRweva, 

mosvla, miaxloveba, gagzavna (gamgzavreba) da sxva misT. akuzativi umetesad 

aseT konebSi xazgasmulad ikavebs bolokidur pozicias. es aris, rogorc 

Cans, mimarTulebiTi akuzativis logikuri, pragmatuli, sakomunikacio 

gamoyofa. amgvarad, forma-funqciaTa kodifikacia sainteresod da 

uwyvetad ukavSirdeba sityvaTa rigis sakiTxs. 

mimarTulebiTi akuzativi gasarCevia wminda iribi obieqtis funqciis 

Semcveli akuzativisgan, radgan iribobieqturi akuzativi zogjer nawilobriv 

Seicavs mimarTulebiT funqciasac. amitom, konteqstis mixedviT, 

ganirCeva sufTa aqtanturi iribi obieqti (OidAcc) da sinkretuli sir- 

1 dawvr. amaze desnickaia 1981, 1983; popovi 1881 da sxva. 

2 amaze dawvr.: meie 1931, foi 1901, hani 1969, saxokia 1981, 1985: 73-93. 

226

konstantuli semantikis Semcveli adverbialuri akuzativi (O/AdvAcc). 

calke sakiTxia windebuliani akuzativis formebi: windebuliani akuzativi 

metyvelebs deklinaciuri ganaxlebis cnobil ciklur simpTomebze _ 

brunvaTa mniSvnelobis dazustebasa da renovaciaze. es windebulebia abiy, 

upariy, patiš, patiy, para. posesiuri blokis struqturebSi gvaqvs wind. upā 

da hadā (Tanaobis semantika, gadaazrebuli mflobelobis an agensur 

semantikaSi). 

sagulisxmoa agreTve birTvul aqtantTa formebis koordinirebis dazusteba 

garkveul predikatul-birTvul elementebTan ukanasknelTa 

leqsikuri semantikis gaTvaliswinebiT. iseTi zmnebi, rogoricaa pat, jad, 

yad, man, „mfarveloba~, `Txovna~, „Tayvaniscema~, „darCena, mocda (visime/ 

risime)~, yuradRebas iqceven am TvalsazrisiT. CamoTvlil leqsemur bir- 

TvebTan iribi obieqti gamoixateba akuzativiT (OidAcc), romelic konteqsturad 

avlens Oid/ Od-s Soris arsebul semantikur zRvars, _ arsebiTad 

imyofeba am zRvarze. mag.: aita yānam jadiyāmiy Auramazdam (Dpd21), 

adam Auramazdam ayadaiy (Xph40-44) „am wyalobas vTxov ahuramazdas 

(ak.)~, „me ahuramazdas (ak.) Sevevedre~. sainteresoa zmna vart „Setrialeba, 

Sebruneba, piris miqceva~, romelic marTavs irib obieqts (Oid) ara 

akuzativSi, aramed genitivSi (OidGen): Auramazdāha ragam vartaiyaiy 

(DBIV44) „mswrafl zeSevaqcev pirsas Cemsas ahuramazdas: Sevtrialdebi 

ahuramazdasken~. 1 rTulzmnuri leqsema „ajanyeba, aRdgoma~ yuradRebas 

iqcevs Acc/Dat/Abl-is ekvivalenturi urTierTSenacvlebiT. mag.: Sdr.: 

hamiçiya abava mām/maiy/hacamā: hauvmaiy/hacamā hamiçiya abava (DBII26, 

DBIII79), „me amijanyda/ganmidga, ajanyda Cemgan/Cem winaaRmdeg/Cem mimarT~, 

avam kāra avaharda (DBII94) „mas xalxi aujanyda~. zmnuri leqsemebi 

„wasvla, gamgzavreba, gamarTva (gaemarTa)~ marTaven rogorc uwindebulo, 

ise windebulian akuzativs. Sdr.: mām/abiy mām, abiy avam, patiy avam, 

upariy, tara, para.. da a.S. „me, mas..~. 

konaTa elementebis kombinatorikisa da urTierTkoordinaciis TvalsazrisiT 

Zalian sainteresoa rTuli zmnebis sakiTxi Zvel sparsulSi. 

rTuli zmnebi Zvel sparsulSi sagangebod iqna Seswavlili (saxokia 

1972, 1979, 1985: 93-97, 2010a). axalsparsulis es erT-erTi wamyvani 

morfosintaqsuri bloki, ukve sakmaod kargad Camoyalibebuli saSualo 

sparsulSi, sinamdvileSi savsebiT warmoCenilia da warmosaCenia Zvel 

sparsulSic. morfosintaqsemebSi da zmnur sistemaSi am bloks mniSvnelovani 

adgili ukavia. yuradRebas iqcevs am morfosintaqsemebis Sinagani 

aqtantebis gaformeba da maTi sintaqsuri rolebis kvalifikacia. mag.: 

„mefed gaxdena (sityv. gakeTeba)~, Seicavs akuzatiur aqtants, romelsac 

arsebiTad garemoebiT-damatebiTi tranzitoruli funqcia akisria (daaxl. 

qarTuli transformativis semantika), igulisxmeba tipi xsāyaθiyam 

akunauš _ „mefed gaxada/dasva (sityv. gaakeTa)~. Sdr. agreTve rTuli 

1 

Zvelsparsul warweraTa Targmanebi ix.: andronikaSvili 1990; saxokia 1983, 1990, 

1988, 2007. 2009 I, 2009 II, 2010 I, 2010 II, 2010 III, 2011 I, 2011 II. 

227

zmnebi da paronomaziebic: „aqlemebze Sesma, meTaurad daniSvna, kargad dasaCuqreba, 

samarTlianad dasja, Zelze dasma~ matistam akunavam, uzmayapatiy 

akunavam, hubartam abara, hufrastam aparsam da sxva (ix. rTul zmnaTa 

tabula: saxokia 1979, 1985: tab. 5, 173). aseT konebSi pirdapirdamatebiT 

akuzativTan erTad gveqneba cnobili indoevropuli ormagi akuzativi. 

mravalferovania akuzativis dublireba sxva iribi brunvebiT, rogoricaa 

instrumentalisi da ablativi (Instr., Abl.,). sakmaod mravalmxrivia 

TviT am irib brunvaTa urTierTSenacvlebac funqciebis mixedviT. aseTia 

genitiuri lokativi, droisa da sivrcis gamomxatveli sxvadasxva garemoebiTi 

mniSvnelobebi da sxva. 

morfosintaqsur elementTa da niSanTa sistematizaciisas aq pirvel 

rigSi mainteresebs saerTo-indoevropuli komparativistuli an tipologiuri 

ie/qv maxasiaTeblebi, magram aRsaniSnavia sakuTriv Zvelsparsuli 

specifikuri calkeuli formebi-funqciebic. magaliTad, Zv. sp. drois garemobiTi 

instrumentalisi (AdvT Instr.) gamoiyeneba aqemenidur warwereb- 

Si specifikur da konkretul konteqstebSi: esaa kalendaruli miTiTeba, 

Tveebis dasaxeleba, Tveebis „gasuli dReebis~ dasaxeleba. mag.: …mahyā… 

raucabiš θakata āha (DBI96-II98) „[ama da am] Tvis [amdeni] dRe (instr. Instr) 

iyo gasuli (anu: ama da am Tvis ama da am dRes)~. am ganmeorebad morfosintaqsur 

konteqstSi Instr.-is gamoyeneba specifikuria da unikaluric, 

Tumca aq dasaSvebia ubralo damatebasTan garemoebis semantikuri kontaminacia, 

magram, sazogadod, indoevropul enebSi instrumentalisi drois 

garemoebaTa gamoxatvis erT-erTi normatiuli saSualebaa (instrumentalisi 

drois garemoebas qarTulSic aseve normatiulad gamoxatavs: tipi 

dRisiT, RamiT, zamTrobiT, zafxulobiT, saaTobiT, dReobiT, TveobiT, 

wlobiT da misT.). amdenad, sirkonstantTa brunviT formebs Soris instrumentalisi 

erT-erTi ie-normaa, magram ganxiluli Zvelsparsuli gamoyeneba 

mainc Taviseburia da Semoifargleba am tipis konkretuli konteqstiT: 

sityvasityviT _ „Tvis dReobiT/dReebiT iyo gasuli, roca~. 

adgilmdebareobis garemoebiTi akuzatiuri formebi metwilad windebuliania: 

parā Sūgdam, parā drāyā, „soRds iqiT, zRvis iqiT~. konteqstSi 

windebuliani akuzativi iZens msazRvrelis (Attr.) funqciasac: Sakā parā 

drāyā „zRvisiqiTa sakebi/sakebi zRvis iqiT~. 

rTuli zmnebi „mefed gaxdoma, mefed gamocxadeba, mefed darqmeva~ da 

misT., sagulisxmoa imiT, rom msazRvrelis funqciiT marTaven ara genitivs 

(Gen.), aramed lokativs (Loc.). es konteqstebic mTlianobaSi CaiTvleba 

Zvelsparsuli teqstebis erT-erT damaxasiaTebel, specifikur normatiul 

morfosintaqsur niSnad, Tumca analogiuri lokatiuri konteqstebi 

saerTod ar aris ucnobi indoevropuli enebisTvis (iseve rogorc 

tipologiurad, _ sxva enebisTvisac. mag.., qarTulisTvis). kerZod, laparakia 

lokatiur tipze: „mefe egvipteSi, mefe sparseTSi~ nacvlad genitiuri 

tipisa: „egviptis mefe, sparseTis mefe/mefe egviptisa, mefe sparse- 

Tisa~. Sdr. agr.: rus Царь в Египте, Царь Египта; Царь в Персии, Царь 

Персии. magram Zveli sparsulisTvis mefobis semantikur konteqstebSi 

228

lokatiuri tipi wamyvani normaa. magaliTebi: XŠ abava Ūvjaiy, XŠ amiy 

ahyāyā būmiyā, XŪ abava Bābirauv, XŠ amiy Ūvjaiy, XŠm akunauš ahyāyā 

būmiyā, XŠm agaubata Bābirauv (DSi 3-4, DSb 8-9, DSj, DSg, DSd, Dsy, DZb, 

DE, Dna 11-12, DNb, DBIII83, DBII17, DBII10-11, DBIV21-22, 25, 16-17, DBI- 

II) „mefe gaxda elamSi, mefe var am miwa-wyalze, mefe gaxda babilonSi, mefe 

var elamSi, mefed gaxada am miwa-wyalze/am qveyanaSi(=ama qveynisa), Tavi 

mefed gamoacxada babilonSi(=babilonis mefed)~ da sxva misT. lokativi 

am konkretul pragmatul-semantikur kontestSi misaRebia sxva bevri 

ie-enisTvis (da tipologiuri paralelis saxiT, _ qarTulisTvisac). 

magram Zvel sparsulSi es aris absoluturi norma. amasTan, es konteqsturi 

norma, iseve rogorc Zveli sparsulis bevri sxva blokuri, kompleqsuri 

norma, markirebulia sityvaTganlagebis faqtoriTac: genitivis 

semantikuri ekvivalenti, lokativi, rogorc wesi, bolokidurobs anu 

logikurad da pragmatulad xazgasmulia. am konkretul konteqstur 

morfosintaqsur elements Zvel sparsulSi vuwodeb genitiur lokativs. 

ganxiluli sakiTxebidanac ukve Cans, rom Zvelsparsul warweraTa 

teqstebis bevri ZiriTadi morfosintaqsuri norma atarebs specifikur 

konkretul-semantikur konteqstualur xasiaTs. es Zalian sainteresoa ara 

oden wminda morfosintaqsuri, gramatikuli TvalsazrisiT, aramed teqstis 

an farTo kontestis analizis TvalsazrisiTac, raSic zogadad igulisxmeba 

struqturul-semantikuri mxatvruli analizi, teqstis sintaqsi, 

testis qsovili, teqstis ritmika, _ metri da ritmi da sxva msgavsi faqtorebi. 

SesaZloa, swored rom teqstis ritmikasTan, metrTan da ritmTan 

iyos dakavSirebuli sityvaTa rigis an sityvaTganlagebis markebic, gansakuTrebiT 

zemoxsenebuli konteqsturi morfosintaqsuri normebis SemTxvevaSi. 

erTi cxadia: Zveli sparsulis masalaze morfosintaqsur movlenaTa 

detalizacia, kompleqsebis, blokebisa da calkeuli konebis 1 sistematizacia 

Zalian efeqturia logikur-semantikuri, pragmatuli konteqstualuri 

jgufebis gamoyofis TanxlebiT. aseTi sinTezuri, kompleqsuri analizisas 

vlindeba da dgindeba ara oden universaluri, ganzogadoebuli tipologiuri, 

aramed, ase vTqvaT, specifikuri morfosintaqsuri normebic, romelic 

stilistur-gramatikulad SeiZleba ukavSirdebodes mTel enobriv epoqas 

an konkretul konteqsts, Zegls Tu avtors. 

aq unda davumatoT, rom xsenebuli logikur-semantikuri konteqstebi 

Zvelsparsul warwerebSi, rogorc wesi, urTierTanalogiuria da ganmeorebadia. 

es teqstis is nakveTebia, romelic arsebiTad meordeba formulebis 

saxiT. es mikrokonteqstebi aCveneben garkveul forma-funqciaTa 

Tu niSanTa regularobas da miT avlenen konteqsturi semantikis mixedviT 

maT aranJirebas, gadanawilebas. magram imavdroulad, yvela am normatiul 

mikrokonteqstur specifikaciebs saboloo jamSi gaaCniaT komparativistuli 

paralelebi farTo indoevropuli diapazoniT. tipologiuri 

1 terminebi: kona, konebi, morfosintaqsuri konebi (cluster, clustering, пучок, пучки), iseve rogorc 

morfosintaqsema Cemia, da adrindeli: saxokia 1985, 1998., 2004, 2007 da Semdgom. 

229

paralelebis SemTxvevaSi ki vlaparakobT forma-funqciaTa konteqsturi 

aranJirebis universalur erTobebze. 

rogorc aRvniSne, Cveulebriv, Zvelsparsuli normatiuli mikrokonteqsturi 

specifikaciebi xasiaTdeba bolokiduri markirebiT. ZiriTadi, standartuli 

sityvaTganlagebis uzusi sakmaod normirebulia imisTvis, rom amgvari 

specifikuri markebi CavTvaloT simpTomaturad. postpredikatuli pozicia 

anu bolokiduroba uTuod ukavSirdeba morfosintaqsur da sintaqsur-semantikur 

specializaciebs. aqemenidur warweraTa Janrobrivi xasiaTi 

ar iZleva safuZvels, rom zemoxsenebuli specifikuri postpredikatuli inversiebi 

mivaweroT motivirebas, TumcaRa Zvelsparsul warweraTa Janrisa 

da stilis Taviseburebebi jer kidev elis Tavis srul adekvatur kvalifikacias. 

morfosintaqsisa da SesaZlo teqstologiur sakiTxTa urTierTmimarTeba 

calke Sesaswavlia. sasurvelia teqstobrivi monacemebis logikursemantikuri 

danawevrebis gaTvaliswineba. maSin mxedvelobaSi misaRebi iqneba 

teqstTa struqturis stilisa da ritmikis sakiTxebic. 

zogadad Zveli sparsulis sityvaTa rigi Sefasebulia rogorc sakmaod 

Tavisufali (sokolovi 1979:234-271, 267-271 Sdr. hale 1988:27-40, 

Smitti 1978:62-68). magram postpredikatuli postpozicia urTierTanalogiur 

mikrokonteqstebSi da formulebSi mainc inversiad unda iyos 

kodificirebuli, tendenciuri sqemis fonze. postpredikatulad bolokiduroben 

rogorc windebuliani, ise uwindebulo formebi. akuzativisTvis 

Warbobs uwindebulo varianti. bolokiduria genitiuri lokativis tipi 

„mefe am qveyanaSi/mefe ama qveynisa~. 

magram bolokiduroba konteqstur specifikaciebSi zogadad absoluturi 

ar aris. gvaqvs prepoziciac. mag., akuzativisTvis gamosayofia „miwevniTi~ 

semantikis viwro wrec, mcire konteqsturi faqtoris gaTvaliswinebiT. 

aqac ori variantia: windebuliani/uwindebulo. orive Sem- 

TxvevaSi miwevniTi akuzativi realurad ar aris markirebuli bolokidurobiT 

(Tumca Teoriulad aseTi SesaZlebloba ar gamoiricxeba). mag.: 

yātā aθagam būmiyā avarasam (DSf24), yaθā Mādam parārasa (DBII22) „vidre 

kldes/qvas miwaSi mivaRwie~, „sanam mideTs miaRwia~. 

amdenad, akuzativi gamoxatavs yovelgvar droiT da sivrciT, sxvadasxva 

lokatiur semantikas, romelic umetesad markirebulia bolokiduri, 

postpredikatuli poziciiT. mag.: uta nāva āyatā, hačā Mudrāyā, tara imam 

yaviyām abiy Pārsam (DZc11-12) „da gemebi wamovidnen egviptidan, am arxis 

gziT sparseTamde/ sparseTSi~. 

instrumentalisis funqciuri specifikaciebic xSirad markirebulia 

postpoziciiT, postpredikatulobiT. gamoiyofa kalendaruli aRniSvnis 

Instr-formulebi. gamosayofia agreTve Tanaobis hadb-windebuliani jgufebi. 

rogorc iTqva, bolokidurobiT xasiaTdeba lokativic (genitiuri 

lokativi) 1 „mefobis~ pragmatul-semantikur jgufSi. mag.: adam xšāyaθiya 

amiy Ūvjaiy, Asagartaiy, Margauv; hauv XŠ abava Mādaiy; XŠ ahyāyā Būmiyā; 

1 

genitiuri lokativi ganvasxvaoT lokatiuri genitivisgan: ukanasknelis nimuSia 

rus. у нас, у лукоморья „CvenTan, zRvasTan” da misT. (ix. zolotova 1988:104-116). 

230

XŠ amiy Bābirauv, Pārsaiy..(DBII10-11,DBII-III-IV-; III83,DSf14-15,Xph9- 

11,DBIV16-25) „me mefe var elamSi/asagartaSi/marguSi; is mefe gaxda 

mideTSi; mefe am miwa-wyalze/qveyanaSi; mefe var babilonSi/sparseTSi 

(=elamisa/asagartisa/margusi/ parsasi/mideTis/babilonis/am miwa-wylis/ama 

qveynisa..)~ da a.S. 

birTvuli konebis morfosintaqsur postpredikatul komponentebs 

Zvel sparsulSi ukavSirdeba agreTve mimyoli postpredikatuli pasaJebi, 

mimyoli frazemebi, danarTebi, apoziciebi, apoziciuri mimyoli sityvebi, 

romelic metwilad Seicavs damatebiT cnobebs, ganmartebiT informacias 

ZiriTadi komponentebis Sesaxeb. es apoziciuri pasaJebi, danarTebi Tavis 

mxriv xSirad gviCveneben urTierTdakavSirebuli pasaJuri segmentebis 

sakmaod rTul arqiteqtonikas. Sedegad gvaqvs metrikulad sakmaod grZeli, 

mravalsarTuliani, mravalrgoliani pasaJuri monakveTebi, romelic 

wakiTxvisas intonaciurad erTgvar cezurul dayofasac iTxovs. amgvari 

monakveTebi Zvelsparsuli teqstebis struqturaSi sakmaod regularul 

da kanonzomier xasiaTs atareben: meordeba ritmul-metruli agebulebis 

mixedviT garkveuli analogiuri pasaJebi, analogiuri morfosintaqsuri 

konteqstebiTa da logikur-leqsikur-semantikuri pragmatuli segmentebiT. 

metrisa da ritmis morfosintaqsur sakiTxebTan damokidebulebis 

rkvevis TvalsazrisiT Zveli sparsulisTvis aq paralelia gasavlebi 

axalsparsuli uZvelesi Zeglebis teqstebis kvlevasTan. kerZod, J. lazaris 

mier postpredikatuli (inversiuli) wevrebi mimyoli sityvebiTurT 

ganixileba metrisa da ritmis faqtorTan mimarTebaSi: aseTi inversiuli 

axalsparsuli wevrebis mwkrivebis sigrZe axsnilia swored teqstis metruli 

struqturis ganmsazRvreli faqtoriT (lazari 1963). aqve dav- 

ZenT, rom saqme exeba saSualo sparsulTan morfosintaqsurad metad axlomdgom 

klasikur sparsul periods. Cemi azriT, es lazariseuli Zalian 

sayuradRebo mosazreba gasavrcelebelia rogorc Zveli sparsulis, 

ise saSualo sparsulis monacemebzec. inversiuli Zvelsparsuli pasaJebi, 

amgvarad, diaqroniul ganviTarebasa da asaxvas povebs Semdgomac (ix. tabula 

2, rigis sqema _ pirobiTi wamyvani tendenciis gamomxatveli modeli 

diaqroniul dinamikaSi). 

amgvari postpredikatuli danarTebidan, mag., SeiZleba davasaxeloT 

transformatoruli semantikis matarebeli ie-akuzativis Semcveli pasa- 

Jebi (OextAcc>OdAcc). mag.: xšāyaršam xšāyaθiyam akunauš aivam parūnām 

framātāram, aivam parūnām xšāyaθiyam (Xpf5-8, XPd, XPc, XPa). xšāyaθiya 

(*amiy) ahyāyā būmiyā vazrakāya dūraiy apiy… paruv zanānām ..tya uvaspam tya 

umartiyam… xšāyaθiya dahyūnām vispazanānām (XPa, XPb, XPd, XPf, XPh, DSf, 

DSp, DZc, DSs). „qserqse mefed gamxada, erTi mravalTa mbrZaneblad, erTi 

mravalTa xelmwifed~; „mefe var am miwa-wyalze, Sors ganfenilze, mravaltomianSi, 

kargcxenianSi, kargxalxianSi, mefe qveyanaTa mravaltomian- 

Ta~ da sxva misT. 

rogorc vxedavT, sityvaTa rigis, apoziciuri pasaJebis struqtura 

gadajaWvulia teqstis sintaqsis problematikasTan. am sakiTxTa kvleva 

231

Zvelsparsul warweraTa masalaze mosaxerxebeli da efeqturi Cans. vlindeba, 

raoden mniSvnelovania da sagulisxmo ori sferos urTierTmimarTeba: 

konebisa da maTi komponentebis wminda morfosintaqsuri garsi da ma- 

Ti sintaqsur-funqciuri semantika, SeTavsebuli konteqstur, teqstobriv 

semantikasTan. am warwerebis gaTvaliswineba avlens Zvelsparsul forma- 

Ta dinamikur da tranzitorul buneba-xasiaTs farTo tipologiuri da 

komparativistuli foniT. 

am mokle mimoxilvis Sedegad vaskvniT ZiriTads: Zvelsparsul morfosintaqsur 

konaTa sintaqsur semantikas axasiaTebs ori mTavari da ur- 

TierTsxvadasxva niSani: polifunqciuroba da funqciuri polimorfizmi. 

es ori morfosintaqsuri niSani sinTezuri xasiaTisaa da maT calkeul 

Tu sinTezur arsebobas daeZebneba sxvadasxva indoevropuli paralelebi. 

Zveli sparsulis morfosintaqsuri masala faseulia tipologiur-komparativistuli 

Tu zogadlingvisturi universaliebis gamosavlenad, istoriul-tipologiuri 

anu diaqroniul-tipologiuri erTobebis dasadgenad. 

dasasrul, zogadad aRsaniSnavia mravali calkeuli morfosintaqsuri 

elementis specifikaciebi da maTi Semdgomi funqciuri dinamika diaqroniaSi 

(windebulebi, enklitikebi, Tandebuli rādiy da sxva). yvela es elementi 

da funqcia Sefasebadia diaqroniuli tipologiis diapazoniT. am 

sakiTxebisa da masalis didi nawili warmodgenilia Cems adrindel SromebSi 

(saxokia 1984, 1985, 1998 da sxva; Sdr. agr. Smidi 1964: 213-217, 

demetraSvili 2006 da sxva). 

qvemoT dajgufebulad mogvyavs Zvelsparsul forma-funqciaTa da 

morfosintaqsur konaTa zogierTi sxvadasxva yvelaze specifikuri da saintereso 

nimuSi: 

mimarTulebiTi akuzativi 

avam adam frāišayām Arminam (DBII49-50); kāra Pārsa pasā manā ašiyava 

Mādam (DBIII32-33); ìs gavagzavne arminaSi~; `jari sparsuli Cem ukan 

wamovida mideTSi~. 

akuzativisa da ablativis dublireba viwro semantikur jgufSi 

(„ajanyeba~) 

avam kāra avaharda (SBII94); hamiçiya abava hačāmā (DBIII78); hauvmaiy 

hamiçiya abava (DBII79); `mas xalxi aujanyda; ajanyda Cemgan/ganmidga; is 

me amijanyda~. 

akuzativi _ garemoebiTi damateba (iribi an ubralo) 

jadiyāmiy Auramazdām (DPd20-22); Auramazdām patiyāvahyaia (DBI51-55); 

adam ašnaiy āhām abiy Ūvjam (DBII12); uta atyasiya paišiyā mām (DBIV91); utā 

ūvnarā tyā Auramazdā upariy mām nīyasaya (DNb45-46); àhuramazdas vvedreb; 

ahuramazdas Sewevna vTxove; me axlos viyavi elamTan; daweres, maCvenes 

me; da unarebi, rac ahuramazdam miboZa~. 

posesiuroba: akuzativi _ posesori (dativisa da genitivis analogi) 

kāram Pārsām utā Mādam frāišayam, hya upā mām āha (DBIII30,DBII18); 

upā Artāxšāçram (A2Sa4,Sf); `jari sparsTa midTa gavagzavne, romelic Tan 

myavda; arTaqserqsesTan/ arTaqserqses winaSe~. 

232

ergatiuloba: akuzativi _ iribi ergatiuli agensi (dativisa da 

genitivis analogi) 

mām upā mām kartā, mām aθaganām mām upā kartā (A3Pa22-23); `CemTan, 

Cemi/Cem mier gakeTebulia/Cem mier gakeTda/me gakeTebuli maqvs~. 

afeqturoba: akuzativi _ eqsperienceri (norma), ablativi _ eqsperienceri 

yāθā mām kāma āha (DBV28-29, DNa37-38); Auramazdām avaθā kāma 

āha…mām avarnavatā (DSf15-17); yātā mām kāma avaθā (DBIV35-36, DBV33); 

naimā kāma hya martiya vināθayaiš naipatimā ava kāma yadiy vināθayaiš naiy 

fraθiyaiš (DNb19-21); naimā kāma tya skauθiš tunuvutahyā rādiy miθa kariyaiš 

(DNb8-10), naimā āva kāma tya tunuvā skauθaiš rādiy miθā kariyaiš (DNb10-11), 

tya rāstam ava mām kāma (DNb11-12); „rogorc msurda; rogorc ahuramazdas 

nebavda; rogorc msurda, ise; me ar msurs, susti daiCagros Zlierisagan, 

me ar msurs Zlierma sustis gamo vneba miiRos; rac simarTlea, 

isaa Cemi survili/is msurs me~. 

afeqturoba: akuzativi an ablativi _ gamomwvevi wyaro 

kārāāšm atarsa (DBI50-51); hačāmā atarsa Ūvjiyā (DBII12) „xalxs misi 

eSinoda; Cemi SeeSindaT uvjelebs~. 

enklitikuri nacvalsaxelebi: unikaluri gamoyeneba 

nayākama, apanayākama (A2Sa3-4) `papaCemi, babuaCemi~. 

genitiuri lokativi viwro semantikur jgufSi („mefoba/gamefeba/mefed 

gaxdoma~) 

(absoluturi norma) 

XŠ abava Ūvjaiy, XŠ amiy ahyāyā būmiyā, XŪ abava Bābirauv, XŠ amiy 

Ūvjaiy, XŠm akunauš ahyāyā būmiyā, XŠm agaubata Bābirauv (DSi 3-4, DSb 8-9, 

DSj, DSg, DSd, Dsy, DZb, DE, Dna 11-12, DNb, DBIII83, DBII17, DBII10-11, 

DBIV21-22, 25, 16-17, DBI-II) „mefe gaxda elamSi, mefe var am miwa-wyalze, 

mefe gaxda babilonSi, mefe var elamSi, mefed gaxada (=gaamefa) am miwawyalze/am 

qveyanaSi(=ama qveynisa), Tavi mefed gamoacxada babilonSi(=babilonis 

mefed)~. 

rādiy Tandebuliani agensuri genitivi: Tandebuli rādiy agensuri Tandebuli 

naimā kāma tya skauθiš tunuvutahyā rādiy miθa kariyaiš (DNb8-10), naimā 

āva kāma tya tunuvā skauθaiš rādiy miθā kariyaiš (DNb10-11), me ar msurs, 

susti daiCagros Zlierisagan, me ar msurs, Zlierma sustis gamo/sustisgan 

vneba miiRos; 

mravalakuzatiuri inversiuli danarTebi: transformatiuli ormagi 

akuzativi 

Xšāyaršām xšāyaθiyām akunauš aivam parūnām framātāram, aivam parūnām 

xšāyaθiyam (Xpf5-8, XPd, XPc, XPa). „qserqse mefed aqcia erTi/erTad 

mravalTa mbrZaneblad, erTi/erTad mravalTa xelmwifed~. 

233

234 

tabula 1 

tabula 2

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Maia Sakhokia 

Forms and Functions of Old Persian: Diachronic-Typological Review 

Summary 

The case functions and other morphosyntactic elements (clitics, prepositions, postposition 

and so on) have often been an object of special research. The paper mainly represents both 

diachronic and typological analyses of special forms and functions in the Old Persian 

Language. The common correlations of case functions by Indo-European range and by 

large typological space, reveal the specific, special use of several formal-semantic 

clusters/clusterings involving a lot of important elements. They are also repeated at 

different time levels within one and the same language. One can clearly see that all the 

oblique cases shown in the tables and shown by Old Persian data, may diachronically 

replace one another with different syntactic functions. At the same time, one form can 

express multiple morphosyntactic functions and semantics. That is, we can see both 

polyfunctionality and polymorphemics. E.d. Old Persian, especially accusative, is used with 

the following syntactic functions: 1. The Pure Indirect Object (Oid); 2. The Oblique 

Possessor (SpossObl); 3. The Oblique Experiencer (SexperObl); 4. The Oblique Ergative 

239

Agency (SergAgObl); 5. The Adverbial Objects (Oid/Oext); 6. The Double Objective, 

Transformative Accusative (DblOAccTransf.); 7. The Infinitive of Goal, End, Purpose, 

Destination; The Objective Infinitive; 8. The Circumstantials of Direction, Goal, End, Final 

Point, Purpose, Destination; Space, Distance; Location and Time; Accusative of Direction – 

its primary function; 9. The Direct Object – its last function; These functions are adverbial 

rather than ‘actanciel’. Some of the interesting and important data are: locative as genitive, 

ablative as accusative, ablative as accusative in different affective constructions, genitive by 

rādiy-postposition as Agent (agentival postposition), pronoun clitic forms and functions and 

so on. The connection with Word Order seems important too: a lot of specific, special 

usages are marked by the feature of postpositional, postpredicative position (inversion). 

Thus, several discretes must be distinguished: interchange or replacement, syncretism or 

coincidence and morphological origin of case forms themselves. The article particularly 

analyses the realization in the general regularity of usage (the normative usage) as well as 

by unique examples (partial typology and variants). The result is various functions of case 

forms. 

240


Que sont devenus les manuscrits des Géorgiens de Fereidan? 

Bernard Outtier 

Le savant iranisant Djemchid Giounachvili s'est non seulement illustré dans l'étude 

et la pédagogie de la langue persane, mais il n'a pas oublié non plus ses 

compatriotes, déportés en Iran au début du XVII e siècle de Kakhéti près de la 

capitale d'alors, Isfahan. Je ne sais s'il a eu l'occasion de se poser la question 

suivante: que sont devenus les manuscrits géorgiens apportés alors? Quelque cent 

mille Géorgiens déplacés – cela laisse penser qu'il y avait, dans ce nombre, des 

prêtres, avec leurs manuscrits de la Bible, de la liturgie, de lectures édifiantes. Les 

Géorgiens ont été islamisés: il faudrait pouvoir leur demander si des manuscrits 

subsistent chez des particuliers. Je ne peux dire si l'on trouve des indications à ce 

sujet dans la Vie de Chah Abbas le Grand. 

Une mission du CNRS m'a permis, en août dernier, de travailler chez les 

Arméniens de Nor Djoulfa: il y a à Vank un superbe Musée, où l'on peut voir, sous 

vitrine, un rouleau géorgien de la Liturgie. La très riche bibliothèque _ plus de sept 

cents manuscrits arméniens – peut sans doute apporter quelque lumière sur la 

question posée plus haut. En effet, grâce à l'excellent catalogue rédigé en 1902 par 

S. TerAvetissian, révisé au Matenadaran d'Erevan et publié par les Mechitharistes 

de Wien en 1970, nous savons que neuf manuscrits arméniens comportent des 

feuilles de garde prises à des manuscrits géorgiens. Grâce à l'accueil extrêmement 

courtois et généreux qui m'a été réservé par Madame Sonik Baghoumian et aux 

photographies offertes par M. Tovma Dalestanian, il est possible aujourd'hui de 

proposer un modeste essai de réponse à la question: quelques-uns des manuscrits 

sont passés dans les ateliers des relieurs arméniens de Nor Djoulfa, qui nous en ont 

ainsi conservé la trace. 

Voici donc un premier rapport sur ces précieux fragments. 

Manuscrit 99 (Catalogue 17) 

Actes des Apôtres, Epîtres de saint Paul, Epîtres catholiques et Apocalypse, XIII e s. 

Pas d'indication sur le relieur. 

Texte géorgien. Un bifeuillet au début et un à la fin. 180 x 125; surface écrite 142 x 

80. 29 lignes en pleine page. Parchemin assez épais. Nusxuri. Encre brune et 

rubriques. 

Ménées pour les 11-12 octobre. XI-XII e s. 

Trois manuscrits contiennent des fragments d'un même manuscrit des Ménées 

(თვენი), je les décris dans l'ordre liturgique: 

Manuscrit 511 (Catalogue 242). 

Ce manuscrit est un grand martyrologe, copié à Qazvin en 1634 par le prêtre Avag. 

Le tissu de coton collé sur les contreplats est identique à celle du manuscrit 214, 

copié par un Avag probablement différent de Avag le prêtre; il a aussi des gardes 

géorgiennes, mais provenant d'un autre manuscrit. Pas d'indication sur le relieur. 

241

Texte géorgien 

Un bifolio originellement, mais un feuillet a été coupé. Parchemin blanc d'épaisseur 

moyenne bien poli. 230 x 185 mm. Surface écrite 180 x 115 mm. 26 lignes. 

Nusxuri, encre noire, rubriques. XIV e siècle. Pas d'indication sur le relieur. 

Hymnes pour les 26 et 27 septembre, Jean l'Apôtre et Kallistrate (lire verso, puis 

recto). 

Grâce à la belle édition récente de Lali Djghamaia: giorgi mTawmindelis Tveni 

(seqtemberi) parue à Tbilissi en 2007, nous pouvons comparer les textes; il s'agit 

bien des Ménées traduites par Giorgi, selon le manuscrit le plus complet (Jérusalem, 

Patriarcat grec orthodoxe, géorgien 124). Ainsi, l'office de saint Jean l'Evangéliste 

se clôt-il par le gamoavline donné en premier p. 391 de l'édition citée. 


Il s'agit d'un Commentaire des Epîtres de saint Paul, copié en Cilicie en 1301. Mais 

le beau tissu de soie collé sur les contreplats nous indique qu'il a été relié de 

nouveau au même endroit que le manuscrit 96, copié en 1627 à Nor-Djoulfa. 


Deux pages de garde au début et deux à la fin. 

Surface écrite: 185 x 115. 26 lignes. 

Offices des 3 et 4 octobre. 


Livres bibliques: de Proverbes à Sirach, Job, les douze prophètes, Morts des 

prophètes, Commentaire des psaumes de Vardan. Pas d'indication sur le relieur. 


Un bifeuillet au début et un à la fin. En tête, bifeuillet extérieur du cahier 5 du 

manuscrit. Offices du 5, 6 et 8 octobre. 


Tétraévangile copié à Hizan en 1611; pas d'indication sur le relieur. 


Un bifeuillet presque complet (manquent une ou deux lettres) au début et à la fin. 

180 X 130; surface écrite 140x 105. 23 à 24 lignes pleine page. Parchemin épais. 

Nusxuri; encre noire, rubriques. XIV-XV e s. 

Hymnes pour les défunts. 


Tétraévangile copié en 1313 à Akner en Cilicie. Pas d'indication sur le relieur. 


Un feuillet plié en deux au début et à la fin. Parchemin assez épais. 170 x 130; 

surface écrite 125 x 85. 15 lignes. Nusxuri, encre noire, rubriques. XIV-XV e s. 

Nombreux signes d'abréviation sur des mots complets. 

Sacramentaire (bénédiction de l'huile). 


Tétraévangile copié en 1584 à Keghi, en Haute-Arménie (aujourd'hui, Turquie). 

Pas d'indication sur le relieur. 

242


Un feuillet au début et un à la fin: bifeuillet interne d'un cahier, car le texte se suit. 

Bas de feuillet. Deux colonnes, dont une tronquée. 205 x 195. Papier. Nusxuri, 

encre brune, rubriques. XIII e s. 

Bible: Jonas et début de Michée, selon le type de texte d'Ochki-Jérusalem. 


Mélanges grammaticaux et religieux, XVII e s. Même toile de coton sur les 

contreplats que le manuscrit 511. Pas d'indication sur le relieur. 


Un feuillet à la fin, comprenant une page plus une moitié du feuillet jointif. 193 x 

120; surface écrite 120 x 80. Parchemin blanc. Nusxuri, encre noire. 15 lignes en 

pleine page. XIII-XIV e s. 

Caverne des trésors, cc. XVIII et XXII. Il s'agit ici du plus ancien témoin de cet 

apocryphe. 

388 (Catalogue 77) 

Tétraévangile copié en 1491. Pas d'indication sur le relieur. 


A la fin, un bas de feuillet de parchemin blanc, coupé: il manque une ou deux 

lettres. Reste une colonne. 180 x 149, surface écrite 180 x 113 (devait être 120). 

Nusxuri, encre brune. Restent 20 lignes. XI e s. Mots abrégés sans signe 

d'abréviation. 

Homélie non encore identifiée. 

Voilà cette première moisson. Elle nous confirme, par la présence majoritaire de 

livres d'office, la présence de prêtres en Fereidan au XVII e s. Il y aura des 

recherches à faire dans d'autres bibliothèques de manuscrits arméniens: pourra-t-on 

y trouver des manuscrits de Nor-Djoulfa avec des feuilles de garde géorgiennes? 

Des recherches aussi sur les centres de reliure: a-t-on relié à Qazvin? 

Malheureusement, les indications de relieurs sont rares dans les manuscrits. Des 

recherches parmi les descendants des Géorgiens, pour savoir s'il reste des traditions 

relatives à la confiscation ou destruction des manuscrits géorgiens. J'espère que 

cette modeste excursion aura intéressé le Professeur Giounachvili: qu'elle lui 

témoigne mon admiration pour sa riche moisson scientifique et pédagogique. 

bernar utie 

ra bedi ewiaT fereidnel qarTvelTa xelnawerebs 

reziume 

statiaSi pirvelad aris warmodgenili cnobebi qarTul xelnawerTa CanarTi 

furclebis Sesaxeb, romlebic Semonaxulia vanqis muzeumis (nor-jolfa-ispahani) 

somxuri xelnawerebis koleqciebSi. isini fereidneli qarTvelebis xelnawerTa 

relikviebia. 

243

Sonja Gippert-Fritz 

1. Anthroponyme im Ossetischen 

244 

enaTmecnierebis sakiTxebi – 2011 

ANTHROPONYME IM NÖRDLICHEN KAUKASUS 

Das im zentralen Kaukasusgebiet gesprochene, zum Nordostiranischen zu 

rechnende Ossetische nimmt unter den modernen iranischen Sprachen eine 

ausgesprochene Sonderstellung ein. Dies erklärt sich dadurch, daß diese Sprache, 

die über das mittelalterliche Alanische auf das altiranische Skythische zurückgeht, 

einer jahrhundertelangen räumlichen Isolierung von den verwandten Sprachen und 

gleichzeitig einer starken Beeinflussung seitens der benachbarten autochthonen 

kaukasischen sowie türkischen Sprachen ausgesetzt war. So weisen beide 

Hauptdialekte des Ossetischen – das Iron und das im Verhältnis dazu altertümlichere 

Digor – phonologische, morphologische, syntaktische, lexikalische und 

idiomatische Veränderungen auf, die für eine iranische Sprache völlig untypisch 

sind, und die auch das Namengut prägen. Dieses ist ebenso von fremden Einflüssen 

durchsetzt wie der ossetische Wortschatz insgesamt. Diese Faktoren bewirkten eine 

fast unüberschaubare synchrone wie auch diachrone Vielschichtigkeit des ossetischen 

Onomastikons, dessen einzelne Strata nur im Rahmen dieser Komplexität 

erkennbar und verständlich werden. 

Zwei zahlenmäßig bedeutsame Schichten des ossetischen Onomastikons bilden 

diejenigen Namen, die als Folge der Christianisierung und der Islamisierung ins 

Ossetische gelangt sind. In Abhängigkeit von der jeweiligen Mittlersprache weicht 

die ossetische Form mehr oder weniger stark von der ursprünglichen Lautgestalt 

der Namen ab. In zahlreichen Fällen ging die Entlehnung über mehr als nur ein 

sprachliches Medium, wodurch sich die phonologische und in vielen Fällen auch 

die morphologische Entwicklung noch komplizierter gestalteten. 

Die meisten der "klassischen" christlichen Namen biblisch-hebräischer oder 

griechischer Provenienz – überwiegend Heiligennamen – kamen im Zuge zweier 

aufeinander folgender Christianisierungswellen ins Ossetische, wobei im Normalfall 

das Georgische oder das Russische, manchmal auch beide, als Mittlersprachen 

dienten. Deshalb sind im Ossetischen viele der betreffenden Namen in mehreren 

Varianten überliefert. Ein gutes Beispiel hierfür ist der griechische maskuline 

Name Πºτρος ‘Fels’, der zumindest auf zwei verschiedenen Wegen ins Ossetische 

gelangt ist. So reflektiert die ossetische Form Bet.re, einem innerossetischen 

Lautgesetz entsprechend, georgisch P̣et.re, das selbst den griechischen Vokativ des 

Namens repräsentiert. Daneben ist im Ossetischen auch die unveränderte Form 

P̣et.re als moderner Personenname belegt, der offenbar in rezenterer Zeit noch 

einmal aus dem Georgischen entlehnt wurde, als das Gesetz der "dissimilativen 

Verstimmhaftung" im Ossetischen nicht mehr wirksam war (Fritz 2006:293). Eine 

weitere ossetische Variante, Petr, im Digor auch als Petur gebräuchlich, geht

wiederum auf die schriftliche russische Form des griechischen Namens, Пётр / 

pjotr/, zurück. Weitere Varianten desselben Namens, wie die ebenfalls aus dem 

Russischen stammende Koseform Петя Petja, im Ossetischen als selbständiger 

Name verwendet, runden das ohnehin bereits verwirrende Bild ab. 

Ein ebenfalls illustratives Beispiel für die Formenvielfalt eines gängigen Namens 

biblischer Herkunft bietet der hebräische maskuline Personenname Dāwīd, der im 

Ossetischen als David, Dawit (Digor), Dawyt und Dawita belegt ist, wobei die 

beiden letzteren Formen georgische Vorbilder reflektieren; daneben gibt es 

verschiedene ossetische Koseformen wie Data, Datiḳo, Dato und Tätä (Fritz 

2006:413). 

Auch bei den arabischen Namen, die während der Periode der Islamisierung ins 

Ossetische strömten, spielt die Vermittlersprache eine bedeutende Rolle. Dabei 

sind vor allem verschiedene Turksprachen (z.B. Kumükisch, Balkarisch, Baschkirisch, 

Nogaisch, Krimtatarisch u.a.) sowie die benachbarten Kaukasussprachen 

(insbesondere Adygeisch und Kabardinisch) in Betracht zu ziehen. So spiegeln die 

verschiedenen Varianten des arabischen femininen Personennamens Fāt.ima‚ Frau, 

die ihr Kind von der Muttermilch entwöhnt’ denn auch die unterschiedlichen 

Überlieferungswege wieder, auf denen dieser Name ins Ossetische gelangt ist. Die 

lautliche Vielfalt der ossetischen Namensformen Fatimä, Fatimät, Fatymä, Fat.imä, 

Fat.ijmät, Fatuma spiegelt jedoch nicht nur ihre jeweiligen Zwischenformen aus 

dem Balkarischen, Kabardinischen etc., sondern darüberhinaus auch noch ihre 

innerossetische dialektale Differenzierung (Fritz 2006:618; 1988:195). 

Die wenigen persischen Namen, die im Ossetischen belegt sind, sind letztlich 

ebenfalls der Islamisierung zu verdanken; so wie die arabischen Namen wurden 

auch sie über das Medium des Türkischen entlehnt und weisen dementsprechende 

phonologische Charakteristika auf. Als ein illustratives Beispiel mag der ossetische 

maskuline Personenname Qwydajnat dienen, der aus dem frühneupersischen 

Namen Xudājdād ‘gottgegeben’ herzuleiten ist und der im modernen Persischen 

immer noch in der Form Xodādād in Gebrauch ist. Der Anlaut des ossetischen 

Namens ist nur dadurch zu erklären, daß die persische Ausgangsform über 

Vermittlung einer Turksprache in das Kaukasusgebiet gelangte, wobei das 

anlautende persische /x´/ im Türkischen durch /q/ substituiert und die Lautfolge /d-d-d/ 

zu /-d-n-d/ dissimiliert wurde. Diese Herleitung wird bekräftigt durch den 

bedeutungsgleichen ossetischen maskulinen Namen Qwydäberd, der, wie seine 

nogajische Entsprechung Kudajberdi zeigt, in seinem Vorderglied ebenfalls das 

persische Wort für ‘Gott’ enthält. Im Hinterglied dieses Namens findet sich hier 

jedoch die türkische Verbalform berdi / verdi ‘hat gegeben’ anstelle des gleichbedeutenden 

persischen ‘dād’. In den verschiedenen Turksprachen erscheint berdi / 

verdi häufig als namenbildendes Element auch mit anderen Wörtern der Bedeutung 

‘Gott’ kombiniert (Fritz 2006:1232; 1988:196). Die in beiden zitierten Fällen 

beobachtbare weitere Anlautsveränderung von qu- zu qwy- ist eine typische 

innerossetische dialektale Entwicklung und als solche kennzeichnend für das Iron. 

Ein im ossetischen Onomastikon häufig auftretendes, aus dem Persischen stammendes 

Namenelement ist Dzan, das über turksprachige Vermittlung auf das 

persische Appellativ und Kosewort Jˇān‚ ‘Seele, Herz, Geist, Leben’ zurückgeht. 

245

Dzan ist in dieser Form im Ossetischen als selbständiger maskuliner Name belegt 

(Fritz 2006:482), doch ist seine Funktion als Bestandteil von Kompositalnamen für 

beide Geschlechter ungleich bedeutender, wobei auch hierbei die unmittelbaren 

Vorbilder im Türkischen zu finden sind, wo sich das persische ‚Seelen’-Wort zu 

einem äußerst produktiven Namensuffix entwickelte. Vgl. z.B. als Männernamen 

Dzambolat / Dzanbolat ‘Seele-Stahl’ (Fritz 2006:481) und Dzantemyr ‘Seele- 

Eisen’ (Fritz 2006:491), sowie als Frauenname Dzanaxan 1 . 

Die autochthon turksprachlichen Namen und Namensbestandteile spielen ebenfalls 

eine herausragende Rolle im ossetischen Namengut. Sie kommen in großer Anzahl 

in ihrer originalen türkischen Form vor, wie z.B. die maskulinen Namen Aslan 

türk. ‘Löwe’(Fritz 2006:135), Tawsoltan türk. ‘Berg-Herrscher’ (Fritz (2006:1438) 

oder der feminine Name Zalduz (vgl. den kabardinischen fem. Namen Žalduz, der 

offenbar balkarisch àlduz ‘eine Art Edelstein’ reflektiert Fritz (2006: 1668); der 

oss. Anlaut /z-/ erklärt sich aufgrund einer typischen innerossetischen phonetischen 

Entwicklung. Namenbildende Elemente aus verschiedenen Turksprachen kommen 

nicht nur sehr häufig in genuin türkischen Komposita vor, sondern sie zeigen 

darüber hinaus auch eine überraschende Produktivität bei hybriden Bildungen mit 

einem ossetischen Kompositalteil. Zahlreiche maskuline Namen sind mit einem 

Formans zusammengesetzt, das auf den türkischen Titel beg ‘Fürst’ oder seine 

kyptschak-türkische Variante bi(j) mit der ursprünglichen Bedeutung ‘Oberhaupt 

eines Clans’ zurückgeht; neben rein türkischen Kompositalbildungen wie Aslanbeg 

‘Löwe-Fürst’ (Fritz 2006:136) oder Biaslan ‘Fürst-Löwe’ (Fritz 2006:295) findet 

man auch einige Kompositalnamen, deren bedeutungstragendes Glied ossetischer 

Herkunft ist, wie im Fall von Alanbeg / Alanbi ‘Alanenfürst’ (Fritz 2006:52,53; 

Fritz 1988:196) oder Lalymbeg, dessen Bedeutung wohl mit ‘Weinschlauch-Herr’ 

angegeben werden kann (Fritz 2006:927). 

Ein besonders häufiges Element bei der Bildung maskuliner wie femininer Namen 

ist xan, das ebenfall auf ein türkisches Wort der Bedeutung ‘Herrscher, Fürst’ 

zurückgeht und als Vorder- wie auch Hinterglied von Namen unterschiedlicher 

Genese fungieren kann (Fritz 2006:74). Beispiele für maskuline Namen sind Alixan 

mit dem arabischen Namen ‘Ali (etwa ‘der Hochstehende’) im Vorderglied (Fritz 

2006:61) oder Xanbi ‘Herrscher-Fürst’ (Fritz 2006: 1621). Feminine Namen sind 

z.B. Xandzariffä mit dem auch selbständig belegten, aus dem Arabischen stammenden 

Namen Zariffä ‘die Anmutige’ als Hinterglied (Fritz 2006:1628,1683.) oder 

Azawxan mit unklarer Etymologie des Vorderglieds (Fritz 2006:170,171). 

Auch der dynastische Name der Krimkhane, dessen ursprüngliche Form mit 

*Gerey angegeben werden kann, entwickelte sich zu einem höchst produktiven 

Namensuffix, das ironisch džeri / digorisch geri(j) lautet und gleichfalls als Vorderund 

Hinterglied maskuliner Namen fungieren kann. Beispiele sind Džerixan (Fritz 

2006:557) oder Qazgerij / Qazdžerij (Fritz 2006:1206,1207.); 2 Daß diese onomastischen 

Lehnelemente nach wie vor in ihrer ursprünglichen Bedeutung verständlich 

geblieben sind, wird durch den Umstand bezeugt, daß durch ihre Anfügung 

1 Fritz (2006: 485.); zu -xan s.u. 

2 zu Qaz- s. ib. (1198.). 

246

an beliebige ossetische Appellativa Spitznamen gebildet werden können, die so 

unmittelbar verständlich sind. Ein solcher Fall liegt vor beim maskulinen Namen 

Ädylybeg, der ein Kompositum aus dem ossetischen Adjektiv ädyly ‘dumm’ und 

dem erwähnten suffixalen Element -beg darstellt (Fritz 2006:176). Ein weiteres 

Beispiel ist Zondabi in der Bedeutung’Herr Neunmalklug’; bei diesem Namen 

wurde das ossetische Substantiv zond ‘Verstand, Wissen’ um das Element -bi 

erweitert (Fritz 2006:1713; s. auch Fritz 1988:196). 

Ein interessantes Phänomen stellen auch solche Namen dar, deren lexikalische 

Elemente zwar aus dem iranischen Grundwortschatz des Ossetischen stammen, die 

aber im Sinne von Lehnübersetzungen turksprachige Muster reflektieren. Dies 

betrifft vor allem eine Reihe von Namen, die aus ganzen Sätzen bestehen, wie z.B. 

der weibliche Name Cämänqwyd, der von seiner Etymologie her rein ossetisch 

(also: iranisch) ist; er setzt sich zusammen aus oss. (iron.) cämän ‘warum, wozu’ 

und qwyd, dem Part. prät. des Verbs qäwyn ‘nötig sein, fehlen’. Der Name bedeutet 

also ‘Wozu war sie nötig?’ (Fritz 2006:359). Ein weiteres Beispiel dieser Art ist 

der für das Digor belegte ebenfalls feminine Name Kisnal ‘Kein Mädchen mehr!’, 

der aus dem digorischen Wort für ‘Mädchen, Tochter’ und nal ‘nicht mehr, kein ... 

mehr’ gebildet ist (Fritz 2006:865). Solche Namen, die in der zweiten Hälfte des 

20. Jahrhunderts noch vergeben wurden, sind nach wie vor für jeden Muttersprachler 

des Ossetischen leicht analysierbar. Die Motivation einer solchen 

Namensgebung ist gut nachvollziehbar: Im Kaukasus hatten Mädchen traditionell 

nicht denselben Stellenwert wie Jungen. Wurde also statt des ersehnten 

Stammhalters eine Tochter geboren, womöglich bereits nach einer Serie von 

Töchtern, sollten Namen dieser Art im Sinne einer Beschwörungsformel dem 

Mädchensegen ein für allemal Einhalt gebieten. Die Vorbilder solcher Namenskonstrukte 

sind in den Turksprachen gut belegt, vgl. z.B. türkisch Gizyeter ‘Genug 

der Töchter!’, turkmenisch Güldursun ‘Der Blume sei Einhalt geboten!’, wobei das 

Blumenwort synonym für ‘Mädchensegen’ steht. Ein weiteres Beispiel ist der 

kumükische Frauenname Qystaman, wörtlich ‘Mädchen genug!’ (Fritz 1988:197). 

Auch die im Ossetischen häufig zu findenden Tabunamen verbaler Provenienz 

sind so im Iranischen nicht verankert, doch bei den Turkvölkern äußerst üblich. 

Namen wie der fem. Personenname Anygwyla, im Ossetischen (Iron) wörtlich ‘Sie 

möge untergehen / sterben! ’ (Fritz 2006:109), sind zwar in lexikalischmorphologischer 

Hinsicht auf iranischer Basis gebildet, doch folgen sie funktionell 

und strukturell türkischen Vorbildern. Derartige Namen sollen den bösen Geistern 

vortäuschen, daß das Kind entweder nicht existiere oder bereits dem Jenseits 

versprochen oder verkauft sei. Ein nominal gebildeter maskuliner Name, der den 

bereits eingetretenen Tod vorgaukeln soll, ist Änäud, im Ossetischen wörtlich 

‘ohne Seele (seiend)’ (Fritz 2006:182). Es gibt auch zahlreiche Namen, die durch 

ihre abwertende Bedeutung das Kind "uninteressant" erscheinen lassen sollen. Dem 

Volksglauben nach wird dadurch verhindert, daß die unheilvollen Mächte 

überhaupt erst auf das Neugeborene aufmerksam werden. Hierher gehören etliche 

Namen, die Appellativa reflektieren, mit denen unscheinbare oder sogar ekelerregende 

Tiere bezeichnet werden. Als ein illustratives Beispiel mag der feminine 

Name ironisch Byndz bzw. digorisch Bindzä dienen, der das ossetische Wort für 

‘Fliege’ unverändert wiedergibt (Fritz 2006:310,352). Ein maskulines Pendant liegt 

247

im Namen Dzynga vor, der das ossetische Appellativ für ‘Pferdebremse’ im 

ironischen Dialekt reflektiert (Fritz 2006:548). 

Auch der Einfluß der beiden unmittelbaren Nachbarsprachen, des südkaukasischen 

Georgischen und des westkaukasischen Kabardinischen auf das ossetische 

Onomastikon kann nicht hoch genug bewertet werden. 

Prinzipiell kann jeder georgische Name im Ossetischen vorkommen, so wie auch 

alle georgischen namenbildenden Elemente vertreten sein können. Als Beispiele 

für georgische Frauennamen, die unverändert ins Ossetische übernommen wurden, 

mögen Mzia, wörtlich ‘Sonne’ (Fritz (2006:1080) und Nino (Name einer Heiligen, 

die Georgien im 5. Jahrhundert zum Christentum bekehrte) (Fritz 2006:1120) 

genügen. Typische Männernamen aus dem Georgischen sind z.B. Zaza (Fritz 

2006:1692 und 759) oder Gugua. Von den zahlreichen alttestamentarischen und 

rezenteren christlichen Namen, die seit altersher über das Georgische ins Ossetische 

eingedrungen waren, war eingangs bereits die Rede. Zahlreiche ossetische 

Namen georgischer Herkunft enden auf das georgische Diminutivsuffix -ḳo, wie 

beispielsweise die Frauennamen Suliḳo ‘Seelchen’ und Guliḳo ‘Herzchen’ (Fritz 

2006:1391 und 76; 302)oder der Männername Biciḳo aus georgisch Bič̣iḳo ‘kleiner 

Junge’. Georgisch war auch die Mittlersprache für etliche letztlich aus verschiedenen 

zeitlichen Strata des Persischen stammende, im Ossetischen häufig 

gebrauchte Personennamen. Hierzu zählen beispielsweise die maskulinen Namen 

Vaxtang, Wardan, Nodar oder Guram, sowie die femininen Namen Wardis und 

Pari (Fritz 2006:1543,1557,1123, 766,1559,1144). 

Das zweite bedeutende kaukasische Stratum im ossetischen Nonmastikon bilden 

Namen und namenbildende Elemente aus dem Kabardinischen, der unmittelbar 

benachbarten Tscherkessensprache. Ähnlich wie für die onomastischen Entlehnungen 

aus dem Georgischen gilt, daß im Prinzip jeder kabardinische Name im 

Ossetischen vorkommen kann. Einige Beispiele mögen dies illustrieren. So 

reflektiert der ossetische Frauenname Dysa offensichtlich den kabardinischen 

Namen Дыщэ Dəŝă, der mit dem Appellativ für ‘Gold’ identisch ist (Fritz 

2006:468). Der ossetische maskuline Name Ġuc̣una ist aus dem kabardinischen 

Kompositalnamen ГъущIынэ Ġuṣ̂ənă herzuleiten, dessen Bedeutung mit ‘Eisenauge’ 

wiedergegeben werden kann (Fritz 2006:789). Ein häufiger femininer Name 

im Ossetischen ist Gwassä, der auch in anderen phonetischen Varianten vorkommt 

Fritz (2006: 772). Die Ausgangsform ist der kabardinische Name Гуащэ G°āŝă, 

der mit dem gleichleutenden Appellativ der Bedeutung ‘Fürstin, Herrin, Schwiegermutter’ 

identisch ist. Der Name kommt im Ossetischen wie im Kabardinischen 

auch als Bestandteil zusammengesetzter Namen vor, so z.B. ossetisch Xangwassä 

mit dem turksprachlichen Element xan- als Vorderglied (Fritz 2006:625; s. auch 

Fritz 1988, 199; s. auch dieselbe A.K.A.). 

Eines der gebräuchlichsten namenbildenden Elemente kabardinischer Provenienz 

ist das oft in maskulinen Namen erscheinende Suffix -q(o), kabardinisch -къуэ - 

q : °ă, das das gemeintscherkessische Wort für ‘Sohn’ reflektiert (s. dazu Fritz 

248

A.K.A.). Еs ist hervorzuheben, daß es sich bei diesen Namen um maskuline 

Personennamen und nicht etwa um Patronyme handelt. Beispiele hierfür sind unter 

anderem die ossetischen Namen Ajdaruq(o) (Fritz 2006:43,54,432), Alädžyqo, 

Deletiqo oder der in zahlreichen Varianten auftretende Name Xet.äxciqo (aus dem 

kabardinischen Männernamen ХьэтIохъущыкъуэ Ḥăt.ox°ŝəq : °ă ), der in seinem 

Vorderglied das kabardinische Wort für ‘Hund’, хьэ ḥă , enthält (s. Fritz 1988:199 

und dieselbe 2006:1650.).und der damit ein spezifisches Teilgebiet der kaukasischen 

Anthroponomastik reflektiert. Namen, die sich semantisch auf den ‘Hund’ 

oder andere hundeartige Tiere beziehen, oder aber auch einfach als "pars pro toto" 

bestimmte Körperteile des Hundes als Namenkomponenten aufweisen, sind für die 

westkaukasische Einflußsphäre typisch. Derartige Namen haben die Aufgabe, ihren 

Träger zu beschützen, galt doch der Hund im westlichen Kaukasusgebiet als das 

wichtigste Totemtier (s. dazu ausführlicher bei Fritz A.K.A.). 

Diese "Schutzfunktion" des Hundes spiegelt sich allerdings auch in Namen 

wieder, deren Etymologie nicht originär kaukasisch ist. So gibt es auch Beispiele 

für auf den ‘Hund’ bezogene Namen, die turksprachliche Quellen haben. Dies 

betrifft unter anderem die maskulinen Namen Kwycykk, Kucuk (digor.), Kuči und 

Kuci, die sämtlich das türkische Appellativ der Bedeutung ‘Hund, Welpe’, küčük, 

reflektieren. Außerdem findet man im ossetischen Onomastikon einige Namen, die 

das alte ostiranische ‘Hunde’-Wort *kuti reflektieren oder als Namensbestandteil 

aufweisen. Ein Paradebeispiel ist der maskuline Name Kwydzäg, der tatsächlich 

das Iron-Wort kwydz ‘Hund’ enthält, das sich lautgesetzlich aus der erwähnten 

Vorform entwickelt hat und um das Suffix -äg erweitert ist. Es steht überdies zu 

vermuten, daß dasselbe Etymon bereits im skythischen Personennamen Κουζαιος 

überliefert ist (s. dazu ausführlich Fritz 2006:898 und dieselbe 1988: 200). Von den 

zahlreichen modernen ossetischen Kompositalnamen, die das Wort für ‘Hund’ 

enthalten, seien hier nur die beiden echt ossetischen Komposita Sawkwydz 

‘schwarzer Hund’ und Kwydzigus ‘Hundeohr’ erwähnt (Fritz 2006:900,1318). Es 

steht jedoch außer Frage, daß auch im Falle der erwähnten innerossetisch-iranisch 

zu etymologisierenden Personennamen die Benennung nach dem Totemtier ‘Hund’ 

nicht auf iranische Vorbilder zurückgeht, sondern auf einer entlehnten Sitte beruht, 

wobei nicht eindeutig zu klären ist, ob letztlich türkische oder tscherkessische 

Bräuche im Hintergrund standen. 

Eine unmittelbare Folge der politischen Entwicklung des 20. Jahrhunderts war die 

starke Russifizierung Nordossetiens. Für das Namenrepertoire der Osseten bedeutet 

dies, daß praktisch jeder russische Name verwendet werden kann. Dabei fällt auf, 

daß neben den Namen in ihrer Ausgangsform auch die von ihnen abgeleiteten 

Kurz- und Kosenamen offiziellen Status genießen, was im russischen Sprachgebrauch 

undenkbar wäre. Dies sei am häufig gebrauchten Frauennamen Ольга Ol'ga 

demonstriert, dessen ossetische Varianten, Olġa und Wälġa (Fritz 2006:1136,1568) 

dem russischen Original gegenüber nur geringfügige phonetische Anpassungen 

aufweisen. Die primäre Kurzform Оля Olja und die davon weiter abgeleitete 

Koseform Оленька Olen’ka, die im Ossetischen in den Varianten Olinḳä, Wälinka 

und Wälin ḳa belegt ist, gelten bei den Osseten als amtlich anerkannte Namensformen. 

Neben den "klassischen" russischen Namen christlicher Prägung und 

sowjetischen Modenamen (wie z.B. Октябрь Oktjabr’ als russischer und osse- 

249

tischer Männername im Gedenken an die Oktoberrevolution, mit russ. Октябрина 

Oktjabrina / oss. Oktjabrinä als weiblichem Pendant) 1 findet man jedoch, wenn 

auch nur vereinzelt, russische Appellativa als ossetische Personennamen. Ein 

besonders eindrückliches Beispiel ist das russische Interrogativum зачем začem 

‘warum’, das in unveränderter Form als femininer ossetischer Name belegt ist; es 

ist zu vermuten, daß dieser Namensgebung ein ähnliches Motiv zugrundeliegt, wie 

es bei den oben erwähnten türkisch inspirierten Namen wie Cämänqwyd etc. 

vorausgesetzt wird (Fritz 2006:1666 und 1988:201). 

Aus den bisherigen Ausführungen geht bereits hervor, daß die Anzahl jener 

Personennamen, die als Neubildungen auf dem iranischen Erbwortschatz des Ossetischen 

beruhen oder direkt skythisch-sarmatische Namentraditionen fortsetzen, 

insgesamt gering ist. Außerdem sind die unmittelbar aus dem Iranischen herleitbaren 

ossetischen Namen überwiegend nicht von derselben Struktur, wie man sie 

aufgrund der bei Herodot (Buch IV) oder in den Inschriften der nördlichen 

Schwarzmeerküste überlieferten skythischen oder sarmatischen Namen erwarten 

würde (Zgusta 1955). Den überwiegenden Anteil machen nämlich eben die 

erwähnten Namenkategorien aus, die Lehnübersetzungen turksprachiger oder 

kaukasischer Vorbilder repräsentieren. 

Unter den echt iranischen Personennamen des ossetischen Onomastikons, die nicht 

lehnübersetzt sind, fallen besonders zwei Namenbildungen auf. Zum einen handelt 

es sich dabei um einige wenige Partizipialnamen wie Dzäwäg, wörtlich ‘der 

Gehende’, oder Dzärdäg ‘der Lebende, Lebendige’, die lautgesetzliche Kosebildungen 

von Partizipien der Verben cäwyn ‘gehen’ und cäryn ‘leben’ darstellen. 

Diese Namenkategorie scheint ein skythisches Vorbild zu reflektieren, wie der am 

Bosporus belegte maskuline Name Ζαβαγος nahelegt (Zgusta 1955:95; Fritz 

2006:513,512 und weiter dieselbe 1988:202). 

Die zweite Kategorie iranischer, nicht lehnübersetzter Namen ist als Weiterbildung 

ossetischer Zahlwörter aufzufassen. So ist die Bedeutung der maskulinen Namen 

Avdan, Astan und Däsan, die mithilfe des heute nicht mehr produktiven Suffixes - 

an unmittelbar von den ossetischen Kardinalzahlwörtern avd ‘sieben’, ast ‘acht’ 

und däs ‘zehn’ abgeleitet sind, etwa ‘unser sind sieben; ... acht; ... zehn’ (Fritz 

2006:145; Fritz 1988:202). 

Hinzu kommen noch einzelne, ihrer Struktur nach unkomplizierte Namen, die dem 

iranischen Fundus des Ossetischen zuzurechnen sind, wie der maskuline Name 

Näwäg, der mit dem ossetischen Erbwort für ‘neu’ identisch ist. Für diesen Namen 

sind ebenfalls bereits skythische Parallelen belegt – die männlichen Eigennamen 

Ναυακος und Ναυαγος (Fritz 2006:1108). Weitere Beispiele für als Namen 

gebräuchliche Appellativa, die lautgesetzlich aus dem iranischen Grundwortschatz 

des Ossetischen herleitbar sind, sind der Männername Ruvas ‘Fuchs’ und der 

Frauenname Wärccä ‘Wachtel’. Ein echt ossetischer Kompositalname liegt vor im 

Frauennamen Zärdyroxs, dessen Bedeutung mit ‘Herzenslicht, Licht des Herzens’ 

angegeben werden kann S. dazu ausführlich (Fritz (2006:1271,1571,1701). 

1 Fritz 2006:1132 und 1133. 

250

Eine Sonderstellung innerhalb des iranischen Namenguts des Ossetischen nehmen 

einige historisierende Personennamen ein, die erst in den letzten Jahrzehnten des 

20. Jahrhunderts Popularität erlangten. Ihr Aufkommen ist in direktem Zusammenhang 

mit dem Erwachen eines eigenen Geschichtsbewußtseins und Nationalgefühls 

bei dem neu entstandenen ossetischen Bildungsbürgertum zu sehen. Zumeist 

sind diese Namen von Ethnonymen abgeleitet, wie z.B. der maskuline Personenname 

Alan, der nur indirekt auf eine alanische Vorform *allan (aus altiranisch 

*āryana-/ *aryana- ‘arisch’) zurückgeht. Dieses Ethnonym diente den Alanen als 

Eigenbezeichnung, wurde jedoch später von den die beiden Hauptstämme der 

Osseten bezeichnenden Ethnonymen ir/ irä und dygūr/ digor verdrängt und geriet 

in Vergessenheit. Der heute gebräuchliche Personenname Alan wurde erst in der 

Neuzeit ins Ossetische "reimportiert", und zwar aus dem Englischen, wohin er 

zunächst in der Form Alain aus dem Französischen gelangt war. Dort war er im 

Zuge der Völkerwanderung als Benennung der Alanen aufgekommen (Fritz 

2006:51; Fritz 1988:203). 

Ein sehr gebräuchlicher femininer historisierender Personenname ist Zärinä. Zwar 

zeigt der Name lautliche Übereinstimmung mit dem ossetischen Wort für ‘Gold, 

golden’, doch liegt auch in diesem Fall keine ununterbrochene Tradition vor. 

Vielmehr handelt es sich hierbei um eine "Wiederbelebung" eines bei Ktesias 

überlieferten Namens der skythischen Königin Ζαρ…να, der zu skythisch *zaranya- 

‘Gold, golden’ zu stellen ist (Fritz 2006:1702). 

Ein Stratum für sich bilden die Namen der legendären Helden und Heldinnen des im 

gesamten Kaukasusgebiets verbreiteten sogenannten "Nartenepos". Es handelt sich 

hierbei allerdings nicht um ein Epos im klassischen Sinn, sondern um ineinander 

übergehende, nur lose zusammenhängende Zyklen von Heldensagen. Es ist im 

gegebenen Kontext von Bedeutung, daß die Kernsagen die größte historische Tiefe 

des Epos widerspiegeln und daß, wie erst kürzlich nachgewiesen wurde, die Namen 

der "Kernfamilie" der Narten letztlich iranisch zu etymologisieren sind und die nichtiranischen 

(armenischen, kaukasischen und zu einem geringen Grad auch türkischen) 

phonologischen und morphologischen Strata dieser Namen in der außerossetischen 

Überlieferung aus späteren Epochen stammen. So können die Ergebnisse aus der 

onomastischen Erfoschung als ein indirekter Beweis dafür gewertet werden, daß es 

sich beim "Nartenepos", zumindest in seinen Kernteilen, um eine ursprünglich 

iranische Schöpfung handelt, die erst später zu den anderen Völkern des Kaukasus 

gelangte. Hinter den Namen der mythischen Hauptfiguren wie der weiblichen Heldin 

Satana und des tapferen Soslan oder Sozyryqo verbergen sich letztlich historische 

Persönlichkeiten, wie kürzlich erwiesen wurde. 1 Im heutigen Namengut der Osseten 

spielen diese Namen hingegen keine Rolle mehr. 

2. Anthroponyme im Kabardinischen und Adygeischen 

Die abchasisch-adygischen oder westkaukasischen Sprachen gehören zu den 

autochthonen Kaukasussprachen. Sie werden heute im wesentlichen im nordwestlichen 

sowie im westlichen Teil des zentralen Kaukasusgebiets gesprochen. Zum 

1 S. ausführlich in Fritz / Gippert 2005a und 2005b; Fritz 2006:1310,1385. 

251

Westkaukasischen, das innerhalb der Kaukasussprachen eine Sprachfamilie für 

sich darstellt, gehören die vier lebenden Sprachen Abchasisch, Abasinisch, 

Adygeisch und Kabardinisch (auch Kabardinisch-Tscherkessisch) sowie die erst 

Anfang der neunziger Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts ausgestorbene Sprache der 

Ubychen. Aus genealogisch-linguistischer Sicht bilden Abchasisch und Abasinisch 

sowie Adygeisch und Kabardinisch je eine Untergruppe. Nach dieser Klassifizierung 

nimmt Ubychisch eine Zwischenstellung zwischen diesen beiden 

Hauptgruppen ein. Als Folge von Migrationen findet man einzelne westkaukasische 

Sprachinseln auch in der Türkei, Syrien, Jordanien sowie in einigen weiteren 

Ländern des Vorderen Orients (s. ausführlich Klimov 1994:47). 

Aufgrund der historischen Verhältnisse waren die Sprachen und das kulturelle 

Leben und folglich auch das Namengut der westkaukasischen Völker über lange 

Zeiträume hinweg weitreichenden Fremdeinflüssen ausgesetzt. Besonders nachhaltige 

Veränderungen ergaben sich durch innerkaukasische Migrationen, die Übernahme 

des Islam und schließlich durch die Zugehörigkeit des betreffendenTerritoriums 

zur Sowjetunion, die eine starke Russifizierung bewirkte. 

Erwartungsgemäß entstammen die wichtigsten onomastischen Lehnstrata im 

Westkaukasischen der islamischen Sphäre, wobei die zahlreichen arabischen 

Namen und Namensbestandteile – so wie auch im benachbarten Ossetischen (s. 

dazu in A.O.0) – im wesentlichen, aber nicht ausschließlich über türkische 

Vermittlung eindrangen. Prinzipiell kann jeder arabische Name vorkommen, als 

Beispiele mögen die maskulinen Namen kab./ adyg. Алий Alij, Абдул Abdul, kab. 

Хьэсэн Ḥăsăn, adyg. Хьасан Ḥasan sowie die femininen Namen kab. Аминат 

Aminat / Аминэ Amină, adyg. Аминэт Aminăt, kab./ adyg. ФатIимэт Fat.imăt 

genügen (Superanskaja 1979:290-303; sowie Fritz 2006:4,61, 90,618,1633). 

Darüberhinaus kann praktisch jeder beliebige genuin turksprachige Name 

sowie türkische namenbildende Elemente wie -beg / bi-, -xan / qan- etc. in 

den einzelnen westkaukasischen Sprachen vorkommen. Auch hierin besteht 

praktisch kein Unterschied zur ossetischen Tradition (dazu ausführlich in 

A.O.), weshalb einige wenige Beispiele zur Veranschaulichung genügen 

mögen. So seien als maskuline Namen kab. Аслъэн Asłăn / adyg. Аслъан 

Asłan ( ‘Löwe’), kab. Беслъэн Besłăn / adyg. Бислъан Bisłan (aus Bi-Aslan 

‘Herr-Löwe’), kab. Жантемыр Žantemər / adyg. Джантэмыр Džantămər 

(aus Jˇan-Temir ‘Seele-Eisen’) erwähnt, als feminine Namen kab. Жан Žan 

‘Seele; Liebling’, kab. Пэщэхъан Păŝăxan (aus Păsa-xan), adyg. Аслъанхъан 

Asłanxan ‘Löwe-Herrin’ (Superanskaja 1979:290-300, 302; sowie 

Fritz 2006:135,290,491,1155). 

Auch das Christentum hinterließ Spuren im westkaukasischen Onomastikon, doch 

beschränken sich diese vorwiegend auf Toponyme und vereinzelte Namen für einige 

wenige im ganzen Kaukasus populäre Heilige, deren christliche Züge allerdings nur 

schwach die darunterliegenden Charaktere heidnischer kaukasischer Gottheiten übertünchen. 

Die verschiedenen Missionierungsversuche byzantinischer, russischer und 

transkaukasischer Missionare blieben ohne bleibende Erfolge und dementsprechend 

252

ohne erwähnenswerte Folgen für die Personennamen. Erst in der sowjetischen 

Periode drangen zahlreiche Namen aus dem Russischen in die westkaukasische 

Sphäre ein. Darunter sind zwar auch typische christliche Namen und deren 

Kurzformen, die in diesem Zusammenhang jedoch in keinem religiösen 

Zusammenhang zu sehen sind (vgl. dazu auch in A.O.). Häufig erfolgt bei einer 

solchen Namensgebung keinerlei lautliche Anpassung an das westkaukasische 

Phonemsystem. In einigen Fällen gibt es jedoch amtlich sanktionierte angepaßte 

Formen wie den maskulinen Namen kab. Илэ Ilă für russ. Иля Ilja oder den 

femininen Namen kab. Верэ Veră aus russ. Вера Vera sowie die im Kabardinischen 

als selbständig betrachteten Frauennamen Дунэ Dună aus russisch Дуня Dunja und 

Ленэ Lenă aus russisch Лена Lena, die beide Kurzformen sind und im Russischen so 

offiziell nicht gebraucht werden können (s. Superanskaja 1979:292, 294, 297, 298, 

301; s. zur Herleitung Fritz 2006: 465, 576, 936, 1545). 

Die nachhaltigsten onomastischen Lehnbeziehungen ergaben sich durch vielfältige, 

oft Jahrhunderte währende Kontakte mit den Nachbarvölkern. Abgesehen von 

türkischen Stämmen wie Karatschajern und Balkaren betrifft dies vor allem das 

iranische Volk der Osseten, die traditionell besonders enge Beziehung zu den 

Kabardinern pflegten (s. dazu auch in A.O.). Dagegen scheint der kartvelische 

Einfluß auf die westkaukasischen onomastischen Systeme nach dem derzeitigen 

Wissensstand marginal geblieben zu sein (Kokov 1973:82). 

Die einheimischen Namen lassen sich nach ihrer formalen Bildung und ihrer 

Semantik in verschiedene Gruppen einteilen, wobei sowohl die Lautgestalt der 

einzelnen Namen als auch die onomastische Morphologie und Derivation in den 

betreffenden Sprachen nicht sehr unterschiedlich ausfallen. 

Eine besonders alte Schicht bilden Personennamen, die direkt aus Appellativen 

entstanden sind. Sehr häufig sind dabei solche Namen, die auf körperliche 

Besonderheiten oder sogar Mängel ihrer Träger oder Trägerinnen hinweisen. 

Obwohl ursprünglich als Spitznamen verwendet, wurden manche von ihnen im 

Lauf der Zeit wie normal gebräuchliche Anthroponyme behandelt, da die 

ursprünglichen Namen der betreffenden Personen in Vergessenheit geraten waren. 

Von den zahlreichen Beispielen für derlei brandmarkende Namen seien hier kab. 

Нашэ Našă / adyg. Нащ Naš' ‘der Schieläugige’ und kab. ПщэкIэщ Pŝăc.à 'ăŝ / 

adyg. ПшъэкIэкI Pŝăc.à'ăc.à' ‘der einen kurzen Hals (hat)’ erwähnt (Kokov 1973:13). 

Namen, die körperliche Merkmale hervorheben, sind auch anderen Völkern im 

Kaukasusgebiet bekannt, wobei es auch zahlreiche Namen gibt, die sich auf 

körperliche Vorzüge beziehen. Als Beispiele mögen der für das Ossetische 

bezeugte Frauenname Dumbul und der osmanisch-türkische feminine Name Tonbul 

genügen, die beide soviel wie ‘die Rundliche; Dickerchen’ bedeuten; eine Eigenschaft, 

die im betreffenden Kulturkreis nicht unbedingt als Mangel auszulegen ist 

(Fritz 2006:463). Die – ebenfalls im Namengut verankerten – entsprechenden 

autochthonen Appellativa lauten im Kabardinischen Гъум Ġum und im 

Adygeischen Гъумы Ġumə ‘dick, rundlich’(Kokov 1973:13). 

Einige Appellativa haben sich im Laufe der Zeit zu häufig gebrauchten Namenformantien 

entwickelt. Dies soll anhand einiger ausgewählter Beispiele illustriert 

werden Ausführlich dazu bei (Kokov (1973:32). 

253

Eines der produktivsten Elemente ist das Suffix kab. -къуо - q : °o / adyg. -къо -qo , 

das ursprünglich ‘Sohn’ bedeutet (s. dazu auch in A.O.); z.B. kab. Урысы-къуэ 

Urəsə-q : °ă, adyg. Урысэ-къу Urəsă-q° mit dem Turkwort für ‘Russe, russisch’ im 

Voerderglied (Fritz 2006: 1580). Zwei heute nicht mehr produktive Namenssuffixe 

gehen auf die Appellativa kab. / adyg. хъу xu / x°ə ‘Männchen’ und kab. / adyg. 

бзы bzə ‘Weibchen’ (im biologischen Sinne) zurück. Ein so gebildeter Maskuliner 

Name ist z.B. kab. Хьэ-хъу Ḥă-x° ‘Hunde-Männchen, Rüde’ (s.u. zu den sogenannten 

"Hundenamen"). 

Auch Wörter aus der Sozial- und Familienterminologie wurden zu geschlechtsspezifizierenden 

Namenelementen: kab. / adyg. лIы l.ə ‘Mann, Ehemann’; kab. щауэ 

ŝauă ‘Bräutigam, Jüngling’ / adyg. щъао ŝao ‘Sohn’; adyg. пшъашъэ pŝaŝă 

‘Mädchen’; kab. гуaщэ g°aŝă ‘Göttin, Schutzgottheit; Herrin, Fürstin; Schwiegermutter 

(Mutter des Ehemanns), Hausherrin’ / adyg. id. ‘Fürstin, Schwiegermutter, 

Ehefrau’; kab. пщы pŝə / adyg. пшьы pŝ'ə ‘Fürst, Schwiegervater (Vater des 

Ehemanns)’. Beispiele für Namen sind adyg. ЛIы-жьы-къу Ḷə-ž'ə-q°ə ‘Sohn eines 

alten Mannes’; kab. Хьэ-щауэ Ḥă-ŝauă ‘Hunde-Jüngling’; adyg. Пшъэшъэ-ф 

Pŝăŝă-f ‘weißes (hellhäutiges) Mädchen’ (-f ‘weiß’); adyg. Гуэщэ-ф G°ăŝă-f 

‘weiße (hellhäutige) Schwiegermutter’ (s.u.); kab. Пщымахуэ Pŝəmax°ă 

‘glücklicher Fürst’ (dazu Fritz 2006:1172). Auch Wörter aus der Kriegssphäre wie 

kab. шу šu / adyg. шыу šə° ‘Reiter, Berittener’ oder kab. / adyg. дзэ Ză ‘Heer’ 

dienen als Namenelemente: z.B. kab. Шу-махуэ Šu-max°ă / adyg. Шу-маф Šu-maf 

‘glücklicher Reiter’. Bezeichnungen für Körperteile von Mensch und Tier sind 

ebenfalls häufige Namenbestandteile, so z.B. kab. / adyg. пэ pă ‘Nase’ oder kab. / 

adyg. нэ nă ‘Auge’. Vgl. die maskulin und feminin gebrauchten Namen kab. Пагуэ 

Pag°ă / adyg. Пагу Pag° in der Bedeutung ‘stupsnasig’ oder den kabardinischen 

Frauennamen Дыщэ-нэ Dəŝă-nă ‘Goldauge’ (dazu auch Fritz 2006:789). Der 

zuletzt erwähnte Name ist auch ein gutes Beispiel für die häufig anzutreffenden 

Namen, die Bezeichnungen für Wertobjekte wie Edelmetalle, Seide etc. enthalten. 

Im Kabardinischen und Adygeischen gibt es zahlreiche maskuline Namen, die das 

Appellativ хьэ ḥă ‘Hund’, andere Wörter ähnlicher Bedeutung oder auch 

Bezeichnungen für einzelne Körperteile des Hundes enthalten (Kokov 1973). 

Solche traditionelle "Hundenamen" für Knaben sind beispielsweise adyg. Хьэ-хъу 

Ḥă-x° ‘Rüde’, Хьэ-къэрыжъ Ḥă-qărəz ‘alter Schwarzer Hund’, Хьэ-тыгъужъ 

Ḥă-təġ°əz ‘Hund-Wolf ‘mit der Weiterbildung Хьэ-тыгъужъы-къу Ḥă-təġ°zə-q° 

‘Hund-Wolfs-Sohn’; 1 Хьэ-лъакъу Ḥă-łaq° ‘Hundebein’, Хьэ-цыгъу Ḥă-cəġ° 

‘Hund-Maus’; kab. Хьэ-шыр Ḥă-šər ‘Hundewelpe’, Хьэ-нащхъуэ Ḥă-nāŝx°ă 

‘grauäugiger Hund’, Хьэ-бэхъу Ḥă-băx° ‘viele Hunde enthaltend’, Хьэ-кIашэ Ḥăc.àašă 

‘Hund, der den Schwanz einzieht’. 

Die angeführten Namen illustrieren sehr lebhaft, daß der Hund bei den 

westkaukasischen Völkerschaften als das wichtigste Totemtier galt. Namen, die das 

Wort ‘Hund’ oder ein Appellativ zur Bezeichnung eines Hundekörperteils - wie 

1 Zur Problematik der kabardinischen Entsprechungen dieses Namens und ihrer Entlehnung ins 

Ossetische als Xe t.äxciqo mit Varianten s. Fritz 1988:199 und dieselbe 2006:1650. 

254

Schwanz, Schnauze, Ohren oder Füße – enthalten, sollen seinen Träger beschützen. 

An diesem traditionellen Glauben änderte sich auch nichts, als der westliche 

Kaukasus in großem Umfang islamisiert wurde. Zwar gerieten die überlieferten 

heidnischen "Hundenamen" zunehmend außer Gebrauch, doch wurden sie in 

gleichem Maße durch arabische Namen "ersetzt", die mit ḥa- anlauten, wie z.B. 

Ḥasan (Fritz 2006:1633), im Kabardinischen als Хьэсэн Ḥăsăn, im Adygeischen 

als Хьасан Ḥasan (Fritz (2006:1633; Superanskaja1979:296,302). Bei den 

betreffenden Namen wird die anlautende Silbe volksetymologisch als das 

autochthone Wort für ‘Hund’ gedeutet. Mit Hilfe dieser "Importnamen" konnte 

also die alte totemistische Tradition lückenlos fortgesetzt werden und so 

gewissermaßen bis in die Gegenwart bewahrt bleiben. 

Eine Erscheinung, die für den gesamten Kaukasus charakteristisch ist, sind 

Tabunamen. Anders jedoch als beispielsweise im ossetischen Onomastikon, wo die 

Funktion der Tabunamen vor allem darauf abzielt, Krankheit, Tod und Unglück 

vom Namenträger abzuwenden (s. dazu auch in A.O.), findet man in der Tradition 

der abchasisch-adygischen Völker ein genau festgelegtes System von Tabunamen 

in einem völlig anderen Kontext. Diese Tabunamen, die herkömmlich als "zweite 

Namen" bezeichnet werden, sind ein Spiegelbild dessen, welche Mitglieder der 

Großfamilie einander nicht mit ihren eigentlichen Vornamen ansprechen dürfen. 

Dabei waren genaue Regeln zu beachten, denen zufolge neue Namen wie folgt 

vergeben wurden: Eine neu einheiratende Schwiegertochter erhielt von der Familie 

ihres Mannes einen neuen Namen, genauso wie die Eltern des Ehemanns von der 

Schwiegertochter mit einem neuen Namen bedacht wurden. Des weiteren bekamen 

der Schwager (Bruder des Mannes) und die Schwägerin (Schwester des Mannes) 

von ihrer Schwägerin brüderlicherseits einen neuen Namen. Die frisch vermählten 

Ehegatten gaben einander zwar keinen neuen Namen, doch vermieden sie tunlichst, 

einander mit ihrem jeweiligen Namen anzusprechen, da dies als "schlechter Ton", 

ja geradezu als Schande empfunden wurde. Die Institution des "zweiten Namens" 

hieß auf kabardinisch цIэлей c̣ălej, auf adygeisch цIэлый c̣ăləj, wörtlich ‘ 

überzähliger, zweiter Name’, der traditionell wohlklingend, zärtlich und poetisch 

sein sollte. Es gab für jeden der vier oben erwähnten "Namenverleihungsakte" ein 

bestimmtes Repertoire von Namen, die normalerweise auf unmittelbar verständlichen 

Appellativen beruhten. Die Schwiegertochter gab der Schwiegermutter 

Namen wie Гуащэ-IэфI G°aŝă-'ăf' ‘süße Herrin / Schwiegermutter’ (гуащэ g°aŝă 

‘Schwiegermutter, Herrin’, s.o.; IэфI 'ăf' ‘süß’ (s. auch zu ossetisch Gwassä in 

A.O.), Гуащэ-дыгъэ G°aŝă-dəġă ‘sonnige, strahlende Schwiegermutter’ oder 

Дыщэ-нагуэ Dəŝă-nag°ă ‘Gold-Stupsnase’ 1 . Die Schwiegermutter nannte ihre 

Schwiegertochter wiederum Нысэ Nəsă ‘Schwiegertochter’, Дыщэ-нысэ Dəŝănəsă 

‘Gold-Schwiegertochter’, Нысэ-IэфI Nəsă-'ăf' ‘süße Schwiegertochter’ etc. 

(s. auch zu ossetisch Gwassä in A.O.). 

Die Verleihung solcher Tabunamen war in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts 

bereits nur mehr marginal in einigen Dörfern üblich (s. ausführlicher bei Kokov 

1973:24). Ob dieses Phänomen in irgendeinem Zusammenhang mit dem früher 

1 Zu дыщэ ‘Gold, golden’ und dem ossetischen Namen Dysa s. ib. 

255

verschiedenenorts im Kaukasusgebiet gepflegten Brauch steht, daß Mädchen und 

jüngere Frauen entweder in ihrer eigenen Familie oder in ihrer Schwiegerfamilie 

mit einem teilweisen, manchmal sogar völligen Sprachtabu gegenüber älteren 

Familienmitgliedern belegt wurden, kann hier nicht geklärt werden. 

Literatur 

Fritz 1988: Sonja Fritz, Schichten der ossetischen Onomastik, In: Akten der 1, 

Österreichischen Linguistentagung, Graz, 194 ff. 

Fritz 2006: dieselbe, Die ossetischen Personennamen, Wien (enthält als gesamtkaukasisch 

angelegtes Namenbuch sämtliche weiterführende Literatur). 

Fritz / Gippert 2005a: Sonja Fritz / Jost Gippert, Armeno-Ossetica, Zum historischen 

Hintergrund des Nartenepos. In: N.N. Kazanskij (ed.), Hr.dā manasā, Sbornik statej k 70letiju 

Leonarda G. Gercenberga, Sankt-Peterburg, 385 ff. 

Fritz / Gippert 2005b: dieselben, Onomastica Nartica: Soslan – Sozyryqo, In: Haptačahaptāitiš. 

Festschrift for Fridrik Thordarson, Edd. D. Haug, E. Welo, Oslo 2005. 73 ff. 

Klimov 1994: Georgij A. Klimov, Einführung in die kaukasische Sprachwissenschaft, Aus 

dem Russischen übersetzt und bearbeitet von Jost Gippert. Hamburg. 

Kokov 1973: Džamaldin N. Kokov, Voprosy adygskoj (čerkesskoj) antroponimii, Nal’čik. 

Superanskaja 1979: A. V. Superanskaja e.a. (edd.), Spravočnik ličnyx imen narodov 

RSFSR, Moskva. 

Zgusta 1955: Ladislav Zgusta, Die Personennamen griechischer Städte der nördlichen 

Schwarzmeerküste, Praha. 

Abkürzungen 

A.O. - Die Anthroponyme im Ossetischen 

A.K.A. - Die Anthroponyme im Kabardinischen und Adygeischen 

sonia giperti-frici 

256 

Crdilokavkasiuri anTroponimebi 

reziume 

winamdebare statia erTi mxriv osur, xolo meore mxriv yabardoul da 

adiReur anTroponimebs exeba. masSi naCvenebia, rom kavkasiis calkeul enaTa onomastikur 

sistemaTa farTo ganxilva mxolod maSin aris SesaZlebeli da gonivruli, 

rodesac mTeli kavkasiuri arealis saxelTa sistemaSi erToblivad aris 

Seswavlili. statiaSi klasikuri sinqroniuli da diaqroniuli meTodebi gamoyenebulia 

kulturuli anTropologiisa da arealuri lingvistikis problematikasTan 

mimarTebiT. aq ganxilul enaTa WeSmaritad multilingvuri onomastikoni 

kavkasiuri arealis kulturuli da enobrivi mravalSrianobis pirdapiri asaxvaa.


lali qecba-xundaZe 

epistemuri konteqstualizaciis germanuli Teoria 

diskursis lingvistikaSi 

1. diskursi rogorc epistemuri konteqstualizaciis procesi da 

konstruqti 

germanelma lingvistebma meoce saukunis bolos ganavrces fukos konceptualuri 

sistema. isini Seecadnen SeeqmnaT meTodi, romelic gamodgeba 

diskursis analizis yvela donisTvis: samecniero, mediebis, politikis, 

sasaubro da fiqcionaluri diskursebisTvis. 

TviT fukos, romlis Seswavlis obieqts upiratesad samecniero diskursi 

warmoadgenda, faqtobrivad, kvlevis eqsplicituri meTodi ar SemouTavazebia. 

zogadad,Ggermaneli lingvistebi eyrdnobian diskursis poststruqturalistur 

gagebas, romlis mixedviTac diskursi ganixileba rogorc 

struqturuli erTeuli, romelic calkeuli gamonaTqvamebis CarCos 

scildeba da, ase vTqvaT, gamonaTqvamebis/teqstebis momcvel erTianobad 

gvevlineba (Sdr. Gardt 2007:30, Busse 2007:81, Busse 2003:17, Busse 1994:14). 

amave dros, calkeuli diskursebi referenciuli Sinaarsis cvliT ganpirobebulni 

da maTze orientirebulni arian. G 

diuseldorfis Tanamedrove lingvisturi skolis TvalsaCino warmomadgenlis, 

ditrix buses, mixedviT, diskursis lingvisturi analizi 

(fukoseuli gagebiT) `kulturis empiriuli mecnierebaa~ (Sdr. Foucault 

1991), romelic gansxvavdeba sxva sociologiuri, filosofiuri da fsiqologiuri 

epistemologiuri midgomebisgan – radgan igi orientirebulia 

enobriv niSanTa mimdevrobebze, rogorc masalaze, romelic Tavis sakuTar 

struqturas misi funqciebis gaTvaliswinebiT ikvlevs. Sesabamisad, 

iseve rogorc `teqstmcodneoba~ (Textwissenschaft) sui generis, diskursic 

interpretaciis obieqtia, romelic erTsa da imave dros epistemuri konteqstualizaciis 

processa da konstruqts warmoadgens (Sdr. Busse 

2007:81). 

konteqstualizacia, upirveles yovlisa, aris epistemologiuri, kognitivisturi 

cneba. konteqstebi, rogorc codnis elementebis mimwodeblebi, 

romelTa gareSec verc erTi winadadeba an teqsti sworad ver iqneba 

gagebuli, ubralo obieqturi monacemebi ar aris. isini, Cveulebriv, 

moZebnili da aRmoCenili unda iqnen. konteqstebi, upirveles yovlisa, 

kognitiuri reprezentaciebi, epistemuri sidideebia, romlebic gagebis- 

Tvis relevantur codnas warmoqmnian (Sdr. iqve:87).Aamitom konteqstualizacia 

niSnavs adgilis miCenas codnis sivrceSi, imis damoukideblad, 

aris es codna WeSmariti, koherentuli, damtkicebuli Tu aseTad ar 

257

gvevlineba. reprezantaciis anu samyaros warmosaxvisa da gagebis umniSvnelovanesi 

saSualebebis saxeobebs swored ena iZleva. amdenad, enobrivi 

niSnebisa da maTi funqciebis ganlageba konteqstSi msgavsi an alternatiuri 

niSnebiT diskursul konteqstualizaciad unda miviCnioT. A 

amgvari epistemuri konstruqciebi SesaZloa individualuri an intersubieqturi 

iyos, isini SeiZleba Seesabamebodnen an ar Seesabamebodnen 

gare epistemur realur samyaros – amas ara aqvs gadamwyveti mniSvneloba. 

konteqstualizacia adgilis mopovebaa codnis sivrceSi `Verortung in 

einem Wissenraum~ (Sdr. iqve: 84).Ees codna SesaZloa iyos WeSmariti, 

damtkicebuli an saeWvo, rasac ar eqneba mniSvneloba. filosofosebi da 

semantikosebi amas `SesaZlebel samyaroebs~ uwodeben (mögliche Welten). 

mniSvnelovania, ase vTqvaT, `meqanikuri~ codna samyaros warmosaxvisa 

da gagebinebis saSualebebis gamoyenebis SesaZleblobebis Sesaxeb, romel- 

Ta Soris ena umniSvnelovanes saSualebas warmoadgens. gagebis procesis- 

Tvis amdenadve mniSvnelovania enobrivi niSnebisa da maTi funqciebis sa- 

Tanado ganlageba (Verortungen) funqcionalurad msgavsi an alternatiuli 

niSnebis konteqstSi, rac aseve konteqstualizaciis cnebas miesadageba. 

diskursis lingvisturi analizis dros wina planze gadmoiwevs konteqstualizaciis 

procesebis intersubieqturi aspeqtebi da meTodebi, 

radgan mizani gagebisTvis relevanturi (zeindividualuri) ganzogadebuli 

codnis da misi struqturebis dadgenaa (Sdr. iqve 81). konteqstualizaciis 

problemebi imdenad mravalmxrivia, rom am statiis farglebSi 

maTi ganxilva SeuZlebeli iqneboda. Cven gamovyofT mxolod ors: 

• konteqstualizaciis ra saxeebi/tipebi/an doneebi arsebobs. 

• romeli maTgania diskursis lingvisturi analizis Sesabamisi obieqti. 

2. konteqstualizaciis doneebi da tipebi 

konteqstualizaciis doneebisa da tipebis kvlevas safuZvlad udevs 

mosazreba, rom is, rac konteqstualizacias ganicdis, eqvemdebareba mas, 

imdenad enobrivi niSnebi ar aris, ramdenadac enobrivi niSnebis mier gaaqtiurebuli 

teqstis samyaros (SesaZlebeli, virtualuri samyaros) elementebi, 

romlebic konteqstebSi (codnis qselebSi, saorientacio CarCoebSi) 

arian CarTulni, raTa enobrivi niSnebis gamoyeneba, ase vTqvaT, adekvaturad 

iqnes gagebuli. M 

ditrix buses magaliTad franguli revoluciis konteqstSi maria antuanetas 

sikvdiliT dasja mohyavs (iqve:87). Cvenc SegviZlia ufro axali 

magaliTebis moyvana: holokosti (meore msoflio omis konteqstSi), 

e.w. `perestroika~ sabWoTa kavSiris dangrevis konteqstSi an berlinis 

kedlis dangreva germaniis gaerTianebis konteqstSi. 

erTi SexedviT, amgvari movlenebi mxolod sinamdvileSi arsebuli 

mocemulobebia. magram zemoT aRniSnuli movlenebis e.w. codnis sivrceSi 

ganlageba, rogoric iyo maria antuanetas sikvdiliT dasja franguli 

revoluciis an holokosti – meore msoflio omis konteqstebSi da Sem- 

258

dgomi magaliTebic, ki ar gamoricxaven msgavs konteqstebs, aramed paralelurad 

dasaSvebi konteqstebia – magaliTad, `terori da teroristuli 

mmarTvelobis saSineli Sedegebi~, amasTan, aRsaniSnavia, rom es aris 

kognitiurad realizebuli koleqtiuri konteqstualizaciebi an sazogadoebrivi 

codnis wesrigis struqturebi (Ordnung des Discurses – fukos 

terminiT), romlebic intersubieqtur doneze aRiarebulia rogorc cnobierebaSi 

arsebuli konteqstualizaciis mexsiereba (Kontextualizierungsgedächtnis). 

dabolos, konteqstualizaciis gagebisTvis umniSvnelovanesia is, rom 

igi relaciuri cnebis (mimarTebis/Relation) damaxasiaTebel yvela niSans 

atarebs: raRac aris raRac sxvasTan mimarTebaSi, anu sxvaze orientirebuli 

an aseTad danaxuli. 

sakuTriv `kategorialuri konteqstualizaciebis~ mokle tipologizacia 

mniSvnelovani iqneboda diskurssemantikuri analizis perspeqtivis- 

Tvis da meTodisTvis, romelsac buse gvTavazobs: 

1. niSnebi urTierTdamokidebul mimarTebaSia; 

2. kognitiuri reprezentaciebi mimarTebiT damokidebulebaSia. 

teqstis samyaros elementebi (subieqtebi, protagonistebi, sagnebi, 

movlenebi, moqmedebebi, calkeuli qmedebebi, Sinaarsebi, msjelobebi da 

a.S) konteqstebis saxiT aRsaqmel da gasageb relacionalur warmonaqmnebs 

warmoadgenen: teqstis samyaros SigniT arsebuli elementebis ur- 

TierTmimarTebidan dawyebuli, mosazRvre teqstebis samyaroebis elementebisa 

da/an sxva teqstebis samyaroebis msgavsi elementebisadmi maTi mimarTebiT 

damTavrebuli (mniSvneloba ar aqvs, aris es msgavseba esTetikurad 

aRsaqmeli, funqcionaluri Tu sxvagvarad motivirebuli – iqve:87). 

teqstis producenti konteqstualizaciebs teqsts nagulisxmevi konteqstebis 

saxiT warumZRvarebs, magram is verasodes iqneba darwmunebuli, 

rom teqstis recipientebis mier ise iqnebian gagebuli, rogorc mis 

mier iyo nagulisxmevi. magram komunikaciuri qmedebis sayovelTao racionaluroba 

ganapirobebs konteqstebis umeteswilad intersubieqtur mar- 

Tlzomier aRqmas, ris garantsac, Cveulebriv, leqsikuri semantika warmoadgens. 

teqstis doneze sityvebis da winadadebebis Sesabamisad predikaciebis 

konteqstualizacia mTeli teqstebis konteqstualizacias gulisxmobs: 

• romelic orientirebulia teqstis saxeobebze rogorc nimuSebze; 

• da gulisxmobs teqstebis CarTvas teqstualobaSi (deridas Sriftis 

“ecriture” metaforis gagebiT) – rogorc mTlian sivrceSi aqamde arsebuli 

teqstualobisa, romelic SeiZleba teqstebis konteqstualizaciis 

sivrced iqnes miCneuli (Busse 2007:92). 

teqsti an teqstis amonaWeri CarTulia ara mxolod yvela sxva aqamde 

realizebuli teqstebis horizontSi, aramed igi (Sedarebis gziT) 

aseve CarTulia SesaZleblobebis gavrcobis sivrceSic, romlis Taviseburebebsac 

calkeuli teqstis funqcia ganapirobebs. 

259

am mxriv teqstebis funqcionalobis mTliani sivrce (Sesabamisad, 

enobrivi gamonaTqvamebi) enobrivi erTeulebis konteqstualizaciis horizonts 

da ramdenime tips qmnis. A 

• CarCoze orientirebuli konteqstualizaciebi 

• interteqstualoba 

• interdiskursuloba 

• topologiuri konteqstualizaciebi (iqve: 93) 

epistemologiuri semantikisTvis upirvelesi rigis ganmazogadebeli 

cneba aris codnis CarCos cneba. codnis horizontis Seqmna yovel konkretul 

SemTxvevaSi warmoadgens `codnis CarCos~. amgvari CarCoebi dayofilia 

ierarqiul, paralelur an alternatiur struqturebad ise, rom 

isini moicaven mudmivad cvalebadi saxis codnis umcires elementebsac, 

romlebic mravalgzis gadaikveTebian Sinaarsobriv da specifikur perspeqtivebSi. 

es ki niSnavs, rom interteqstualoba, interdiskursuloba da 

topologia (teqstebis ganlageba diskursis sivrceSi) codnis CarCoSi 

organizebuli (codnis) struqturebis garkveuli tipebia. 

diskursis analizis buses mier SemoTavazebuli meTodebi ar aris 

axali. isini cnobilia rogorc komponentebis semantika da prototipebis 

semantika. A 

axalia midgoma: semuri analizi – sinonimebis, semantikuri velebis 

izotopuri jaWvebi, iseve rogorc prototipebis semantikis – kanonikuri 

maxasiaTebelebis kombinaciebi (myari Sesityvebebi (e.w. Topoi), orientirebuli 

sagnebze, pirovnebebze, qmedebebze), warmodgenilia rogorc 

konteqstualizaciis formebi.A 

didi mniSvneloba eniWeba im garemoebas, rom semantikuri velisa da 

CarCos semantikis iseTi Semadgeneli nawilebi, rogorebicaa realobaze 

orientirebuli codnis CarCoebi, cnebebi da konceptebi, TavianTi referencialur 

funqciis miRma sxva implicitur predikaciul informaciebsac 

Seicaven. 

amrigad, konteqstualizaciis procesi gulisxmobs ara mxolod erTi 

predikaciuli CarCos, aramed sxva predikaciebis gaaqtiurebasac, romlebsac 

Cveulebriv presupoziciebs uwodeben. gaaqtiureba ki gulisxmobs 

konteqstualizaciis procesSi CarTvas da, Sesabamisad, sabolood gagebas/interpretacias. 

3. sityvis konteqstualizacia fiqcionalur teqstSi 

sainteresoa fiqcionaluri (umeteswilad avtoreferenciuli teqstebis) 

konteqstualizacia, romlis procesSic avtoris/teqstis producentis 

kognitiur-esTetikuri zeindividualoba mkiTxvelis asociaciebze 

dayrdnobiT Tavisebur modifikacias ganicdis, rac mudmivad ganaxlebadi 

konteqstualizaciebis SesaZleblobas qmnis. 

• demonstracia konkretul magaliTze – rogor xdeba sityvis, rogorc 

teqstis erTeulis, konteqstualizacia eqsplikatiuri semanti- 

260

kis gamoyenebiT. es aris uve kolbis leqsi (cit. ula fiqsis mixedviT: 

Fix 2007: 253) 

Sprachvermögen 

Sprechenkönnen 

Sprichwenndukannst 

Strauch Baum Sturm Gelächter 

Wir Objekte Substantive Sätze 

Sinn Sinnlichkeit Widersinn 

Lüge Lüglichkeit Notlüge 

Wahrheit Wahrhaftigkeit Zeitunglesen 

Macht Mächtigkeit Ohnmacht 

Glaube Beglaubigung Hoffnungslosigkeit 

Sein Dasein Kunst 

Vernunft Ausverkauf Wahnsinn 

Ordnung Sicherheit Leben 

Aufstieg Karriere Schweigen 

Loch Arschloch Wut 

Lob Gelöbnis Haß 

Labsal Labbrigkeit Realität 

Sätze Substantive Objekte Welt 

Lachen Stimmen Bäumen Straucheln 

• pirveli kiTxva: warmoadgens Tu ara es morfologiur-sintaqsuri mimarTebebis 

gareSe mocemuli sityvebi teqstis sivrces da zedapirs. 

• Semdegi kiTxva: Tu es teqstia, iReben Tu ara Tavis Tavze sxva mimarTebebi 

teqstis zedapirze morfologiur-sintaqsur funqciebs? 

P Tu am kiTxvebze pasuxis gasacemad movaxdenT zmnis fleqtiuri formebiT 

predikacias, davinaxavT, rom mas banaluri da teqstis esTetikuri 

RirebulebisTvis metad savalalo Sedegi mohyveba. amgvar proceduras 

leqsis teqsti ver aitans, magaliTad aseTs: 

Ein Strauch oder Baum im Sturm der Gelächter, d.h. wir sind Objekte oder 

Substantive in Sätzen; Strauch und Baum, sie trotzen dem Sturm. Ihre Blätter 

ergießen sich in Gelächter. Wir sind Objekte von Welt wie Substantive die von 

Sätzen. 1 

• aSkara xdeba, rom teqsti sruliad sxvagvari mimarTebebis Semcvelia, 

romelTa Canacvlebac sxva komplementaruli morfologiur-sintaqsuri 

saSualebebiT SeuZlebelia. 

• koserius Tu davesesxebiT, es aris `sxvagvari niSnebiT gamoxatuli 

mimarTebebi~, romlebic gulisxmobs, rom sityvebi qmedebisa da gamoxatvis 

umciresi formativebia. isini sintaqsis Canasaxi da gulia. 

sityvebi, rogorc teqstis gamoxatvis saSualebebi, teqstis gamaer- 

Tianebel funqcias axorcieleben da amdenad integraciuli mniSvnelobis 

mqone elementebi arian. 

1 K arsebobs komplementaciis sxva SesaZleblobebic, magram amgvar eqsperimentebs am 

statiis farglebSi ver ganvaxorcielebT. 

261

• semantikuri mimarTebebis gaaqtiureba paradigmatul doneze ramdenime 

kuTxiT aris SesaZlebebli: 

• SesaZloa sityvaTa velis mimarTebebis dadgena, rogoric aris, mag: 

Strauch- Baum- Sturm (=bunebas) 

• Obekte-Substantive-Satz(=enas) Wir-Lachen-Stürmen-Bäumen-Straucheln 

• (= adamianurs). es mimarTebebi sintaqsis donis identuria. 

• sityvaTa ojaxebi: dajgufebebi erTian sayrdens warmoadgenen: Baum- 

Bäumen, Sinn-Sinnlichkeit-Widersinn, Lüge-Lüglichkeit-Notlüge, Macht- 

Mächtigkeit-Ohnmacht – da teqstis agebis (konstituciis) ganmapirobebel 

erTeulebad gvevlinebian. 

• SesaZlebeli xdeba, agreTve, kolokaciebis identuri sintaqsuri mimarTebebis 

dadgena, rogoric aris Macht-ausüben, Ohnmacht-empfinden. 

• sinonimiis, iseve rogorc mravalmniSvnelovnebis dadgenis gziT SesaZlebeli 

xdeba konteqstSi semantikuri mimarTebebis gamovlena. mag: 

garda mniSvnelobis paradigmatuli msgavsebisa an, zogjer, identificirebisa, 

rogoric aris Ordnung-Sicherheit, Sein-Dasein-Leben, Aufstieg-Karriere, 

dgindeba mniSvnelobis konteqstualuri msgavsebebic: 

Sein, Dasein=cxovrebas, Sein, Dasein=xelovnebas, romlebic warmoqmnian 

konteqstualur mimarTebebs teqstis doneze. 

• iseT paradigmatul, urTierTsapirispiro mniSvnelobebis mqone leqsemebSi, 

rogorebic aris Macht-Ohnmacht, Sinn-Widersinn, Vernunft-Wahnsinn, 

kontradiqtoruli mniSvnelobebi (eqspliciturad) vlindeba. 

• xolo konotaciebis pozitiurad da negatiurad konotirebuli sityvebis 

dapirispireba Wahrheit-Zeitunglesen konteqstualur (implicitur) 

mimarTebas qmnis.Aswored amgvari, konteqstualizaciis proces- 

Si gaaqtiurebuli konotaciebi teqstSi daZabulobisa da moulodnelobis 

efeqts qmnian. 

• sityvawarmoebis/sityvaTSemoqmedebis (WortschSpfung), konteqstualuri 

mniSvnelobebi – mag: Sprichwenndukannst aris eqspresiuli, moTxovnis 

intonaciis Semcveli sityvaTgaerTianeba/Semoqmedeba, romelSic 

imperatiuli funqciis Secnobaa SesaZlebeli. 

• wyvil leqsemebSi Sinn-Sinnlichkeit, Lüge-Lüglichkeit, Macht-Mächtigkeit 

dgindeba wyvilis pirveli prototipuli sabaziso-kategorialuri 

mniSvnelobebi, xolo meore nawilSi – kompleqsuri sityvebiT adamianze 

orientirebuli niSnebi (eqsplicituri derivacia -keit): Sinnlichkeit, 

Lüglichkeit Mächtigkeit. 

• teqstis struqturireba: teqsts samnawiliani saTauri aqvs. misi yoveli 

calkeuli pwkaris Sua poziciis ori nawili – xiazmia da Car- 

Cos qmnis, romelSic dgindeba teqstualuri mimarTebebi. teqsts axasiaTebs 

paranomazia: Labsal-Labrigkeit, romelic leqsis Sua nawilis 

riTmul danawevrebas da teqstis nawilebis urTirTmimarTebas ganapirobebs. 

262

• teqstis saxeoba: radgan saqme leqsTan gvaqvs, amdenad gramatikis si- 

Raribe ar gvakvirvebs. sxva SemTxvevaSi me, rogorc mkiTxvels, recefciis 

sxva strategia meqneboda. 

• ramdenadac am teqsts sintaqsi ar gaaCnia – misi wakiTxva SeiZleba 

horizontalurad, diagonalurad da vertikalurad, konteqstualizaciis 

funqcias Tavis Tavze iRebs stilistur-semantikuri saSualebebi, 

radgan sintaqsuri saSualebebis gaaqtiureba teqsts banalurs 

gaxdida, rac leqsis esTetikis damangreveli iqneboda. 

daskvna 

epistemologiuri konteqstualizaciis mniSvneloba: 

• – germaneli mkiTxvelisTvis es leqsi epistemologiur-kognitiuri 

TvalsazrisiT sruliad sxvagvar sivrces ikavebs da, ase vTqvaT, 

codnis CarCos afarToebs: es aris codna poetis – uve kolbis biografiuli 

elementebis Sesaxeb – dabadebuli 1957 wels gdr-Si, avtori 

leqsebis krebulisa “Hineingeboren – Stacheldrahtlandschaft”, 

romlidanac cxadi xdeba, erTi mxriv, avtoris Seurigebloba reJimis 

mimarT da, meore mxriv, misi qeduxreloba dasavleTis mimarT, nostalgiac 

ki Stacheldrahtlandschaft-is Taviseburi silamazis mimarT, 

romelSic is gaizarda, romelic misTvis miuRebeli, magram mSobliuri 

iyo. ara mxolod codnis CarCos es elementebi, aramed uve kolbis 

leqsebis diskursi aris kognitiuri da lingvisturi konteqstualizaciis 

egzemplifikacia. 

• – aq mokled SevexeT sityvis mniSvnelobas teqstisaTvis da teqstis 

rols sityvebis mniSvnelobebis urTierTmimarTebebis SeqmnaSi, romlebic 

(enobrivi niSnis doneze) teqstSi konteqstualizacias ganapirobeben. 

amgvari interpretaciebi SeiZleba tipologiurad ganzogadebulic 

iyos konkretul teqstebSi. isini lingvistikis (kerZod lingvisturi 

hermenevtikis) sferoSi rCeba, danarCeni ki literturaTmcodneobis 

obieqts warmoadgens. 

literatura 

Busse 1994: Busse Dietrich/ Teubert Wolfgang, “Ist Diskurs ein sprachwissenschaftliches 

Objekt?” In: Busse Dietrich Hermanns, Fritz/Teubert, Wolfgang (Hrsg.): 

Begriffsgeschichte und Diskursgeschichte. Methodenfragen und Forschungsergebnisse 

der historische Semantik, Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen, 10-28. 

Busse 2003: Busse Dietrich, Begriffsgeschichte oder Diskursgeschichte? Zu theoretischen 

Grundlagen und Methodenfragen einer historisch-semantischen Epistemologie, In: 

Carsten Dutt (Hrsg.): Herausforderungen der Begriffsgeschichte,Winter Verlag, 

Heidelberg, 17-38. 

Busse 2007: Busse, Dietrich, “Diskurslinguistik als Kontextualisierung”. In: Warnke, Ingo 

H (hrsg.): Diskurslinguistik nach Foucault. Theorie und Gegenstände, Walter de Gruyter, 

Berlin, New York, 81-105. 

263

Gardt 2007: Gardt Andreas, Diskursanalyse – Aktueller theoretischer Ort und methodische 

Möglichkeiten, In: Warnke, Ingo H (hrsg.): Diskurslinguistik nach Foucault. Theorie und 

Gegenstände, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, New York, 3-21. 

Fix 2007: Fix Ulla, Stil, ein sprachliches und soziales Phänomen, Frank & Timme GmbH, 

Berlin. 

Foucault 1991: Foucault Michel, Die Ordnung des Diskurses, Fischer-Taschenbuch- 

Verlag, Frankfurt am Main. 

Warnke 2007: Warnke Ingo, Diskurslinguistik nach Foucault – Dimensionen einer 

Sprachwissenschaft jenseits textueller Grenzen, In: Warnke, Ingo H (hrsg.): 

Diskurslinguistik nach Foucault, Theorie und Gegenstände, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, 

New York, 3-21. 

Lali Ketsba-Khundadze 

Bedeutung der epistemischen Kontextualisierung 

Fazit 

Im vorangehenden Aufsatz haben wir die Bedeutung eines Wortes für den ganzen Text und 

die Rolle des Textes für die Konstituierung der Wortbedeutung sowie die Herstellung der 

lexikalisch-semantischen Beziehungen besprochen, die auf der Zeichenebene die 

Kontextualisierung bestimmen. Solche Interpretation kann in typologischer Hinsicht 

anhand konkreter Texte verallgemeinert werden. Diese Interpretationsweise bleibt im 

Bereich der Linguistik (und zwar im Bereich der linguistischen Hermeneutik), der Rest 

gehört schon zum Gegenstand der Litraturwissenschaft. 

Die interpretierten Texte hängen vom Wissensrahmen des Lesers ab: dieses Wissen umfasst 

die biographischen Details über den Dichter Uwe Kolb – geboren 1957 in der DDR, 

Verfasser des Gedichtbands Stachelldrahtlandschaft, das einerseits die unversöhnlich 

kritische Haltung des Dichters gegenüber dem Regime der DDR erkenntlich macht, zeigt 

andererseits seine Unfähigkeit dem Westen anzupassen, eine Art nostalgische Vertrautheit 

und Zuneigung zur Landschaft, die für ihn unakzeptabel, aber als heimatlich vertraut war. 

Nicht nur diese Elemente des Wissensrahmens sondern auch der Diskurs der Gedichte von 

Uwe Kolb stellen die Exemplifizierung der kognitiven und linguistischen Kontextualisierung 

dar. 

264


fonotaqtika da sistemis elementTa 

diaqroniuli transformacia 

(II nawili) 

naTela quTelia 

XX saukunem gansakuTrebuli roli Seasrula lingvitikis, rogorc 

mecnierebis, ganviTarebaSi. swored man gansazRvra ena, rogorc sakuTriv 

lingvistikis obieqti, Tavis srul da mravalmxriv ganzomilebaSi. `fonemis~ 

da `morfemis~, rogorc abstraqtul erTeulTa, axleburma gagebam 

saSualeba misca lingvistebs Seiswavlon enaSi arsebuli sxvadasxva ierarqiuli 

doneebi. 

`fonema~ da `morfema~, rogorc enis ierarqiuli erTeulebi, qmnian 

realur enobriv struqturebs enobrivi ierarqiis sxvadasxva doneze, romelTa 

urTierTmimarTeba ayalibebs enas rogorc sistemas. 

imis mixedviT, Tu rogor ganviTardeba enobriv movlenaTa mecnieruli 

sistematizacia, misi albaTobis xarisxi, miT ufro TvalsaCino iqneba 

ierarqiul doneTa erTeulebis sintagmaturi mimarTebebi, romlebic ayalibeben 

enas mTlianobaSi – rogorc diaqroniul, ise sinqroniul Wril- 

Si. 

mecniereba enis Sesaxeb, iseve rogorc yvela sxva mecniereba, dogmaTa 

sistema ar aris – meTodebi icvleba da Sesabamisad Sedegebic. `fonema~ 

sametyvelo bgeraa, is realurad arsebobs da enaTmecnierebis Seswavlis 

sagans warmoadgens; enaSi, rogorc sistemaSi, Tanamoqmedebs bgeris materialuri 

substancia da funqcia. materialuri substanciisa da funqciis 

organuli Serwymis safuZvelzea SesaZlebeli enis sxvadasxva ierarqiul 

doneTa Tanamoqmedeba, swored esaa `fonemis~ rogorc abstraqtuli er- 

Teulis, axleburi gageba da ara fonetikisa da fonologiis dapirispireba, 

rogorc es n. trubeckoisTan gvaqvs. `fonologia rogorc saenaTmecniero 

disciplina swavlobs sametyvelo bgeras anu fonemas sityvaTganmasxvavebluri 

funqciis TvalsazrisiT, gamodis ra misi (fonemis) 

akustikur-fiziolgiuri raobidan~ (axvlediani 1999:263). 

fonema abstraqcia ar aris am sityvis piridapiri mniSvnelobiT. imaves 

amtkiceben `funqcionaluri fonetikis~, rogorc fonetikis axali mimarTulebis 

Casaxvis da Teoriis Camoyalibebis pionerebi: p. uslari, i. 

boduen de kurtene, n. kruSevski, l. SCerba, mogvianebiT g. axvlediani da 

a. martine. 

lingvistikis sauniversiteto kursebSi damkvidrda termini – `fonetika-fonologia~. 

vfiqrob, amTaviTve unda ganixilebodes problema: aris 

es terminTa dapirispireba, Tu arsebiTad erTi da igivea – rasakvirvelia, 

erTi da igivea, vinaidan igulisxmeba sametyvelo anu socialurad Rire- 

265

uli bgeris Seswavlis ori aspeqti: fizikuri (artikulaciur-akustikuri) 

da funqcionaluri (socialuri), rac, Tavis mxriv, Seicavs: koartikulacias 

da masTan dakavSirebuli Sida da gare `sandhis kanonTa~ gamovlenas 

da am kanonTa moqmedebis Sedegs; fonetikur tendenciebs, romelTa 

qronologia da dinamika scildeba poziciiT ganpirobebul koartikulaciur 

qmedebaTa sferos da globaluria enisTvis, rac aisaxeba kidec paradigmatul 

sistemebSi da fonematur struqturebSi; èkonomiis principi~ 

da fonetikuri cvlilebebi; fonematuri sistemis diaqroniuli transformacia; 

universaluri fonetikuri kanonebi da maTi SezRudva droiTa 

da sivrciT; sxva kanonis Careva da kanonis reinterpretacia; gansazRvravs 

Tu ara fizikuri da funqcionaluri aspeqtebis TanaJamieri moqmedeba 

enis fonemur da morfologiur Camoyalibebas, dabolos fonotaqtika 

da sistemis elementTa diaqroniuli transformacia. 

magaliTad, harmoniul kompleqsTa A da B sistemis jgufebi markirebulia 

saerTo-qarTveluri fonologiuri sistemis TvalsazrisiT (maWavariani 

1965). amave dros kanonikuria zanuri (resp. megrul-Wanuri) fonotaqtikis 

gaTvaliswinebiT, radgan savsebiT Seesabameba fonemaTa SeerTebis 

struqturul kanonzomierebas: 

megruli 

bg fq/mq pk bR fx/rx py 

dg Tq tk dR Tx ty 

Zg cq wk ZR cx wy 

jg Cq Wk jR Cx Wy 

lazuri 

bg fq pk bR py 

bg>mbg>mg 

bg/mg 

266 

fq>mfq>mq 

fq>mq 

bR>mbR>mR 

bR>mR>R 

py>k 

py>pk>k; py>p 

dg Tq tk dR Tx ty 

Zg cq wk ZR cx wy 

jg Cq Wk jR Cx Wy 

sistemis modelis Camoyalibeba eqvemdebareba fonotaqtikis wesebs, 

magram fonetikuri substancia ganicdis diaqroniul cvlilebebs. amitom 

ismis kiTxva: mogvepoveba sakmarisi safuZveli labialuri rigis harmoniul 

jgufTa postulirebisaTvis megrulSi; gavitanoT fq, fx kompleqsebi sqemis 

gareT?! 

zanuri fonologiuri sistemis TvalsazrisiT, sistemis wevrebi ganicdian 

transformacias, magram fonotaqtikuri modeli stabiluri rCeba 

qarTulis mimarT, rac uflebas gvaZlevs, vivaraudoT, rom harmoniul

kompleqsTa jgufebi Camoyalibda qarTvelur dialeqtTa erTianobis epoqaSi. 

harmoniul jgufTa A da B sistemebi myaria da dadasturebulia 

yvela qarTvelur enebSi da rasakvirvelia, erTnairi paradigmatuli six- 

SiriT ar xasiaTdeba. amave dros fonotaqtikis TvalsazrisiT maTi materialuri 

substanciis gardaqmnebi kanonikuri struqturis farglebs ar 

scildeba. 

da mainc, ismis kiTxva, ratom arRvevs fonotaqtika, romelic, erTi 

mxriv, fonemaTa Segueba-Seugueblobis garkveul wesebs emyareba, xolo 

meore mxriv, enis Sinagani organizaciiT aris nakarnaxevi da realurad 

arsebul struqturebSi vlindeba, Tavissave gamomuSavebul wess?! aseT 

`darRvevasTan~ gvaqvs saqme A da B sistemis labiovelarul jgufebSi 

zanurSi (resp.megrul-lazurSi). kanonikuri jgufebi transformirebuli 

formiT arian warmodgenilni. 

lazuri: bg>mbg>mg; bg||mg; bR>mbR>mR; bR>mR>R; 

fq>mfq>mq; fq||mq; fx>mfx>mx; fx>mx>x; 

py>pk>k; pk>k; py>p; 

megruli: fq/mq; fx>rx; fq>mq; 

ra SeiZleba vivaraudoT, rodesac fonotaqtikis dadgenili wesi paradigmis 

farglebSi irRveva? is, rom mocemul fonemaTa SeerTebebi 

rx

maSin rodesac wina poziciaSi T-s sonanti r emezobleba. morfemaTa gasayarze 

warmoqmnili arakanonikuri Tg unda gardaqmniliyo kanonikur dg-d 

– aseTia fonemaTa ganawilebis kanonzomiereba qarTvelur enebSi. 

literatura 

axvlediani 1999: g. axvlediani, zogadi fonetikis safuZvlebi (meore gamocema), 


gudava, gamyreliZe 1981: t. gudava, T. gamyreliZe, TanxmovanTkompleqsebi 

megrulSi, `Tbilisis universiteti – akaki SaniZes~, Tbilisi. 

maWavariani 1965: g. maWavariani, saerTo-qarTveluri konsonanturi sistema, 


Natela Kutelia 

Phonotactics and Diachronical Transformation of the Elements of the System 

(Part II) 

Summary 

Linguistics as a science, as well as all other sciences, is not a system of dogmas – methods 

change and, accordingly, the results change too. 

“Phoneme” is a speech sound. It exists in reality and is the object of linguistic studies. 

In the language, as a system, the material substance and function of the phoneme cooperate. 

On the basis of organic merging of the material substance and function, the cooperation of 

various hierarchical levels of the language is possible. Consequently, it is a new 

understanding of “phoneme” as an abstract unit and not the opposition of phonetics and 

phonology as it is given in N. Trubetskoy’s works. 

In the process of phonetic evolution phonotactics has a decisive role. When the rules of 

phonotactic regularities of all the Kartvelian languages are stated, the whole range of 

spontaneous changes both on synchronic and diachronic levels will be explained and the 

interpretation of synchronic and diachronic changes will become much easier and more 

exact by taking into account the phonotactics rules. 

268

Sesavali 


periferiuli arabuli dialeqtebis kvlevis 

ZiriTadi mimarTulebebi 

guram Ciqovani 

periferiul arabuls miekuTvneba arabuli samyaros miRma an arabuli 

qveynebis sasazRvro regionebSi arsebuli dialeqtebi. maTTvis damaxasia- 

Tebelia enobrivi kontaqtebiT ganpirobebuli enobrivi Taviseburebebi. 

geografiuli mdebareoba ganapirobebs am tipis arabuli dialeqtebis 

enobriv urTierTobebs struqturulad araidentur indoevropul da 

Turqul enebTan. specialistTa gansakuTrebuli yuradRebis centrSia 

TurqeT-siriis sasazRvro zolSi arsebuli periferiuli arabuli, aseve 

iranis xuzistanis, avRaneTisa da centraluri aziis dialeqtebi, romel- 

Tagan zogierTi, saukuneebis ganmavlobaSi, mowyvetili aRmoCnda arabuli 

samyarosgan. sayuradRebo lingvisturi suraTi miviReT am dialeqtebis 

ganviTarebis Sedegad. erTi mxriv, isini Tanaarsebobdnen, enobriv kontaqtSi 

imyofebodnen arasemitur enebTan, xolo, meore mxriv, maTi arabuli 

lingvisturi sistema met-naklebad viTardeboda klasikur arabulTan da 

mis dialeqtebTan Sexebis gareSe. amgvarad, arabulma enobrivma qsovilma 

periferiul arabulSi ganicada Sida evolucia, rac faseulia ara mxolod 

arabuli dialeqtologiis, aramed zogadsemitologiuri TvalsazrisiTac. 

gansakuTrebuli aRniSvnis Rirsia periferiul arabulSi SemorCenili 

arabuli enisaTvis damaxasiaTebeli Zveli formebi. maTi arseboba ganpirobebulia 

mravalsaukunovani enobrivi izolaciiT. isini sayuradReboa 

arabuli enis istoriisa da, zogadad, semituri enebis ganviTarebis tendenciebis 

Sesaswavlad. aseve faseulia am tipis monacemebi arabuli enis 

istoriuli dialeqtologiis TvalsazrisiTac. 

periferiuli arabuli dialeqtebis enobriv sistemebSi mniSvnelovan 

rols asrulebs istoriuli, geografiuli, socialuri da sxva eqstralingvisturi 

faqtorebi. maTi gaTvaliswineba Sedis aRniSnuli ragvarobis 

arabuli dialeqtebis kvlevis programaSi. 

periferiuli arabuli dialeqtebis kvlevisas, pirvel rigSi, unda 

dadgindes, rogor iyenebs individi mSobliur arabulTan erTad aramSobliur, 

kontaqtSi myof enas (an enebs). arcTu iSviaTad, ucxo enis zegavlena 

arabulze imdenad didia, rom metyvelebis dros gardauvali xdeba 

Secdomebi, rac sistematuri ganmeorebadobis SemTxvevaSi periferiuli 

dialeqtis enobriv normad yalibdeba. am mxriv, sainteresoa enobrivi 

normebidan sistematuri gadaxvevis Sedegad garkveuli wesebis Camoyalibeba, 

rac iZleva enobrivi kontaqtebis modelirebis SesaZleblobas. peri- 

269

feriuli arabuli dialeqtebis xangrZlivi Tanaarseboba gansxvavebuli 

struqturis enebTan dasaSvebs xdis kontaqtebis Sedegad ganpirobebuli 

enobrivi cvlilebebis ganzogadebas. 

amgvarad, enobrivi kontaqtebi arabulenovan samyaroSi SeiZleba ganvixiloT 

xangrZliv procesad, romelsac garkveul etapze Tan axlavs raodenobrivi 

enobrivi cvlilebebis TvisebrivSi gadasvla. 

periferiuli arabuli dialeqtebis enobrivi analizi, aseve, SesaZleblobas 

iZleva, davadginoT maTi leqsikur-gramatikuli sistemebis sicocxlisunarianobis 

xarisxi. kritikul zRvarTan siaxlove an siSore am 

mxriv naTlad izomeba dialeqtis enobrivi struqturis farglebSi arsebuli 

formawarmoebis potencialiT, rac pirdapirproporciulia sityvawarmoebis 

sixSiresTan. im SemTxvevaSi, Tu dialeqtSi gramatikuli formawarmoebis 

unari daqveiTebulia, kontaqtSi myofi enebi mzamzareul 

formebs awvdian enas. sapirispiro viTarebis dros fiqsirdeba klasikuri 

arabulis gramatikuli struqturisaTvis damaxasiaTebeli formawarmoeba. 

aRniSnuli sakiTxebi SeiZleba CaiTvalos arabuli dialeqtebis kvlevis 

efeqtur mimarTulebebad. vfiqrob, arabuli dialeqtebis Seswavlis 

Tanamedrove etapze, enobrivi masalis analizis axleburi meTodologia 

ufro naTlad warmoaCens periferiuli arabuli dialeqtebis enobriv maxasiaTeblebs, 

maT gansakuTrebul mniSvnelobas arabuli enis istoriisa 

da zogadsemitologiuri TvalsazrisiT. punqtebis mixedviT periferiuli 

arabuli dialeqtebis kvlevis ZiriTadi mimarTulebebi Semdegnairad warmogvidgeba: 

I. dialeqtebSi daculi arabuli enis (semituri enebis) Zveli formebis 

gamovlena (rogorc zemoT aRvniSneT, maTi konservacia dialeqtebSi 

ganapiroba mravalsaukunovanma enobrivma izolaciam, zog SemTxvevaSi klasikur 

arabulTan da mis dialeqtebTan urTierTobis ararsebobam). 

II. arabuli enobrivi niSnebis Sida evolucia klasikuri arabuli 

enisa da misi dialeqtebisagan enobrivi izolaciis pirobebSi (unda dadgindes 

arabuli fonetikuri, fonologiuri, morfologiuri, sintaqsuri 

da leqsikuri masalis ganviTarebis tendenciebi. am nawilSi unda aRinusxos 

da gaanalizdes damoukidebeli ganviTarebis Sedegad droTa ganmavlobaSi 

arabul enobriv doneze Camoyalibebuli axali gramatikuli formebi). 

III. enobrivi kontaqtebis Sedegad ganviTarebuli cvlilebebi (periferiul 

dialeqtebSi enobrivi kontaqtebiT ganpirobebuli siaxleebi enobrivi 

ierarqiis yvela doneze fiqsirdeba. lingvisturi analizi cxadyofs 

Zireul cvlilebebs, rogoricaa fonologiis struqturaSi axali fonemebis 

gaCena, morfologiur doneze saxelisa da zmnis struqturaSi saliteraturo 

arabulisagan gansxvavebuli araerTi warmoebis wesis danergva, 

sintaqsuri konstruqciebi, winadadebis arabulisaTvis uCveulo wyoba 

da, ra Tqma unda, leqsikuri nasesxobebis siWarbe. aqve unda aRiniSnos 

kodis Secvla, romelic farTodaa gavrcelebuli periferiul arabulSi). 

270

IV. eqstralingvisturi faqtorebiT ganpirobebuli enobrivi Taviseburebebi 

(periferiul arabulze gavlenas axdens istoriuli, geografiuli 

da socialuri faqtorebi, sayofacxovrebo garemo da regionebSi arsebuli 

enobrivi politika). 

ganvixilavT warmodgenil kvleviT mimarTulebebs cal-calke centraluri 

aziis arabuli dialeqtebis magaliTze: 

I. Zveli formebi, romlebic faseulia arabuli enisa da, zogadad, 

semituri enebis istoriis TvalsazrisiT 

1.0. meore aTeulis ricxviT saxelTa struqtura centraluri aziis 

arabul dialeqtebSi Semdegnairia: aTi + erTeulis aRmniSvneli ricxviTi 

saxeli. analogiuri warmoeba meore aTeuli ricxviTi saxelebisaTvis fiqsirdeba 

eTiopurSi. arabuli enis buxaruli dialeqti (Ciqovani 2009:37). 

aseve damaxasiaTebelia igi finikiurisa da nabaTeurisaTvis (Ахвледиани 

1985:47, Brockelmann 1908:489). 

magaliTi buxarulidan: 

dåk ÷aâara Õams miáÝr, iúbuÕÝro ÒÆde 

ìgi 15 wlis roca gaxda, buxaraSi wavida~. 

magaliTi kaSkadariulidan: 

anÁ iúbræÔi iúÕidma ÷aâar waÔsa iáÝr-tam 

`me 11 weli jarSi vimsaxure~. 

1.1. kaSkadariul arabulSi fiqsirdeba mravlobiTi ricxvis warmoeba 

m×m-iT. 

adræn ÔÝyiã kis×r hamrayÁm kÁnat 

`saxlSi bevri oqro (oqroebi) iyo~ (kad). 

ziklonÁt hamrayÁm-tangayÁm Õazuwa, Òaduwa 

`maT aiRes oqro-vercxli [da] wavidnen~ (kad). 

kokÝyata kulla hamrÁt Õazuwa, kisatumÁt-kisayÁm haâuwa 

`Zmebma mTeli oqro [rac iyo] aiRes, qisebi gaavses~ (kad). 

Õazuwa, Òaduwa da haâuwa (Sdr. arab. Ôaâa (u)) III piris mravlobiTi 

ricxvis formebia (Õazaw, Òadaw, haâaw). nacvalsaxelovani sufiqsis 

darTvis Sedegad vRebulobT Õazuwa, Òaduwa, haâuwa-s. 

iúÉoyÕÝna kis×r mÝâ×nÁm ademiyÁt kÁnaw. 

`CaixanaSi bevri gasarTobad mosuli adamiani (moseirneebi) iyo~. 

mÝâ×nÁm iSleba Semdeg elementebad: mÝâ-×n-Ám. fiqsirebuli ormagi 

mravlobiTidan erTi m×m-iania. 

naÔnÁt mad×na naÒade, pÝâÝ binta inâæfa, salÁsatnam naÒade, 

fahadna hama bint noÕusa. 

`Cven qalaqSi wavalT, faSas qaliSvils vnaxavT, 

samive mivalT [da] erT-erTi Cvengani am mzeTunaxavs (asuls) Seir- 

Tavs (erTi Cvengani[saTvis] im qaliSvils aviyvanT)~. 

sityvaSi salÁsatnam m daerTvis mravlobiTi ricxvis I piris nacvalsaxelovan 

sufiqss. es SeiZleba iyos, erTi mxriv, ormagi mravlobiTis 

271

gamomxatveli, xolo, meore mxriv, mravlobiTi ricxvis meore da mesame 

piris nacvalsaxelovani sufiqsebis analogiiT ganviTarebuli mawarmoebeli 

formanti. orive SemTxvevaSi sayuradReboa mravlobiTobis gadmocema 

m×m-iT, romlis anarekls klasikur arabulSi warmoadgens mravlobiTi 

ricxvis meore da mesame piris nacvalsaxelovan sufiqsebSi arsebuli m: 

Sdr. -kum//-hum: baytukum “Tqveni saxli~, baytuhum “maTi saxli~. 

zÝka iúibsÝt iúwaÉa öabu öumma isimumÁt nasaÓa 

“man xaliCaze Tavisi ded-mamis [mSoblebis] saxelebi amoqsova~. 

dialeqtSi ism-is mravlobiTi saliteraturo arabulisgan gansxvavebuli 

isimumÁt nawarmoebia ormagi mravlobiTiT. mawarmoebeli elementebidan 

(-um-Át) yuradRebas ipyrobs -um, romelic m×m-s Seicavs. 

ugub il-ÔÝyiã daÕalt, il-morti rÝsa gaseyta, 

il-bÝyÁm qatalta, il-bÎt× maddeyt. 

“Semdeg sasaxleSi Sevedi, Cems cols Tavi movkveTe, beic movkali da 

saxlSi davbrundi~. 

am winadadebaSi il-bÝyÁm formiT mravlobiTia. marTalia, SinaarsiT 

mxolobiTs gamoxatavs, magram sayuradReboa warmoebis TvalsazrisiT. 

aseTi SemTxveva mxolod erT SemTxvevaSi dafiqsirda. igi informantis 

mier Txrobis procesSi daSvebul uneblie Secdomas warmoadgens. 

ziklÝnÁt moyÝtumÁt ufraÒat. 

“maT wyali gauTavdaT~. 

mæy “wyali~ mdedrobiTi sqesis saxelia. misi mravlobiTis formas 

muyÝt < muyÁt daerTvis mravlobiTis mawarmoebeli m×m-iani sufiqsi - 

um//æm. aseTi saxiT nawarmoeb ormag mravlobiTs boloSi kvlav 

daerTvis Át, e.i. xdeba sityvaSi mawarmoebeli elementis dublireba. 

Sedegad vRebulobT mravlobiTis sammag warmoebas. 

bunebrivad ismeba sakiTxi kaSkadariis arabul dialeqtSi m×m-iani mravlobiTis 

Sesaxeb. aRniSnuli sakiTxi Cem mier adre iqna ganxiluli da 

moxsenebis saxiT wakiTxuli buqarestis periferiuli arabuli dialeqtisadmi 

miZRvnil kolokviumze. Some Peculiarities of Central Asian Arabic from 

the Perspective of History of Arabic Language (Chikovani 2006-2007). 

mravlobiTi ricxvis m×m-iT warmoeba damaxasiaTebelia Crdilodasavluri 

semituri enebis – ugaritulisa da ebraulisaTvis. ugaritulSi mamrobiTi 

sqesis saxelebs mravlobiT ricxvSi status absolutus-Si gaaCniaT 

daboloeba -m [-æma] saxelobiTSi da -m [×ma] naTesaobiT-braldebiT 

brunvebSi (Сегерт 1965:35). 

1.2. centraluri aziis arabul dialeqtebSi zogierT morfologiur 

elements moeZebneba paraleli sxva semitur enebSi. aRsaniSnavia am mxriv 

mÁhu/ /mÝhu, mÁhi//mÝhi buxarulSi da mÁhaw, mÁhay kaSkadariulSi, 

romelTaganac formebs: mÁhaw-mÁhay moeZebnebaT paralelebi axal arameul 

dialeqtebSi. aRsaniSnavia buxarulSi halo < hal. igi CvenebiTi nac- 

272

valsaxelia. mis siriul warmomavlobaze miuTiTebs g. wereTeli (Церетели 

1941:140). siriuli warmomavlobis unda iyos agreTve buxarulSi arsebuli 

CvenebiTi nacvalsaxelebi: had, hadi, hat, hÁlÁn. forma hÁlÁn-s 

(

eduqciis xarjze klasikuri sistema gafarToebulia: (ai > e, aw > o). 

xmovnebi samkuTxedSi Semdegnairad nawildebian: 

274 

/i/ /u/ 

/e/ /o/ 

/a/ 

kad-Si SeimCneva xmovanTa sigrZis arastabiluroba. gvxvdeba grZeli, 

mokle, saSualo sigrZis da ultramokle xmovnebi. xmovanTa sigrZis cvalebadoba 

damaxasiaTebelia ara marto kaSkadariis, aramed sxva arabuli 

dialeqtebisTvisac. fonetikuri Canawerebis safuZvelze gamoiyofa xmovanTa 

Semdegi klasebi: 

grZeli umaxvilo: /i/ /Ø/ /Î/ /Ï/ /Á/ /Â/ /Ý/ /æ/ /ç/ /ë/ 

grZeli maxviliani: /Ú/ /Ö/ /Ñ/ /Ï/ /Ç/ /Â/ /ß/ /é/ /ç/ /ë/ 

cvalebadi sigrZis: /i/ /Ø/ /e/ /Í/ /À/ /a/ /o/ /u/ /å/ /ê/ 

saSualo simoklis: /i/ /Ø/ /e/ /î/ /Í/ /À/ /o/ /u/ /å/ /ê/ 

mokle: /i/ /Ø/ /e/ /î/ /Í/ /a/ /À/ /o/ /û/ /u/ /å/ /ê/ 

ultramokle: /i/ /Ø/ /e/ /î/ /a/ /À/ /o/ /û/ /u/ /å/ /ê/ 

imas, Tu xmovnis romeli varianti iqneba realizebuli, xSirad ganapirobebs 

pozicia da kontaqti. mezobloba winaenismier, velarul, faringalur 

da emfatikur TanxmovnebTan gavlenas axdens maT tembrze. SeiniSneba 

grZeli xmovnebis damoklebis tendencia. 

/e/-s variantebia Í, Î da î. e saSualo rigis xmovania. igi xasiaTdeba 

rigebSi monacvleobis unariT da bagismierebTan mezoblobaSi ganicdis 

labializacias. /e/-s erT-erTi varianti Í viwro xmovania. igi i-s uaxlovdeba. 

es movlena kad-Si mkveTrad aris gamoxatuli. mag., iâ > Íâ `ra~. 

aseve xSiria grZeli Î-s xmarebis SemTxvevebi: irdÏna < ÷ardÁn `saxeloebi 

(or. r.)~. 

farTodaa gavrcelebuli neitraluri î, romelic warmoadgens mokle, 

ufro xSirad Zalian mokle, minimaluri Riaobis, cvalebadi rigisa 

da saSualo aweulobis xmovans. î icvlis tembrs xmovanTa harmoniis an 

mezobeli Tanxmovnebis gavleniT. egviptur dialeqtSi es xmovani gvxvdeba 

iSviaTad. maRribis dialeqtebSi da, gansakuTrebiT, marokos arabul 

dialeqtSi TiTqmis yvela mokle xmovani gadadis î-Si. 

/o/-s variantebia û da o. igi aris ukana rigis saSualo Riaobis 

xmovani. umetesad gvxvdeba grZeli Ý-s saxiT. es fonema miRebulia ori 

gziT: erTi mxriv, grZeli Á gvaZlevs Ý-s: mÁt > mÝt `mokvda~, xolo 

meore mxriv, difTongi aw gadmoicema Ý-Ti: nawm > nÝm `Zili~. o-s 

varianti û Zalian xSirad gvxvdeba, gansakuTrebiT, daxurul marcvalSi: 

kûhtil àdgili~. o umetesad Cndeba sityvis TavSi an boloSi. igi faringalebTan 

mezoblobaSi an a xmovanTan asimilaciis Sedegad xSirad icvlis 

tembrs da gadadis a-Si: moÔmad > maÔmad `muhamedi~, zaraboh 

>zarabah `daartyes maT mas~.

amrigad, kad-Si warmodgenilia Semdegi xmovani fonemebi: 

fonemebi alofonebi 

/a/ /À, Â, a, Ã, Å/ 

/e/ /Í,Î,î/ 

/i/ /Ø, i/ 

/o/ /û, o/ 

/u/ /å, ê, o, ç, ë/ 

gamoyofili 5 ZiriTadi erTeuli ar ganarCevs fonologiurad sigrZe-simokles. 

es movlena unda CaiTvalos kad-is vokaluri sistemis erTerT 

ZiriTad maxasiaTeblad. grZeli xmovnebis arsebobas sityvebSi sxvadasxva 

faqtorebi unda ganapirobebdes. vfiqrobT, umTavresi maT Soris 

aris maxvili. mxedvelobaSia misaRebi, agreTve, arabul sityvaTa tradiciuli 

warmoqmnis SenarCunebis tendencia, rac gaucnobiereblad gadaecema 

Taobidan Taobas. 

2.1. centraluri aziis orive dialeqtSi mniSvnelovani cvlileba ganicada 

konsonanturma sistemam. ganviTarda ori, saliteraturo arabuli 

enisaTvis ucxo, fonema: p da É. maTi gaCena mxolod tajikuri da uzbekuri 

enebis gavlenas ar unda mieweros. isini Sesabamisi arabuli bgerebis 

ganviTarebis Sedegicaa. amitom gvxvdeba p da É rogorc tajikuri da 

uzbekuri warmoSobis sityvebSi, aseve wminda arabul leqsemebSic. mag., 

poliâta `baliSi~, ÉÝi “Cai~, harap < harab `gaiqca~, uÉi < waÉh× `Cemi 

saxe~. 

2.2. Ziris struqturisaTvis damaxasiaTebelia saxelebSi da zmnebSi 

sami Tanxmovnis aRdgenis tendencia: kÎ avbar < ke ÷abar `cxovrobda~, 

rowd < rÝd `miwa~, Sdr. öarÊ: 

kÁin ma kÁin f× qad×mi waÕt esqe zamÝn fad bÝy ke avbar. 

ìyo da ara iyo ra, Zvelad (Zvel droSi) erTi bei cxovrobda~. 

hat pÝâÝ ki-sÝr, ’ihÁd abå rowden poâoya insÝir i-hankit Óe÷Ýniya 

misÝr. 

`[maSin, roca] igi faSa gaxda, misi mamis qveyanaSi SimSiloba Camovarda~. 

2.3. kad-Si piris nacvalsaxelebma ganicades Zireuli cvlilebebi. 

Cven mier dafiqsirebuli formebi mniSvnelovnad gansxvavdeba saliteraturo 

arabulis Sesabamisi formebisgan. 

piri sqesi ricxvi 

III mamr. mx. haw//zÝk h-//z- -aw//-Ý - 

mdedr. mx. hai//z×ka h-//z- -ai//-× - 

mamr. mr ziklÝn z - -Ýn 

ziklÝnÁt z - -ÝnÁt 

275

zÝkÁt z - -Át 

mdedr. mr. ziklÆnna z - -Ænna 

II mamr. mx. inta int -a - 

mdedr. mx. inti int -i - 

mamr. mr. intæ int - æ 

intuwÁt int - -uwÁt 

mdedr. mr. intÙnna int - -Ùnna 

I mx. anÁ anÁ - - 

mr. naÔna naÔn - -a 

naÔnÁt naÔn - -Át 

bolokidur morfemebs aqvT alternantebi: (a)-s alternantebia (Î) da 

(î). i-s alternantad xSirad gvevlineba (iî), xolo (u)-s enacvleba (Ýw). 

magaliTebi: 

276 

intî zarabt `Sen (mamr., mx. r.) daartyi~ 

intî ma tâæf `Sen (mamr., mx. r.) ar giyvars~ 

inti wÎn inti? `Sen (mdedr., mx. r.) sada xar?~ 

intÝw kulæ `Tqven (mamr. mr. r.) WameT~ 

rogorc zemoT moyvanili cxrilidan Cans, piris nacvalsaxelebisaTvis 

kad-Si damaxasiaTebelia paraleluri formebis funqcionireba. mag., III 

pirSi mx. r-Si aseTi formebia: haw//zÝk mamr. sqesSi da hai//z×ka mdedr.- 

Si. haw da hai-s xmarebis areali Zalian SezRudulia. isini gvxvdebian 

mxolod uaryofiT nawilak mÁ-sTan erTad: mÁ haw, mÁ hai. 

mesame pirSi, mravlobiTi ricxvSi, mamrobiT sqesSi ixmareba erTdroulad 

sami forma: ziklÝn, ziklÝnÁt da zÝkÁt. amaTgan ziklÝnÁt nawarmoebia 

ormagi mravlobiTiT, xolo zÝkÁt miRebulia Sesabamisi mxolobiTis 

formaze mravlobiTobis mawarmoebeli Át sufiqsis darTviT. pirvel pirSi 

erTmaneTs enacvlebian nahna//nahnÁt. aRniSnuli formebis varirebis 

areali kad-Si Zalze farToa. isini xSirad enacvlebian erTmaneTs. 

amrigad, kad-is damoukidebeli piris nacvalsaxelebi mesame pirSi, rogorc 

mxolobiT, aseve mravlobiT ricxvSi klasikuri arabulis zÁka-dan 

momdinareoben. es movlena mxolod centraluraziuri arabulisTvis aris 

damaxasiaTebeli. amasTanave, formaTa raodenoba, saliteraturo arabul- 

Tan SedarebiT, gazrdilia, rac aseve ganasxvavebs mas sxva arabuli dialeqtebisgan. 

2.4. Taviseburebebs avlenen zmnebi, romelTa pirveli Zireuli Tanxmovani 

guturaluria. aq, imperfeqtivSi, pirvel da meore Zireul Tanxmovans 

Soris, nacvlad suqunisa, Cndeba xmovani, xSirad grZeli Ý. amave 

dros, perfeqtivSi SeiZleba sruliad daikargos pirveli Zireuli Tanxmovani. 

ZiriTadad es mosdis hamzas: Õaza~iÝÕuz àiRo~.

am jgufis zmnis sruli paradigma imperfeqtivSi Semdegnairad warmogvidgeba: 

mx. r. mr. r. 

III mamr. ihÝÓum ihÝÓ u mæn 

ihÝÓ u munÁt 

mdedr. ithÝÓum ihÝÓ u mÙnna 

II mamr. ithÝÓum ithÝÓ u mæn 

ithÝÓ u munÁt 

mdedr. ithÝÓum×n ithÝÓ u mÙnna 

I ahÝÓum ahÝÓum 

amgvarad, martivi Temis samTanxmovniani zmnis fuZis struqturuli 

modeli imperfeqtivSi aris CCVC. afiqsebis saSualebiT xdeba misi funqcionaluri 

gaformeba. am formis zmnisaTvis damaxasiaTebelia ablauti, 

guturaluri TanxmovnebiT gamowveuli uRlebis Tavisebureba da orive 

tipis zmnebSi mawarmoebel alomorfTa siWarbe. 

III. enobrivi kontaqtebiT ganpirobebuli cvlilebebi 

3.0. centraluraziur arabul dialeqtebSi dasturdeba arabultajikuri 

da arabul-uzbekuri enobrivi kontaqtebis Warbi SemTxvevebi. 

nawilobriv fiqsirdeba arabul-rusuli da arabul-Turqmenuli enobrivi 

urTierTobebi. magaliTad moviyvan Semdeg winadadebas: 

anÁ ib-ræhi ademiyÁt ÷amal asi afarmid. 

`me TviTon adamianebs saqmes vaZlev (vasaqmeb)~. 

forma afarmid momdinareobs rusuli sityvidan "оформляю". xmovani 

a arabul teqstSi zmnis pirveli piris mawarmoeblad iqna gagebuli. Sedegad 

miviReT rusuli zmna arabul gramatikul yalibSi: afarmid = 

оформляю. 

3.1. drois kategoria kad-Si Semdegi jgufebiT gamoixateba: 

a) dasrulebuli namyo 

b) ganusazRvreli namyo 

g) ganusazRvreli awmyo 

d) gansazRvruli awmyo 

e) ubralo momavali 

v) rTuli (dauyovnebeli) momavali 

dasrulebuli da ganusazRvreli namyos mniSvnelobiTi opoziciaa: 

âarabt – `davlie~, ma âaribni – àr damilevia~. ganusazRvreli namyo 

iwarmoeba aqtiur mimReobaze nacvalsaxelovani sufiqsis darTviT. igi 

emTxveva qarTul TurmeobiTs: 

mx. r. 

III mamr. âÁriba(h) 

mdedr. âÁribaha 

277

278 

II mamr. âÁribak 

mdedr. âÁribek 

I âÁribni 

mr. r. 

III mamr. âÁribhum 

mdedr. âÁribhin 

II mamr. âÁribkum 

mdedr. âÁribkin 

I âÁribna 

ganusazRvreli namyos arseboba kad-Si uzbekuri enis gavlenas unda 

mieweros (Церетели 1941:142). zmnuri formebisaTvis Turqul enebSi damaxasiaTebelia 

aRniSnuli dro, amitom misi ganviTareba arabul dialeqtSi 

xangrZlivi enobrivi kontaqtiT unda aixsnas. igive SeiZleba iTqvas gansazRvrul 

awmyoze, romelic gangZobiT dros gadmocems. aRniSnuli dro 

kad-Si iwarmoeba zmnis imperfeqtivis formaze damxmare zmnis nÁm aqtiuri 

mimReobis darTviT: iãbuÕ nÁyim – àxla acxobs~, nÝkul nayiminni – 

àxla vWamT~. 

3.2. centraluraziur arabulSi warmodgenilia ZiriTadad uzbekuri 

da tajikuri, xolo nawilobriv – Turqmenuli da rusuli nasesxobebi. 

uzbekuri leqsika moicavs kaSkadariel arabTa cxovrebis TiTqmis yvela 

sferos: qaââaq `Rataki~, ÉåpÝn `mwyemsi~. igive SeiZleba iTqvas tajikuri 

nasesxobebis Sesaxebac: ÕamsÝya `mezobeli~, darkÝr `saWiroeba~, 

bÝÒbÝn `baRi~. dasturdeba paraleluri formebi. erTi mniSvnelobis gamosaxatavad 

ixmareba rogorc arabuli, aseve nasesxebi sityvac: kis×r arab. 

kÝn uzb. `mravali~, gil×l arab. kÝm taj. `cota~. 

paralelur formebze dakvirveba gviCvenebs, rom nasesxebi sityvebi 

TandaTan ikaveben dialeqtSi arabul leqsemaTa adgils. es exeba gansaku- 

TrebiT uzbekur nasesxobebs. SeiniSneba agreTve paralelur formaTa 

zrdis tendencia, rac dRiTi dRe gzas ukafavs dialeqtSi nasesxobebs. 

IV. eqstralingvisturi faqtorebiT ganpirobebuli cvlilebebi 

4.0. arabuli samyarosgan mravalsaukunovanma izolaciam, Turqulenovanma 

da sparsulenovanma garemocvam, tajikebTan da uzbekebTan Tanacxovrebam, 

centraluri aziis mosaxleobisaTvis damaxasiaTebel cxovrebis 

wesze gadasvlam, Sesabamisma saqmianobam da interesebma, uzbekeTSi arsebulma 

enobrivma politikam zegavlena iqonies regionSi arsebul arabul 

dialeqtebze. 

Sua aziis buxarisa da kaSkadariis regionebSi enobrivi situacia avlens 

koordinaciul da subordinaciul diglosiasa da triglosias 

(Ciqovani 2002:13).

koordinaciuli diglosiis an triglosiis dros bilingvi (trilingvi) 

Tavisuflad flobs or (an sam) enas da situaciis mixedviT axdens 

gadarTvas erTi enidan meoreze, aucileblobis SemTxvevaSi ki mesamezec. 

subordinaciuli diglosiis (triglosiis) dros ki arabi bilingvi 

(trilingvi) Tavisuflad flobs mxolod erT, mSobliur enas. tajikuris 

da uzbekuris codnis done aseT SemTxvevaSi dabalia da bilingvi 

(trilingvi) metyvelebis procesSi cdilobs dauqvemdebaros ucxo ena 

mSobliuri arabulis normebs. aseTi bilingvebi (trilingvebi) arian, 

ZiriTadad, xandazmulebi da ojaxuri cxovrebiT Semofargluli qalebi. 

Sua aziaSi davafiqsireT subordinaciuli orenovnebis saintereso Sem- 

Txvevebi, roca axali Taobis warmomadgenlebma mSobliur arabulze ukeT 

ician tajikuri an uzbekuri enebi da ojaxSi, ubanSi, TanasoflelebTan 

metyvelebis dros uxvad iyeneben tajikur, uzbekur sityvebsa da gamoTqmebs. 

es ganpirobebulia cxovrebis Tanamedrove tendenciebiT uzbekeTis 

respublikaSi. amasTanave, buxarisa da kaSkadariis arabulenovan yiSla- 

RebSi ucxo ar aris monolingvizmi. vgulisxmobT Rrmad moxucebulebs. 

gansakuTrebiT Znelia monolingvi qalebisgan dialeqtologiuri masalis 

Cawera karCaketili cxovrebis gamo. 

sayuradReboa anTropologiuri daskvna Sua azieli arabebis Sesaxeb, 

romelic l. oSanins da v. zezenkovas (Ошанин, Зезенкова 1953) ekuTvnis. 

maTi monacemebiT `kaSkadarieli arabebi warmoadgenen braqicefalur winaaziur 

rasobriv tips, rac emTxveva CrdiloeT mesopotamiis arabTa rasobriv 

maxasiaTebels~ (Ошанин, Зезенкова 1953). avtorebma safuZvlianad 

gamoikvlies Sua aziaSi gavrcelebuli tipebi. maTi dakvirvebiT, karSis 

raionis arabebma saukuneebis ganmavlobaSi SeinarCunes da dRemde moitanes 

TavianTi arabuli warmomavlobis damadasturebeli anTropologiuri 

niSnebi. rac Seexeba Suaaziel arabTa adgilobriv mosaxleobasTan 

Serwymis maCveneblebs, mecnierTa daskvniT, kvali aseTi anTropologiuri 

Serevisa ukiduresad umniSvneloa. mizezad avtorebi asaxeleben yarSeli 

arabebis ZiriTadi nawilis erT adgilze damkvidrebas, kerZod, jeinausa 

da kamaSis raionebSi. aq ar SeiZleba kvlav ar aRiniSnos al-istaxris 

uaRresad mniSvnelovani cnoba naxSebis (karSi) midamoebSi arabTa dasaxlebis 

Sesaxeb. igi asaxelebs dasaxlebul punqts, sacxovriss, saxelwodebiT 

`naukad kureiS~, rac miuTiTebs iq mcxovrebTa arabul warmomavlobaze. 

rogorc zemoT aRvniSneT, Suaaziel arabTa istoria, maTi regionSi 

damkvidrebis vadisa da Tavdapirveli sacxovrisis dadgena, mniSvnelovnad 

uwyobs xels dialeqtis srul da amomwurav gamokvlevas. yovelive amas 

didi mniSvneloba aqvs, vinaidan gansxvavebas arabul dialeqtebs Soris 

xSirad safuZvlad udevs zemoaRniSnuli faqtorebi. Sua aziis arabuli 

dialeqtebi, miuxedavad arabuli samyarosgan mravalsaukunovani izolaciisa, 

arabul dialeqtologiur sistemaSi arian moqceuli. 

279

daskvna 

ganxiluli kvleviTi mimarTulebebi TvalsaCinos xdis periferiuli 

arabulis monacemebs arabuli enis istoriisa da misi ganviTarebis tendenciebis 

Sesaswavlad. Cven mier SemoTavazebuli meTodi mkafiod warmoaCens 

ama Tu im dialeqts diaqroniasa da sinqroniaSi. enobrivi maxasiaTeblebis 

aRnusxva, maTi dalageba-daxasiaTeba zemoT naxsenebi oTxi principiT, 

arabuli dialeqtebis kvlevis saqmeSi axlebur midgomad SeiZleba 

CaiTvalos. 

periferiul dialeqtebSi arabuli enis Zveli formebis gamovlenafiqsacia, 

arabuli samyarosgan mravalsaukunovani izolaciis pirobebSi 

arabuli enis formebis Sida evolucia, maTi Sedareba erTi mxriv saliteraturo 

arabulTan, xolo meore mxriv aRmosavlur da dasavlur arabul 

dialeqtebTan, struqturulad araidentur Turqul da indoevropul 

enebTan enobrivi kontaqtebiT ganpirobebuli enobrivi kontaqtebis 

analizi da eqstralingvisturi faqtorebiT ganpirobebul cvlilebebze 

yuradRebis gamaxvileba gvaCvenebs ama Tu im dialeqtis adgils, rolsa 

da wvlils arabuli enis sistemaSi, romelic, Tavis mxriv, semituri 

enobrivi sistemis umniSvnelovanesi nawilia. 

arabuli dialeqtebis kvlevis Cven mier SemoTavazebuli meTodologia 

dagvexmareba davadginoT ama Tu im arabuli dialeqtis SigniT formawarmoebis 

potenciali da misi mimarTeba sityvawarmoebis sixSiresTan. es 

mogvcems saSualebas swrafad da uSecdomod SevafasoT dialeqtis enobrivi 

sicocxlisunarianobis xarisxi. 

literatura 

Ciqovani 2002: g. Ciqovani, Sua aziis arabuli dialeqtebi. kaSkadariuli dialeqti. 

fonologia, gramatika, leqsika, Tbilisi. 

Ciqovani 2009: g. Ciqovani, arabuli enis buxaruli dialeqti, Tbilisi. 

wereTeli 1937: g. wereTeli, Sua aziis arabuli dialeqtebi, winaswari angariSi, 

enimkis moambe, I, Tbilisi. 

Ахвледиани 1985: Ахвледиани В.Г., Бухарский арабский диалект, Тбилиси. 

Ошанин, Зезенкова 1953: Ошанин Л.В., Зезенкова, В.И., Вопросы этногенеза народов 

Средней Азии в свете данных антропологии, Ташкент. 

Сегерт 1965: Сегерт С., Угаритский язык, Москва. 

Церетели 1941: Церетели Г.В., К характеристике языка среднеазиатских арабов, 

Труды второй сессии ассоциации арабистов, М.-Л. 

Brockelmann 1908: Brockelmann C., Grundriss der Vergbichenden Grammatik der 

semitischen Sprache, Bd. I, Berlin. 

Chikovani 2006-2007: Chikovani G., Some Peculiarities of Central Asian Arabic from the 

Perspective of History of Arabic Language, Romano-Arabica VI-VII. 

VilenÉik 1935: VilenÉik J., Zur Genesis der arabischen Zweisprachigkeit, OLZ, Dezember. 

280

Guram Chikovani 

The Main Objectives of the Study of Peripheral Arabic Dialects 

Summary 

The paper provides an overview of the tendencies of development of Peripheral Arabic 

Dialects and offers a new methodology in the research of Arabic dialects isolated from the 

Arab world for a long period of time. 

The study of Peripheral Arabic Dialects takes the following directions: 

I. The oldest phonological, grammatical and lexical features of the Arabic language, 

preserved in the dialects – important from the prospect of the history of Arabic and, in 

general, Semitic languages. 

II. Internal development tendencies of Arabic language material isolated from the Arab 

World Arabic Dialects. 

III. Development of linguistic peculiarities as a result of contacts with non-kindred Indo- 

European and Turkic languages. 

IV. The role of extra linguistic factors in the development of Central Asian Arabic 

Dialects. 

The article mainly deals with the materials of Central Asian Arabic dialects. 

281

qeTevan ZiZiguri 

282 


აleqsei losevis lingvofilosofiuri koncefcia 

aleqsei Tevdores Ze losevis lingvofilosofiuri koncefcia enas 

ganixilavs axal, TeoanTropokosmiur konteqstSi, romlis Tanaxmad swored 

enaa yofierebis TviTgamosaxvis umaRlesi wertili: `saxeli aris gaazrebuli 

yofierebis maqsimaluri daZabuloba~, `saxeliTa da sityvebiT 

Seiqmna da cocxlobs samyaro~, `cocxloben xalxebi~ (losevi 1999ა: 

152). rusi mecnieri Tavis enis filosofias aviTarebs naSromebSi `saxelis 

filosofia~ (1927), `sagani da saxeli~ (1929), àntikuri kosmosi 

da Tanamedrove mecniereba~ (1927), ènobrivi struqtura~ (1983), `niSani. 

simbolo. miTi~ (1982) da sxv. losevis TqmiT, misi koncefciis Camoyalibebaze 

didi gavlena moaxdina platonizmma, neoplatonizmma (gansakuTrebiT 

proklesa da qristiani neoplatonikosebis naSromebma), hegelisa 

da huserlis sistemebma da aseve isiqastebis mistikurma swavlebam 

RvTis saxelis Sesaxeb. Tavisi analizis dros mecnieri iyenebs dialeqtikur 

meTods, romelic emyareba urTierTdapirispirebuli cnebebis erTmaneTTan 

dakavSirebas. 

losevis saxelis filosofia amgvaria: 

arsebobs mxolod arsi, romelic aris raRac erTi, erTiani, daunawevrebeli, 

mdgradi, ucvleli, gansazRvruli. arsi cxovrobs Tavisi Sinagani 

cxovrebiT, igi Seucnobelia, SeuZlebelia masSi bolomde Cawvdoma 

da misi Seswavla. magram imisTvis, rom arsi namdvilad arsebobdes, igi 

unda gansxvavdebodes ar-arsisgan, sxvadyofnisgan, meonisgan, romelic, 

arsis sawinaaRmdegod, aris mravlobiTi, danawevrebuli, aramdgradi, cvalebadi, 

ganusazRvreli. ar-arsi unda warmovidginoT ara rogorc raime 

materia an substancia, romelSic arsi vlindeba. sinamdvileSi igi araferia, 

meons ar gaaCnia damoukidebeli arseboba, igi aris arsis nawili, misi 

sxvagvarobis momenti. arsi racionaluri sawyisia, romelic dialeqtikurad 

moiTxovs iracionalur sawyiss – ar-arss. amrigad, àrsi da ararsi 

dialeqtikurad erTimeoresTanaa dakavSirebuli, ufro sworad, warmoadgenen 

raRac erTobas~ (losevi 1999ა:61), radgan imisaTvis, rom raime 

kategoria iyos dialeqtikurad gansazRvruli, aucilebelia misi dapirispireba 

fonTan (es foni aRiqmeba rogorc am kategoriisgan gansxvavebuli, 

misTvis ucxo) da Semdeg maTi gaigiveba. 

losevis TqmiT, swored arsisa da ar-arsis urTierTqmedeba warmoadgens 

saxelis centralur problemas. maTi urTierToba iwvevs qmnadobas. 

amrigad, losevis filosofiis sayrdeni principia dialeqtikuri triada 

– erTi, sxva da qmnadoba. magram losevi mas umatebs meoTxe da mexuTe 

kategorias: meoTxea is, rac Seiqmna, substancia, faqti, romelSic xor-

cieldeba pirveladi triada, da mexuTea am ganxorcielebis Sedegi – saxeli, 

simbolo. 

arsi iwyebs meonSi gardamosvlas energiebis saxiT, romlebic arian 

pirvelsawyisisgan ganuyofeli, magram gansxvavebuli misi Seucnobeli, 

apofatikuri siRrmisgan. amave dros arsi da movlena erwymian erTimeores 

da qmnian raRac ganuyofel erTobas. TviTon arsi Seucnobelia, xolo 

misi energiebis Semecneba da gaazreba savsebiT SesaZlebelia. 

Tavidan meonTan gaigivebis Sedegad wminda erTiani nawevrdeba, mravldeba, 

iZens sxvadasxva formas, xelaxla iqmneba. es qmnadoba xorcieldeba 

jer arsis SigniT, sadac arsi gardaiqmneba dayofil da mravlobiT 

erTad – ricxvad. ricxvi Sobs eidoss, romelic iZens arsis yvela Tvisebas. 

arsi gvevlineba rogorc SesaZlebloba, potencia, xolo eidosSi 

igi povebs srulobas, mTlianobas. 

eidoss axasiaTebs xuTi kategoria: 1) eidosi aris arsebuli, arsi; 

2) igi sadRac ganisvenebs, uZravia; 3) magram, amave dros, masSi aris moZraobac, 

vinaidan mas gaaCnia azri; 4) radgan arsi warmoadgens raRac er- 

Tobas, maSasadame mas axasiaTebs igiveoba; 5) magram vinaidan masSi Tavsdebian 

urTierTsawinaaRmdego kategoriebi – moZraoba da uZraoba – eidos- 

Si aseve aris gansxvavebulobis momenti. 

es yovelive ufro gasagebia konkretul magaliTze: yoveli sagani 

(romelic warmoiSveba swored eidosis meonaluri ganxorcielebis Sedegad) 

aris raRac erTi, erTiani; mas aqvs gansazRvruli moxazuloba, saxe 

(uZraoba da igiveoba), amave dros igi aris raRac cvalebadi, mdinari 

(moZraoba da gansxvavebuloba). 

amrigad, gamodis, rom eidosi aris `TviTigiveobrivi gansxvavebulobis 

moZravi uZraobis erTeuladoba~ (losevi 1999ა:98) da masSi vlindeba 

arsi, raTa Semdeg energemebis saxiT ganxorcieldes sxvadyofnaSi, meonSi. 

swored am aqtis Sedegad iqmneba yovelive – xiluli da uxilavi 

samyaros mravalferovneba. aq aucilebelia meonSi gamovlenili da pirveladi, 

arsobrivi eidosis erTimeorisgan garCeva da amave dros maTi gaigiveba, 

radgan Sinagani arsobrivi eidosi ayalibebs garegan gamovlenil 

eidoss, romelic, Tavis mxriv, zemoqmedebs meonze. ase iqmneba simbolo – 

arsisa da ar-arsis SeerTebis adgili, sadac miedinebian eidosis energiebi 

da sadac yofiereba iRebs ama Tu im formas. amrigad, losevis Tanaxmad, 

simbolo aris àrsisa~ da `movlenis~ Serwyma, igi ki ar aRniSnavs 

raimes, aramed TviTon aris erTdroulad aRsaniSnic da aRmniSvnelic, 

anu saganic da saxelic. igi warmoadgens ènas, romelzedac arsi elaparakeba 

mis garesamyaros~ (losevi 1999ა:97). da radganac arsi da movlena 

igivdebian, maSasadame, TviT àrsi aris saxeli, amitom mTeli samyaro 

aris saxeli da sityva, anu saxelebi da sityvebi. mTeli yofiereba aris 

metad an naklebad cocxali an mkvdari sityvebi. kosmosi aris sityvierebis 

sxvadasxva xarisxis kibe. adamiani sityvaa, cxoveli sityvaa, usulo 

sagani sityvaa, radgan yovelive es aris arsi da misi gamoxatva. samyaro 

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aris sxvadasxva xarisxis cocxali an gaqvavebuli sityvebis erToblioba. 

yovelive cocxlobs sityviT da mowmobs masze~ (losevi 1999ა:141). 

imis mixedviT, Tu romeli kategoriaa arsis meonizaciis dros win 

wamoweuli, icvleba arsis energemebi, rac, Tavis mxriv, cvlis meonis gaazrebis 

xarisxebs. amave dros, rac metad aRwevs arsi meonSi, miT ufro 

klebulobs gaazrebuloba da piriqiT, rac axlosaa meoni pirvelarsTan, 

miT ufro azriani da srulyofilia igi. 

arsi asxivebs ramdenime saxis energemas: fizikurs, organuls, sensualursa 

da noetikurs. energema warmoadgens arsis ama Tu im Tvisebis matarebel 

“sxivs”, romelic aRwevs meonSi da azrs sZens mas. energemebis saxeobebi 

erTimeorisgan gansxvavdebian upirvelesad TviTgaazrebulobis, TviT- 

Segnebis, inteligenciis xarisxiT; isini qmnian inteligenciis erTgvar `kibes” 

sruli uazrobidan da Seugneblobidan zegonebriv eqstazamde. 

arsis fizikuri energemisa da meonis urTierToba warmoadgens yvelaze 

primitiul safexurs, romlis Sedegad iqmneba `gaqvavebuli sityva~ 

(losevi 1999ა:71) – fizikuri sivrce, sagnebi, usulo buneba. am safexurze 

mZlavrobs meonis sibnele, danawevreba da sruli Tavdaviwyeba, 

TviTSeugnebloba. bgeriT meonSi ganxorcielebuli fizikuri energema 

Sobs sityvis bgeriT garss, fonemebs, romlebic warmoadgenen adamianuri 

sityvis yvelaze dabal, primitiul moments. 

fizikuri TvalsazrisiT `sityva aris raRac msubuqi da uxilavi, haerovani 

organizmi, romelsac gaaCnia raime gansakuTrebulis aRniSvnis, 

raRac gansakuTrebul siRrmeebSi SeRwevis da udidesi movlenebis Seum- 

Cnevlad gamowvevis magiuri Zala. es uSualo SegrZnebisTvis uwono da 

uxilavi organizmebi dahqrian TiTqmis myisierad; maTTvis (uSualo aRqmis 

TvalsazrisiT) ar arsebobs sivrce. isini aRweven Cveni tvinis siRrmeSi, 

axdenen iq arnaxul reaqciebs, da ukve amis gamo aris raRac magiuri 

sityvis bunebaSi, Tundac mxolod fizikuri energiebis mxriv~ (losevi 

1999ა:72). 

arsobrivi gaazrebis Semdgomi safexuria organuli energema, romelic 

warmoqmnis gaRizianebis unaris mqone cocxal mcenareul organizms, organul 

Tesls. gaRizianebis gancda gulisxmobs garegani sagnis gareganadve 

Segnebas, sakuTari Tavis arcodnasa da am faqtebis Seugneblobas. 

sityva mxolod aq iwyebs sakuTari Tavis gaazrebas. 

gaazrebis ufro maRali safexuria sensualuri energema, romelic iwvevs 

SegrZnebas – sakuTari Tavisa da ucxos Segnebas am faqtis arcodnis 

fonze. meonTan urTierTobisas sensualuri energema Sobs cxovelur organizmebs, 

radgan cxovels, mcenarisgan gansxvavebiT, SeuZlia ara mxolod 

gaRizianeba, aramed SegrZnebac, Tumca igi amas ver acnobierebs. ase, 

cxoveli ganicdis tkivils, magram ar icis, rom es tkivilia da igi mas 

grZnobs. sensualuri energemis safexurze bgera aris cxoveluri yvirili, 

jer isev uazro, magram metad gaazrebuli, vidre organul safexurze. 

xolo adamianur sityvaSi sensualur energemas Seaqvs grZnobis momenti. 

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noetikuri energemis Sedegia adamianuri safexuri, gonieri azrovneba, 

romelic aris `sakuTari Tavis codna da am faqtis codna, anu TviTcnobiereba~ 

(losevi 1999ა:78). mas Seesabameba gaazrebuli, danawevrebuli 

metyveleba. amis gareSe àdamiani cxoveli iqneboda, ver ganarCevda Tavis 

Tavs sxvisgan~, radgan `mxolod TviTSegnebis Sedegad SeuZlia adamians 

Seimecnos misgan gansxvavebuli~ (losevi 1999ა:78). swored noetikuri 

energemis wyalobiTaa SesaZlebeli gaazrebuli aRqmis, mexsierebis arseboba. 

aRqmis Sedegad gonebaSi warmoiqmneba xatovani warmodgena, rac 

qmnis poeturi Semoqmedebis safuZvels. arsTan ufro meti miaxlovebis 

Semdegi safexuria wminda azrovneba, rodesac azrovnebis subueqti da 

obieqti gaigivebulia, anu subieqti iseve aRiqvams azrovnebis obieqts, 

rogorc sakuTar Tavs. wminda azrovneba gulisxmobs meonisgan, SegrZnebisgan, 

grZnobadobisgan srul ganTavisuflebas. adamianisTvis iSviaTadaa 

damaxasiaTebeli wminda azrovneba – igi nawilobriv azrovnebs da nawilobriv 

SeigrZnobs. 

wminda azrovnebis kategoria dialeqtikurad moiTxovs kidev erT safexurs 

– sadac SesaZlebelia mxolod sakuTari Tavis codna, sxvis 

codnis gareSe. es aris zegonebrivi azrovneba, eqstazi, gaRizianebis 

sruli pirispiroba, yovelives erToba da daunawevroba. gonieri eqstazis 

`TviTSegnebis Suqi usazRvroa da warmoadgens sakuTar TavSi srul 

STafvlas, anu usasrulod naTel sibneles~ (losevi 1999ა:89). am safexurze 

saxeli Tavisufldeba yovelgvari meonaluri garsisgan da brwyinavs 

Tavis pirvelqmnil sidiadeSi – igi gardaiqmneba zegonier saxelad. 

amrigad, fizikuri, organuli da sensualuri energemebi badeben bgeras, 

organul – fiziologiur bgeras da cxovelur yvirils. maT ar gaaCniaT 

sakuTari Tavisa da sxvis danawevrebuli codna da amitom ver Soben 

saxels. onomatikuri SesaZlebloba mxolod noetikur energemas gaaCnia. 

adamianuri sityva moqceulia am ierarqiis Sua safexurebze – igi 

aris gonieri idea, romelic sxvadasxva stadiaze iZens meonalur Tvisebebs, 

rogorebicaa bgeriTi sxeuli, gansxvavebuli fsiqologiuri variaciebi, 

uSualo mniSvneloba da a.S. 

TviTon eidosis SigniT gamoiyofa sxvadasxva Sreebi: 1) sqematuri 

fena – sagnis idealur-maTematikuri daxasiaTebebis erToblioba; eidosis 

xuTi kategoria aq mocemulia rogorc moZravi uZraoba. 2) morfuli, 

topologiuri fena – eidosis sqemis idealur-xarisxobrivi maCveneblebi; 

aq win wamoweulia TviTigiveobrivi gansxvavebulobis kategoria. 3) eidosis 

idealur-sagnobrivi (kategorialuri) gansazRvrulobis momenti, anu 

eidosi sityvis viwro gagebiT – daniSnuleba; am SemTxvevaSi gamoyofilia 

erTeuladobis kategoria. 

magaliTad, Tu gvaqvs xmlis eidosi, misi sqema iqneba xmlis maTematikuri 

maxasiaTeblebi, morfe – xarisxobrivi, Tvisebrivi gansazRvruloba, 

eidosi viwro gagebiT – xmlis daniSnuleba. magram xmals SeiZleba hqondes 

ufro farTo, 4) simboluri mniSvneloba, ase berZnebi misi saxiT 

285

zevss warmosaxavdnen. am SemTxvevaSi vlindeba xmlis eidosis apofatikuri 

momenti, is, rac bolomde Seucnobeli da idumali rCeba masSi. 

rac ufro Zlieria eidosis apofatikuri momenti, miT ufro metia 

ganxorcielebul saxelSi simboluri gamoxatuleba. xolo simbolos 

sruli gamoxatvaa 5) miTi – pirovnuli SinaarsiT datvirTuli simbolo. 

amrigad, saxels losevi gansazRvravs rogorc miTiur simbolos. 

maSasadame, arsi vlindeba eidosSi, eidosi – meonSi; eidosi ayalibebs 

meons, aniWebs mas azrs, aerTianebs, anu warmoadgens erTgvar yalibs, nimuSs. 

gaerTianebis, gaazrebis mTeli es procesi atarebs formalur-logikur 

xasiaTs. ase Cndeba logosis cneba: logosi aris qmnadobis `principi 

da meTodi, kanoni~ (losevi 1999ა:117). yovel eidetikur tips Seesabameba 

sxvadasxva logikuri kategoria da gamoxatulebis forma, rac 

aseve aisaxeba saxelis struqturaze. 

yvela zemoT CamoTvlili kategoria exeboda saxelis sagnobriv 

struqturas, anu im mxares, sadac sityva jer isev sagania da ar Camoyalibebula 

adamianur sityvad. maS raSi mdgomareobs losevis mixedviT 

adamianuri sityvis, saxeldebis arsi? 

rogorc TviTon adamiani, misi sityvac aris `yvela energemis Sedegi~ 

(losevi 1999ა:154), anu fizikuri, organuli, sensualuri, noetikuri 

energemebis erTdrouli moqmedebis nayofi. urTierTqmedebisas isini icvlebian 

da qmnian àdamianuri subieqtis da adamianuri sityvis saerTo 

energemas~ (losevi 1999ა:154). adamianuri sityvis safexuria sensualurnoetikuri, 

masSi warmodgenilia eidosi (sqemiT, toposiT, viwro eidosiT, 

simboloTi da miTiT), apofatizmi da logosi, eidosis inteligenturi 

energiebi TviTSegnebis saxiT, anu arsis yvela momenti erTdroulad 

xorcieldeba yovel warmoTqmul calkeul sityvaSi. 

losevi ewinaaRmdegeba adamianuri sityvis sayovelTaod miRebul ganmartebas 

– rom igi aris `bgeriTi kompleqsi, gaerTianebuli raime mniSvnelobiT~. 

`gana xvela, cxviris moxocva, yefa, knavili, Weqa-quxili, karis 

Wriali, TuTiyuSebisa da maimunebis danawevrebuli bgerebi da aTasi 

amgvari movlena ar SeiZleba ganisazRvros rogorc mniSvnelobis mqone 

bgeriTi kompleqsi?~ – ambobs igi (losevi 1999ა:56). losevi Tvlis, 

rom adamianuri sityva iqmneba sagnis arsisa da adamianis cnobierebis ur- 

TierTqmedebis sinergiuli aqtis dros, rodesac arsi agrZelebs gardamosvlas 

da xorcieldeba adamianis fizikur-fiziologiur-fsiqologiur 

subieqtSi. sityvaSi vlindeba sagnobrivi arsis mxolod erTi mxare, maSin 

rodesac meore mxare rCeba sityvis gareT sagnis konstruirebis mizniT, 

raTa sityvis cvalebadobisas sagani ucvleli darCes. arsi TviTon asaxelebs 

Tavis Tavs, da akeTebs amas, miuxedavad imisa, aRiqvams mas vinme Tu 

ara, saxeli aris arsis TviTgamoxatuleba, TviTdasaxeleba. saxeldebisas 

adamianis cnobierebaSi fiqsirdeba ara sagani, aramed adamianis mier danaxuli 

da gagebuli sagnobrivi arsi, is, rac aris `mTliani, erTiani da 

sagnisTvis damaxasiaTebeli~ (losevi 1999ა:159) da ar icvleba sagnis 

286

cvlilebisas. adamianTan urTierTobisas sagnobrivi arsi xelaxla iqmneba 

mis fizikur-fiziologiur-fsiqologiur subieqtSi. amasTan adamiani amaxinjebs 

eidoss, radgan zogierT mis mxares igi kargad xedavs, zogs ki 

cudad, anu xdeba misi sxvadasxva xarisxiT interpretireba. 

maSasadame, sityvaSi aris adekvaturad da specialuri mniSvnelobiT 

gagebuli sagnobrivi arsi. sityvaSi adekvaturad asaxuli sagnobrivi arsi 

qmnis mis ideas, xolo adgilisa da drois gaTvaliswinebiT gamovlenili 

adekvaciis xarisxebi – noemas. amrigad, noema aris ideis Semdgomi 

meonizaciis Sedegi. `sityvis erTi da igive sagnobriv Sinaarss sxvadasxva 

xalxebi gansxvavebulad aRiqvamen, erTi eris sferoSi – gansxvavebulad 

aRiqvamen sxvadasxva individebi, individumebis sferoSi – aRqma gansxvavdeba 

sxvadasxva droiTi momentebiT da pirobebiT~ (losevi 1999ა:63). 

sagnobrivi arsis aRqmis es safexurebi qmnian noemebs, xolo Tu es mravalferovneba 

moixsneba, darCeba idea. ase, berZnul sityvaSi άλήθεια `WeSmariteba~ 

am sityvis ganyenebuli da zogadi mniSvnelobis garda (rogorc 

laT. veritas, rus. истина, qarT. WeSmariteba), aris kidev berZnuli msoflaRqmis 

fsiqologiisTvis damaxasiaTebeli momenti, radgan sityvasityviT 

igi niSnavs `dauviwyars~, anu `maradiuls~. aseTive specifika aqvs am cnebas 

sxva enebSic. maSasadame, `WeSmaritebis~ zogadsakacobrio mniSvneloba 

warmoadgens mis ideas, xolo TiToeuli enisTvis damaxasiaTebeli specifika 

– mis noemas. 

eidosis Semdgomi meonizaciis safexurze sityva iZens bgeriT garss, 

igi ganxorcieldeba bgeriT substanciaSi. sityvis am Sres ewodeba semema 

– gaazrebuli bgeriTi kompleqsi, romelSic mniSvneloba ar udris masSi 

Semaval bgeraTa mniSvnelobebs. semema aerTianebs ramdenime saxeobas: fonematuri 

semema (sityvaSi Semaval bgeraTa mniSvneloba); etimologiuri 

semema, anu etimoni (sityvis Ziri, elementaruli bgeriTi jgufi, romelsac 

gaaCnia garkveuli mniSvneloba); morfema (sityvis saxecvlileba mis 

brunvisa an uRlebis dros); sintagma (winadadebaSi Semavali yoveli 

calkeuli sityvis kavSiri danarCen sityvebTan); poiema (sityvaTa mniSvnelobis 

cvla winadadebaSi maTi ganlagebis mixedviT). sityvis am mniSvnelobebis 

gamoxatvas mocemul drosa da konteqstSi losevi uwodebs 

sityvis pirvel simbolur erTobas. pirvel simbolons mosdevs meore 

simboloni – sruli simboluri erToba, sityvis saerTo mniSvneloba, 

romelic moicavs mis mniSvnelobaTa yvela calkeul gamovlinebas. swored 

am donis Semdeg Tavisufldeba sityva bgerisgan. 

dabolos, sityvis umdables doneze mdebareobs yvelaze umniSvnelo – 

fonema, bgeriTi Semadgenloba, romelic mTlianad materialur samyaros 

ganekuTvneba da aRaraviTari kavSiri ara aqvs mis arsTan. fonemuri gamoxatva 

aseve Seadgens sityvis ramdenime moments: JReradoba, adamianis xma, 

danawevrebuli bgera, danawevrebul bgeraTa erToblioba, gamoTqmis Taviseburebebi. 

rac ufro Rrmad Sedis eidosi meonSi, miT ufro klebulobs 

igi mniSvnelobis srul gaqrobamde da sityvis uazro, usulo bgerad gadaqcevamde. 

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amrigad, losevi sityvis agebulebis dialeqtikuri analizis Sedegad 

gamoyofs mis 67 moments, rac qmnis sityvis sagnobriv da wina-sagnobriv 

struqturas. 

sityvis, rogorc arsis, gagrZelebisa da gamovlenis gaazrebas gansakuTrebuli 

mniSvneloba mieca qristianobasTan dakavSirebiT, radgan Tu 

saxeli aris arsi, maSin RvTis saxelic aris TviT RmerTi. es swavleba 

XX saukunis dasawyisSi gavrcelebuli iyo rusuli samRvdeloebis nawilSi, 

romlebic Tavis Tavs `saxelis madideblebs~ uwodebdnen. Tavdapirvelad 

saxelis madidebloba (имяславие) popularuli gaxda aTonis 

mTis rusul saZmoSi (antoni bulatoviCis meTaurobiT) mama ilarionis 

wignis `kavkasionis mTebze~ (1907) gamosvlis Semdeg, romelic kavkasionze 

moRvawe gandegilebis cxovrebis aRwerasTan erTad Seicavda tradiciul 

marTlmadideblur swavlebas iesos locvis Sesaxeb. losevis mtkicebiT, 

romelic mxars uWerda am swavlebas, saxelis gandidebis tradicia 

mraval saukunes iTvlis. igi saTaves iRebs aRmosavleTis berobis mistikur 

moZRvrebaSi RmerTTan SeerTebis Sesaxeb misi saxelis meSveobiT – 

marxviT, dumiliT da iesos locvis Seuwyveteli gameorebiT miiRweoda 

sulieri ganaTlebis sxvadasxva safexuri: sityvieri locvidan guliTad 

locvamde. `RvTis saxeli gvevlineba jer sityvaSi, rodesac azrebi jer 

gafantulia da RvTis saxelze koncentracia arasakmarisia; Semdeg locvaSi 

TandaTan ebmeva xorxi, mkerdi da guli. xolo rodesac guli iwyebs 

cemas locvis riTmSi, adamiani aRwevs gonieri eqstazis mdgomareobas, 

rodesac adamiani mTlianad monawileobs locvaSi Tavisi gulis yoveli 

dartymiT, yoveli amosunTqviT~ (losevi 1999ბ:229). sulieri aRmasvlis 

mwvervalze ìesos saxeli brwyinavs Sinagan adamianSi mTeli Tavisi sinaTliT 

da sidiadiT~ (iqve). 

iesos locvis warmoTqmis sistema SeimuSaves bizantiaSi, XIV saukuneSi, 

isiqastebma (berZn. ησυχια – mdumareba; berebi, romlebmac mdumarebis 

aRTqma dades), Tumca, losevis TqmiT, `saxelis gandidebis~ fesvebi 

midis Zveli aRTqmisa da qristianobis pirvel saukuneebSi, da es tradicia 

arasodes ar Sewyvetila. 

XIV saukunes miekuTvneba aseve cnobili kamaTi Taboris naTelis Taobaze, 

romliTac gaciskrovnda macxovari Taboris mTaze feriscvalebis 

dros. iesos locvis mimdevrebi amtkicebdnen, rom swored am naTels xedavdnen 

locvisas da rom am saxiT TviT ieso ecxadebodaT maT. maTi mowinaaRmdegeebi 

ki amtkicebdnen, rom Taboris naTeli ar aris xelTuqmneli 

da amitom aranairad ar SeiZleba iyos RmerTi. 1351 wels Sekrebilma 

saeklesio krebam daadgina, rom Taboris sinaTle arc RvTiuri arsia da 

arc RmerTis qmnileba, aramed igi aris RvTiuri arsis energia, romelic, 

RvTiuri arsisgan gansxvavebiT, aris Secnobadi. da radgan energia ganuyofelia 

arsisgan, maSasadame igi aris RmerTi. 

RvTis saxelTan da Taboris naTelTan losevi aseve akavSirebs VIII 

saukunis xatmebrZolobas bizantiaSi, romlis drosac xatebis mowinaaR- 

288

mdegeni amtkicebdnen, rom RmerTis Secnoba da aRwera SeuZlebelia da 

amitom mis xats aranairi kavSiri ara aqvs masTan. amave dros, xatTayvanismcemlebi 

eTayvanebodnen xatebs rogorc RvTiuri arsis gamovlenas. 

losevis TqmiT, yvela am kamaTs RvTis arssa da misi energiebis Sesaxeb 

erTi safuZveli aqvs – es aris dapirispireba subieqtur-fsiqologiur 

relativizmsa da obieqtur idealizms, anu platonizms, Soris. raRa 

Tqma unda, es ar aris warmarTuli platonizmi (eklesiis mier samjer 

anaTemas gadacemuli), romelic qadagebda maradis myof, dausabamo materias, 

sulebis gadasaxlebas, poliTeizms da a.S., aramed platonizmi, rogorc 

ganyenebuli sqematuri dialeqtikuri sistema (raime konkretuli 

istoriul-kulturuli SigTavsis gareSe). platonizmi aq gaazrebulia 

qristianuli TvalTaxedvidan. 

saukuneebis ganmavlobaSi kamaTi RvTis arssa da misi energiebis Taobaze 

aRar ganaxlebula, magram axali ZaliT ifeTqa aTonis mTaze zemoxsenebuli 

movlenebis Semdeg. rusulma eklesiam `saxelis madidebloba~ 

panTeistur mwvaleblobad CaTvala, xolo ilarionis wigni `kavkasionis 

mTebze~ akrZala. wm. sinods Semdegi argumentebi mohyavda: RvTis saxeli 

wminda da Tayvansacemia, radgan igi sityvierad aRniSnavs macxovars; 

locvaSi (gansakuTrebiT iesos locvaSi) RvTis saxeli da TviT RmerTi 

aRiqmebian ganuyrelad, igivdebian. magram es xdeba mxolod locvaSi da 

mxolod Cvens gulSi. sinamdvileSi ki RmerTis saxeli aris mxolod saxeli 

da ara TviT RmerTi an misi Tvisebebi, sagnis dasaxeleba da ara 

TviTon sagani, amitom igi ar SeiZleba vcnoT an davasaxelod RmerTad, 

arc RvTaebad, radgan igi arc RvTis energiaa. xolo RvTis saxeliT Cadenili 

saswaulebi aResruleba wminda eklesiis locvisa da mlocvelis 

Sinagani rwmenis Sedegad da ara RvTis saxelis ZaliT. 

1913 wels zafxulSi, wm. sinodis gadawyvetilebiT, saberZneTSi gaigzavna 

ramdenime samxedro xomaldi `berebis buntis~ CasaxSobad. jariskacebma 

SturmiT aiRes wm. panteleimonis monasteri, sadac berebi imyofebodnen, 

da, miuxedavad imisa, rom berebi SeuiaraReblebi iyvnen da winaaRmdegobas 

ar uwevdnen samxedroebs, mravali maTgani mokluli an daWrili 

iqna. 1700 rusi beridan 1000-ze meti Caiyvanes ruseTSi, zogi cixeSi 

Casves, umetesoba ki gakriWes da gadaasaxles. moZraobis meTauri antoni 

bulatoviCi gadaasaxles Tavis mamulSi lutikovkaSi, sadac igi 1919 

wels mokles mZarcvelebma. 

1914 wlidan moxda saxelis madidebelTa nawilis reabilitacia da 

maT darTes saeklesio saqmianobis gagrZelebis neba. Tumca sabolood saxelis 

madideblobis sakiTxi mainc ver iqna gadawyvetili da daxuruli, 

radgan 1917 wels Sekrebilma krebam ver moaswro Tavisi muSaobis dasruleba 

revoluciis gamo. 

revoluciis Semdeg saxelis madidebelTa nawili gamoeyo ruseTis 

patriarqalur eklesias da SeuerTda e.w. katakombur eklesias, romelic 

ar TanamSromlobda sabWoTa kavSiris aTeistur xelisuflebasTan. mravali 

maTgani kavkasiaSi dasaxlda, piatigorskisa da soxumis midamoebSi, 

289

magram 20-30-ian wlebSi berebis umetesoba daxvrites. mcirericxovani 

gadarCenilebi ki patar-patara Temebs qmnidnen da seqtantebiviT cxovrobdnen. 

90-ian wlebSi isini jer kidev cxovrobdnen afxazeTis maRalmTian 

raionebSi. 

Zlieri iyo saxelis madidebloba emigrantul eklesiaSi, sadac mis 

propagandas eweoda mRvdeli da filosofosi sergi bulgakovi, romlis 

wigni `saxelis filosofia~ 1953 wels gamoica parizSi. 

ruseTSi ki gasuli saukunis 90-iani wlebidan am swavlebas avrceleben 

iRumenebi grigori lurie da Teofane areskini. 

saxelis madidebelTa saqmes didi gamoxmaureba mohyva rusuli inteligenciis 

mxridan. 1922 – 1925 wlebSi moskovSi arsebobda `saxelis 

madidebelTa wre~, sadac Sediodnen a. losevi, mRvdlebi pavel florenski 

da sergi bulgakovi, maTematikosebi (moskovis maTematikuri skolis 

damaarseblebi) d. egorovi da n. luzini, m. novosiolovi, p. popovi da 

sxvebi. 

TviTon losevisa da misi meuRlis valentina loseva-sokolovas 

moZRvari iyo arqimandriti daviTi, aTonidan gamoZevebuli erT-erTi beri. 

1929 wels mama daviTma meuRleebi farulad monazvnebad aRkveca. 

saxelis madidebel berTa bedi gaiziares aseve moskovuri wris wevrebma: 

1930-ian wlebSi maTi umetesoba daapatimres da daxvrites. erTerTi 

maTgani – m. novosiolovi – 2000 wels wmindanad Seracxes. 

1930 wels losevi da misi meuRle daapatimres da miusajes Sesabamisad 

10 da 5 weli gamosasworebel banakebSi – losevs belomorkanalis, 

meuRles ki cimbiris erT-erT banakSi. magram 1933 wels orive gaaTavisufles 

da losevs SesaZlebloba mieca, gaegrZelebina Tavisi samecniero 

moRvaweoba. 

swored moskovuri wris moRvaweobis wlebSi Camoyalibda losevis, 

florenskisa da bulgakovis saxelis filosofia, sadac isini ewinaaRmdegebian 

nominalizmsa da pozitivizms, xolo dasaxelebis Teorias, konkretulad 

RvTis saxelis magaliTze, akavSireben swavlebasTan sinergiis Sesaxeb, 

romlis mixedviT Sesamecni da Semmecnebeli (adamiani da samyaro) 

erTiandebian simboloSi (anu saxelSi, sityvaSi). amgvar pozicias losevi 

uwodebs àbsolutur simbolizms~ – swavlebas, romelSic miuwvdomeli 

RvTiuri arsi vlindeba xatebebis saxiT. losevi mas upirispirebs, erTi 

mxriv, agnosticizms (RvTaebrivi arsi sruliad Seucnobelia da aranairad 

ar vlindeba) da, meore mxriv, religiur racionalizms (RvTaebrivi 

arsi bolomde vlindeba da masSi araferia Seucnobeli). losevis azriT, 

orive gza religiis uaryofamde da aTeizmamde midis. xolo absoluturi 

simbolizmi gulisxmobs adamianis ziarebas RmerTis arsisadmi misi energiebis 

gavliT, romelic yvelaze srulyofilad swored RvTis saxelSi 

gamoixateba. amrigad, iqmneba Sexeduleba mTels samyaroze, rogorc saxelze, 

romelic lamobs RvTis saxelTan mimsgavsebas. 

290

literatura 

Гоготишвили Л.А., Платонизм в Зазеркалье XX века, или вниз по лестнице, ведущей 

вверх// Лосев А.Ф., Очерки античного символизма и мифологии, Москва 1993. 

Еп. Илларион (Алфеев), Священная тайна церкви. Введение в историю и 

проблематику имяславских споров, Алетейа, Петербург 2002. 

Лосев 1999ა: Лосев А.Ф., Философия имени // Лосев А. Ф. Самое само. Сочинения, 

ЭКСМО – Пресс, Москва. 

Лосев 1999ბ: Лосев А.Ф., Имяславие // Лосев А.Ф. Личность и Абсолют, Мысль, 

Москва. 

Лосев А.Ф., Имяславие и платонизм // “Вопросы философии”, 2002, №9, с. 102-129. 

Лосев А.Ф., Античный космос и современная наука, Москва 1927. 

Лосев А.Ф., Вещь и имя // Лосев А.Ф. Бытие. Имя. Космос, Москва 1993. 

Постовалова В.И., Философия языка А.Ф. Лосева. Типологический лик. 

Генетические истоки. Основные идеи и подходы // Гуманитарная наука в России, 

Москва 1996. 

Ketevan Dzidziguri 

Aleksei Losev’s Conception of Language 

Summary 

The article is a consideration of the philosopher Aleksei Losev’s conception of language. 

This conception concerns the tendency of philosophy of language “onomatodoxy” 

(imiaslavie) which arose in Russia at the beginning of XX century. Onomatodoxy – the 

identification of the Name of God and the divine essence – was the important branching of 

the Russian pale of the church. First, it spread among the Russian brotherhood of Mount 

Athos, and the official church declared it hereby. 

After the forcible return home of the Russian monks, the teaching about Jesus name found a 

lot of followers not only among the clergy, but also among the Russian intelligentsia. In the 

20 th century, the Moscow Circle of Name-worshippers was founded and the philosophers P. 

Florenski, S. Bulgakov and A. Losev took an active part in it. The conceptions of these 

three intellectuals are connected with the teaching on language as an expression of being. 

Word, name is made by means of a synergetic act of self-revelation of the primary essence 

and its creative perception by human being. The most perfect expression of the essence is 

the Name of God. That is why, onomatodox philosophers believed that the Name of God is 

God Himself. 

In Losev’s philosophy language is described in its widest context as the exposition of any 

inner idea outwardly. So, according to Losev, everything that exists, animate and inanimate, 

is a name, a kind of stairs of words where live and dead words are placed. Thus, the objects 

of the world make the language by means of which the essence presents itself. The human 

being is also a name and he creates human word, speech, which is the quintessence of 

human being’s world-view. 

Thus, the axis of mentality is made – God, World, Human being – which creates a new, 

“theoanthropocosmic” paradigm of linguistics and philosophy, in general. 

291

292 


axali wignebi 

Steffi Chotiwari-Jünger, Damana Melikischwili, Lia Wittek, Georgische 

Verbtabellen, Helmut Buske Verlag GmbH, Hamburg, 2010, 160 S. 

qarTuli enis yvelaze did sirTuled samarTlianad iTvleba zmna da 

misi kategoriebi. ucxoelebs yovelTvis uWirdaT mis labirinTebSi garkveva, 

TiTqmis gadaulaxav dabrkolebad miaCndaT zmnebis sworad uRleba 

da ama Tu im uRlebadi formis gamocnoba. jer kidev XX saukunis dasawyisSi 

werda germaneli mecnieri adolf diri, rom qarTuli zmna jer 

kidev Camouyalibebelia da bevr sakvanZo sakiTxze erTmaneTSi gramatikosebic 

ver SeTanxmebulan (Cxenkeli 1958:XXXI). 

zmnebis uRlebad formebSi garkvevas didad uwyobs xels zmnaTa klasifikaciis 

mwyobri da Tanamimdevruli sistema, indeqsirebuli CamonaTvali, 

rom araqarTvelma advilad SearCios Sesabamisi uRlebis tipi. 

am sakiTxisadmi axleburi midgomiT gansakuTrebiT sayuradReboa germaniaSi 

axlaxan gamosuli wigni `qarTuli zmnebis tabulebi~, romlis avtorebic 

arian Stefi xotivari-iungeri, damana meliqiSvili da lia viteki. 

1 vfiqrobT, qarTuli enis SeswavliT dainteresebuli pirebisaTvis 

is didi SenaZenia. naSromis Teoriul safuZvlad iqca damana meliqiSvilis 

wigni `qarTuli zmnis uRlebis sistema~ (meliqiSvili 2001) da 

Jurnal `georgikaSi~ gamoqveynebuli statiebi (meliqiSvili 1978; meliqiSvili 

2006), romelTa mixedviT, qarTuli zmnebi iyofa sam jgufad 

anu diaTezad. diaTeza ki emyareba rogorc zmnis formas – struqturas, 

ise mis valentobas – konstruqcias, amasTanave, moicavs gvars, versias, 

konversiasa da inversias, zmnaTa statikuroba-dinamikurobas, iTvaliswinebs 

aqtantTa brunvacvalebadobasa da semantikasac. amiT SesaZlebeli 

xdeba bevri winaaRmdegobisa da Seusabamobis Tavidan acileba, rac Zalian 

arTulebda ucxoelebSi qarTuli zmnuri formebis gagebas da abnevda 

maT. 2 amitomac uwoda Tavis recenziaSi daniel hamfrisma d. meliqiSvilis 

naSroms (`qarTuli zmnis uRlebis sistema~) saetapo da sistemas – 

revoluciuri, romlis mniSvneloba Seadara 1936 wels akaki SaniZis mier 

drois kategoriis Secvlas mwkrivis kategoriiT (hamfrisi 2006:132-133). 

`qarTuli zmnebis tabulebSi~ didi dakvirvebiTa da saqmis Rrma 

codniTaa SerCeuli 800 zmna, Targmnili da indeqsirebulia (miTiTebulia 

uRlebis Sesabamisi tipi anu diaTeza da paradigma). bolos mocemu- 

1 aRsaniSnavia, rom damana meliqiSvilis wignis safuZvelze hamfrisisa da yufunias TanaavtorobiT 

amerikaSic gamoica wigni (ix. meliqiSvili, hamfrisi, yufunia 2008). 

2 2006 wels hamburgSi gamoica lia abulaZisa da andreas ludenis saxelmZRvanelo, 

romelSic zmnaTa klasifikaciis principad aseve aRebuli iyo sami diaTeza (abulaZe, 

ludeni 2006).

lia uRlebis nimuSebi paradigmebis mixedviT, ris Sedegadac SesaZlebelia 

ara marto mocemuli formebis, aramed sxva zmniswinebiT nawarmoebi 

msgavsi agebulebis zmnebis sworad uRleba. 

Stefi xotivar-iungeris mier didi dakvirvebiTaa Sedgenili wignis 

Sesavali, romelSic gansakuTrebul yuradRebas imsaxurebs tipologiuri 

dakvirvebani qarTul da germanul zmnebze (maT Soris, sawyisisa da infinitivis 

msgavseba-gansxvaveba, zmnaTa morfologiuri agebuleba, xmovanprefiqsTa 

funqciebi, subieqtis brunvacvalebadoba, kauzativTa warmoeba da 

sxv.).O 

naSromis ZiriTadi nawili moicavs zmnur tabulebs (xotivari, meliqiSvili, 

viteki 2010:30-95): germanulad Targmnilia 800 qarTuli zmna, 

miTiTebulia masdari, ZiriTadi droiTi formebi (awmyo, wyvetili da I TurmeobiTi), 

logikuri subieqtis brunva da indeqsi (diaTeza da paradigma). 

wignis mesame nawilSi mocemulia zmnebis uRleba diaTezebisa da paradigmebis 

mixedviT (xotivari, meliqiSvili, viteki 2010:95-137). 

I diaTezis zmnebidan (paradigma 1-34) nauRlebia: vwuxvar, vyef, vfren, 

vCqmet, vicini, vbRavi, vuCivi, vyvinTav, vCurCuleb, vtrialeb, viZineb, vam- 

Tqnareb, vuRutuneb, vcxovrob, vpatronob, vmoZraob, vloculob, davseirnob... 

II diaTezis zmnebidan (paradigma 35-52): viwerebi/vewerebi, vidrikebi, 

viryevi, viWrebi, vizrdebi, vigzavnebi, vixatebi, vsveldebi, avyvirdebi, vejibrebi, 

vTbebi, vwyrebi... 

III diaTezis zmnebidan (paradigma 53-66): macvia, SemiZlia, momwons... 

uyvars, sciva, amTqnarebs, emRereba, epataraveba, enatreba, aviwydeba... 

bolo nawilSi Tavmoyrilia 50 xSirad xmarebuli da Znelad gamosayenebeli 

zmnis uRleba (xotivari, meliqiSvili, viteki 2010:137-160): moaqvs, 

mohyavs, mivdivar, vkiTxulob, vekiTxebi, mixaria, vaZlev, maqvs, 

myavs, mesmis, vdeb, vawven, miyvars, vxedav da sxv. 

d. meliqiSvilis naSromis 9000 zmnidan am tabulebSi moxvda 800 

zmna, romlebic dalagebulia germanuli ekvivalentebis anbanur rigze. 

roca germanuli zmna polisemiuria, qarTulSi mocemulia yvela ZiriTadi 

mniSvneloba. magaliTad, germanul zmnas bestehen qarTulSi eqvsi Sesatyvisi 

aqvs da yvela sxvadasxva paradigmas ganekuTvneba: bestehen 

(Gefahr) daZleva, sZlevs (daZlia, dauZlevia) – 22; bestehen (Prüfung) Cabareba 

(abarebs, Caabara, Caubarebia) – 28; bestehen (aus) Sedgoma (Sedgeba, 

is Sedgeboda, is Sedgenila) – 29; bestehen (seit) arseboba (arsebobs, is 

arsebobda, arsebula) – 14; bestehen (auf etw.) moTxovna (sTxovs, mos- 

Txova, mouTxovia) – 18; bestehen (darin, dass...) saqme isaa (saqme is aris, 

saqme is iyo, saqme is yofila) – I; zmnas bestellen ori mniSvneloba aqvs: 

bestellen (etw./jmdn) SekveTa (ukveTavs, SeukveTa, SeukveTia/SeukveTavs) – 

26; bestellen (Grüße) gadacema (salams gadascems, salami gadasca, salami 

gadaucia) – I da a.S. 

293

gardauvali ausziehen (igive wegziehen) zmnis mniSvneloba qarTulSi 

aris gadasvla (gadadis, gadavida, gadasula); gardamaval ausziehen (etw.)-s 

Seesabameba ixdis (gaixada, ar gauxdia), ausziehen (jmdn.)-s – xdis (gaxada, 

ar gauxdia); ukuqceviTi ausziehen, sich gamoixateba zmniT ixdis (gaixada, 

ar gauxdia) da aS. 

wignis praqtikuli daniSnuleba rom ufro TvalnaTliv warmovidginoT, 

ganvixiloT, rogor SeiZleba paradigmis gamoyeneba. magaliTad, 

bestehen zmnis pirvel mniSvnelobasTan miwerilia paradigma 22. tabulebSi 

mocemulia imave tipis zmnis uRlebis nimuSi: I diaTezis 22-e paradigmaSi 

nauRlebia zmna aRwevs, romlis mixedviTac SesaZlebelia daZleva 

zmnis uRlebac. bestehen (Prüfung) Cabareba ki miekuTvneba 28-e paradigmas, 

romlis nimuSadac nauRlebia aSenebs zmna. 

vfiqrobT, wignSi swored zmnuri paradigmebia Zalze mniSvnelovani. 

TiToeulSi SerCeuli zmnebi erTgvari modelia, romlis mixedviTac indeqsebis 

saSualebiT SesaZlebelia vauRloT sxva zmnebic. xazgasmiT unda 

aRiniSnos, rom sarecenzio wignis mniSvneloba uaRresad didia, aseTi 

naSromebis gamocema ki – udavod misasalmebeli. 

gvaqvs mxolod oriode rCeva Semdegi gamocemebisaTvis: Cveni azriT, 

tabulebi kidev ufro sasargeblo iqneba, Tuki zogierT relatiur zmnas- 

Tan (magaliTad, hyavs, moswons, uyvars...) mieTiTeba uRlebis mTeli paradigma 

– rogorc subieqturi, ise obieqturi wyoba (momwons, mogwons da 

movwonvar, momwonxar; miyvars, giyvars da vuyvarvar, uyvarxar...), radgan 

mxolod manis rigis mixedviT uRleba ver miscems ucxoels srul 

warmodgenas am tipis zmnebze. aseve kargi iqneba, rom tabulebs axldes 

zmnebis anbanuri saZiebeli qarTuladac, rom informacia ufro amomwuravi 

iyos. 

darwmunebuli varT, rom `qarTuli zmnis tabulebi~ erT-erT mniSvnelovan 

saswavlo masalad iqceva qarTuli eniT dainteresebuli ucxoelebisaTvis. 

ar iqneboda urigo, rom am tipis wignebi Sedgeniliyo sxva enebzec, 

radgan qarTuli zmnebis indeqsirebuli saZieblisa da uRlebis paradigmebis 

gamocema saSuri saqmea. 

rusudan zeqalaSvili 

literatura 

abulaZe, ludeni 2006: Abuladze L., Ludden A., Lehrbuch der georgischen Sprache, 

Helmut Buske Verlag GmbH, Hamburg. 

meliqiSvili 1978: Melikischwili D., Das System der Konjugation des transitiven Verbs 

im modernen Georgisch: Georgica (Zeitschrift für Kultur, Sprache und Geschichte 

Georgiens und Kaukasiens), S. 17-23. 

meliqiSvili 2001: d. meliqiSvili, qarTuli zmnis uRlebis sistema, logos 

presi, Tbilisi. 

294

meliqiSvili 2006: Melikischwili D., Zu den Prinzipien der Klassifikation und 

Qualifikation konjugierter Formen des georgischen Verbs (Zur Anwendung logischer 

Prinzipien in der Grammatik): Georgica (Zeitschrift für Kultur, Sprache und Geschichte 

Georgiens und Kaukasiens), 29 Shaker Verlag, Aachen, S. 23-36. 

meliqiSvili, hamfrisi, yufunia 2008: Melikischwili D., Humphries J. D., Kupunia M., 

The Georgian Verb. A Morphosyntactic Analysis, Hyattsville. 

xotivari-iungeri, meliqiSvili, viteki 2010: Chotiwari-Jünger St., Melikischwili D., 

Wittek L., Georgische Verbtabellen, Helmut Buske Verlag GmbH, Hamburg. 

Cxenkeli 1958: Tschenkéli K., Einführung in die georgische Sprache, Erstauflage in zwei 

Bänden, I. Theoretischer Teil/ II. Praktischer Teil, 1.316 Seiten, Amirani-Verlag in der 

Schweiz. 

hamfrisi 2006: d. hamfrisi, recenzia damana meliqiSvilis wignze (qarTuli 

zmnis uRlebis sistema): enaTmecnierebis sakiTxebi, I-II, Tbilisi, gv. 132-134. 

* * * 

leila geguCaZe, qarTuli ena, sintaqsis sakiTxebi. Tbilisis universitetis 

gamomcemloba, 2010, 404 gv. 

ivane javaxiSvilis saxelobis Tbilisis saxelmwifo universitetis 

gamomcemlobis grifiT daibeWda leila geguCaZis SvidnakveTiani `qarTuli 

enis~ bolo sami nawilis Sevsebuli varianti, romelic mxolod sintaqsis 

sakiTxebs moicavs. 

amTaviTve unda iTqvas, rom leila geguCaZis naSromSi daunjebulia 

amomwuravi informacia Cveni mSobliuri enis sintaqsze, mis Taviseburebebze, 

rasac avtori dakvirvebuli mkvlevris SesaSuri alRoTi gvawvdis: 

sadad, amomwuravad, winamorbedTa mniSvnelovani Tu umniSvnelo wvlilis 

gaTvaliswinebiT. avtors esa Tu is sakvlevi sakiTxi Sejerebuli aqvs am 

Temaze arsebuli publikaciebis avtorTa naazrevTan. 

ueWvelia misi erudicia sakvlev TematikaSi. wignis damazustebeli 

saTauria sintaqsis sakiTxebi. am dros ki Aavtors ganuxilavi ar rCeba 

qarTuli enis winadadebaTa arc erTi struqtura. mkvlevari ar sjerdeba 

ZiriTadi tipebis mimoxilvas da warmoaCens Tanamedrove qarTuli saliteraturo 

enis winadadebaTa mravalsaxeobebs. 

wignSi akumulirebulia is Teoriuli bazisi, romelzedac agebulia 

naSromi. masSi TanaSemoqmedebiTad aris gadmocemuli qarTuli enis sintaqsis 

Sesaxeb met-naklebad mniSvnelovani gamokvleva. 

avtori uaRresad saintereso da yuradsaReb konceptualur svlebs 

gvTavazobs. kerZod, andazebiseuli struqturebi mis mieraa interpretirebuli 

rogorc ganzogadebulpiriani winadadeba, romlis zmna-SemasmenelTan 

Sewyobili meore piris forma (Sen) xan subieqtia: 

iseTi xidi gade (Sen), Senma SviliSvilmac zed gaiaroso, 

xanac – gramatikuli iribi obieqti: avi mezoblisagan cecxlic nu 

gindao (Sen) (gv.188-189). 

295

hipipotaqsur konstruqciaTa saxeobebSi leila geguCaZe gamoyofs 

Tanamimdevruli daqvemdebarebis winadadebebs, rodesac damokidebuli winadadebebi 

sxvadasxva sintaqsuri funqciisani arian (gv. 361). am saxeobas 

igi sqematuradac warmoadgens (gv. 361-367). 

oden l. geguCaZis kvlevis sferoa mwkrivTa SesaZlo Sefardebebi da 

droTa Tanamimdevroba rTul Tanwyobilsa (gv. 280-281) da qvewyobil winadadebaSi 

(gv. 348-350). rTul qvewyobil winadadebaTa analizi cxadyofs, 

rom mTavari da damokidebuli winadadebebis zmna-SemasmenelTa ar- 

Cevani Tavisufali ar aris: mTavari winadadebis ama Tu im mwkrivs damokidebulSi 

Seesabameba ramdenime, magram ara nebismieri mwkrivis forma 

(gv. 348): 

arc maSin SeuniSnavs vinme, roca xis ZirSi dajda. 

am droisgaremoebiTdamokidebuliani rTuli qvewyobili struqturis 

mTavar winadadebaSi I TurmeobiTis mwkrivi gvaqvs, damokidebuli winadadebis 

zmna-Semasmeneli wyvetilis mwkriviTaa gadmocemuli. garda wyvetilisa, 

I TurmeobiTTan SeiZleboda yofiliyo uwyveteli: arc maSin SeuniSnavs 

vinme, roca xis ZirSi jdeboda. SeiZleboda yofiliyo I TurmeobiTic: 

arc maSin SeuniSnavs vinme, roca xis ZirSi mjdara.... magram xom ver 

vityviT: 

arc maSin SeuniSnavs vinme, roca xis ZirSi dajdeboda (an dajdebodes, 

an dajdes)... (gv.349). 

rTuli qvewyobili winadadebis TiToeuli tipi gansxvavebul viTarebas 

gviCvenebs: is, rac erTi saxis qvewyobili winadadebisaTvis bunebrivia, 

SesaZloa meore saxeobisaTvis naklebad damaxasiaTebeli an saerTod 

SeuZlebeli aRmoCndes. amitom mwkrivTa da droTa SesaZlo Tanamimdevrobis 

sakiTxs avtori winadadebis TiToeuli tipisaTvis cal-calke ganixilavsDda 

askvnis, rom zmna-Semasmenlebi erTmaneTs Seefardebian ZiriTadad 

erTi gramatikuli drois farglebSi, Tumca es dro SesaZlebelia sxvadasxva 

mwkriviT iyos gadmocemuli (gv. 349). 

aucileblad gasaTvaliswinebelia is faqti, rom erTsa da imave 

mwkrivs sxvadasxva saxis winadadebaSi, imis mixedviT, mTavarSia igi Tu 

damokidebulSi, ama Tu im mwkrivTan urTierTobisas SesaZloa gansxvavebuli 

mniSvneloba hqondes. l. geguCaZiseuli kvalificiuri analizi sarwmunod 

xdis mis debulebebs. wigni RirsSesaniSnavia erTi ramiTac: igi 

uSecdomoa! 

yvela gadatanili sityva tradiciuli qarTuli marTlweris wesebis 

farglebSia, rasac dakabadonebis avtomaturi sistemis SemoRebis Semdeg 

agrerigad varT danatrebuli. 

naSromi humanitaruli mecnierebis Tanamedrove donis Sesabamisi 

kvlevaa da rCeba qarTvelologiuri saenaTmecniero literaturis cnebebisa 

da masalis farglebSi. 

296 

marika jiqia

Sinaarsi 

jemSid giunaSvilis rCeuli samecniero Sromebis bibliografia ..................... 5 

Tamar abulaZe, elene giunaSvili, saqarTvelos sparsuli 

da qarTul-sparsuli istoriuli sabuTebi: 

lingvistur-filologiuri kvlevis aspeqtebi .................................................. 15 

Tamar Abuladze, Helen Giunashvili, Persian and Georgian-Persian Historical 

Documents of Georgia: Aspects of Linguistic-Philological Studies ........................... 19 

marina aleqsiZe, pirdapiri naTqvamis rogorc Sinagani metyvelebis 

gamosaxvis formaTa nairsaxeoba ........................................................................... 20 

Marina Aleksidze, Direct Speech as a Type of Expression of Inner Speech .................. 29 

fati anTaZe-malaSxia, qarTulSi Semosuli sami orientalizmis Sesaxeb 

(`zirak||Zirak~||`zira~||`Zira~; `Zabun~-i; `manZil~-i) .......................................... 30 

Fati Antadze-Malashkhia, On Three Oriental Loan Words in Georgian 

(`zirak||Zirak~||~zira~||~Zira~; `Zabun~-i; `manZil~) ....................................................... 42 

naTia arabuli, kategorizaciis principebi: xilisa da bostneulis 

konceptualuri kategoriebi skolamdeli asakis bavSvebis warmosaxvaSi .... 44 

Natia Arabuli, Principles of Categorization: Conceptual Categories of Fruit and 

Vegetables in the Imagination of Preschooler Children .............................................. 62 

rusudan asaTiani, winadadebis sainformacio struqtura: 

`gaTiSuli~ (cleft) kiTxvebi megrulsa da lazurSi .......................................... 63 

Rusudan Asatiani,. Information Structures of a Sentence: Cleft Questions in 

Megrelian and Laz ...................................................................................................... 69 

zurab baraTaSvili, irealisi Sumerul enaSi ...................................................... 71 

Zurab Baratashvili, Irrealis in the Sumerian Language ................................................. 78 

Habib Borjian, Shemiran Dialect Group ........................................................................ 79 

habib borjiani, Semiranis dialeqturi jgufi ...................................................... 90 

Jost Gippert, Onomastica Irano-Iberica 

I. The Name of Vakhtang Gorgasali’s Persian Wife ................................................... 91 

iost giperti, iranul-qarTuli onomastika 

I. vaxtang gorgaslis sparseli colis saxeli ................................................ 98 

naTia dundua, zeciuri arsebebis amsaxveli terminebi bibliaSi ...................... 99 

Natia Dundua, The Terms of Heavenly Beings in the Bible .......................................... 116 

Д.И. Эдельман, К названиям больших кожаных сосудов (бурдюков) 

в иранских языках ..................................................................................................... 117 

joi edelmani, didi tyavis WurWlebis (tikebis) saxelwodebebi 

iranul enebSi .......................................................................................................... 124 

nino ejibaZe, bilingvuri ganaTleba da multiglosia 

egviptur sazogadoebaSi ................................................................................................................ 125 

Nino Ejibadze, The Bilingual Education and Multiglossia in the 

Egyptian Society ......................................................................................................... 129 

297

marine ivaniSvili, mcenareTa saxelebi qarTul oTxTavSi: 

nardi, nardioni ....................................................................................................... 130 

Marine Ivanishvili,The Plant Names in the Georgian New 

Testament: Nard, Nardion ......................................................................................... 133 

В.Б. Иванов, Двухфокусные согласные в иранских языках ..................................... 134 

vladimer ivanovi, orfokusiani Tanxmovnebi iranul enebSi .............................. 141 

vaxtang imnaiSvili, sakuTar saxelTa brunebis erTi 

gansakuTrebuli SemTxveva qarTulSi ................................................................. 142 

Vakhtang Imnaishvili, One Specific Case of Declension of Proper Names 

in Contemporary Georgian ......................................................................................... 150 

manana kvaWaZe, lingvokulturuli interferenciis Sesaxeb enobrivi 

kontaqtebis dros (gomborel laijTa magaliTze) ......................................... 151 

Manana Kvachadze, Towards the Linguocultural Interference in Language 

Contacts (As Exemplified by Gomborian Layijis) ..................................................... 159 

Gilbert Lazard, Note sur le sens du morphème Persan –râ ........................................... 160 

Jilber lazari, SeniSvnebi sparsul morfema -râ-s Sesaxeb .............................. 163 

vladimer lekiaSvili, alternatiuli samyaroebi da 

parametrizebuli semantika ................................................................................... 164 

Vladimer Lekiashvili, Possible Worlds and Parameterized Semantics .......................... 169 

lamara margvelani, giorgi CikoiZe, sxva enebidan Semosuli e.w. 

`nasesxebi~ leqsikis Sesaxeb ................................................................................ 170 

Lamara Margvelani, Giorgi Chikoidze, On Loanwords from Foreign Languages ........ 173 

qeTevan megreliSvili, Tavanis warmomavlobisa da 

omonimizaciisaTvis qarTulSi .............................................................................. 174 

Ketevan Megrelishvili, On the Origin and Homonimization of the Word 

“Tavani” in Georgian ................................................................................................. 181 

irine meliqiSvili, nana gamyreliZe, ivane leJava, luiza lorTqifaniZe, 

qeTevan margiani, izabela qobalava, glotalizebuli fonemebi (eieqtivebi) 

qarTvelur enebSi ................................................................................................... 183 

Irine Melikishvili, Nana Gamkrelidze, Ivane Lezhava, Luiza Lortkipanidze, 

Ketevan Margiani, Isabella Kobalava, Glottalized Phonemes (Ejectives) 

in Kartvelian Languages ............................................................................................. 201 

marina mefariSvili, protosemituri fonologiuri sistemis 

transformireba calkeul semitur enebsa da StoebSi ................................... 203 

Marina Meparishvili, Modified Systems of Proto-Semitic Phonemes in 

Different Semitic Languages ...................................................................................... 210 

lili JorJoliani, zaaqis mamis saxelis Sesaxeb ............................................... 211 

Lili Zhorzholiani, On the Name of Zahak’s Father ........................................................ 214 

maia saxokia, Zveli sparsulis formebi da funqciebi: 

diaqroniul-tipologiuri mimoxilva ................................................................. 216 

Maia Sakhokia, Forms and Functions of Old Persian: 

Diachronic-Typological Review ................................................................................ 239 

298

Bernard Outtier, Que sont devenus les manuscrits des Géorgiens de Fereidan? ........... 241 

bernar utie, ra bedi ewiaT fereidnel qarTvelTa xelnawerebs? ................... 243 

Sonja Gippert-Fritz, Anthroponyme im nördlichen Kaukasus ....................................... 244 

sonia giperti-frici, Crdilokavkasiuri anTroponimebi ..................................... 256 

lali qecba-xundaZe, epistemuri konteqstualizaciis germanuli 

Teoria diskursis lingvistikaSi ........................................................................ 257 

Lali Ketsba-Khundadze, Bedeutung der epistemischen Kontextualisierung .................. 264 

naTela quTelia, fonotaqtika da sistemis elementTa 

diaqroniuli transformacia ................................................................................. 265 

Natela Kutelia, Phonotactics and Diachronical Transformation of the 

Elements of the System ............................................................................................... 268 

guram Ciqovani, periferiuli arabuli dialeqtebis kvlevis 

ZiriTadi mimarTulebebi ......................................................................................... 269 

Guram Chikovani, The Main Objectives of the Study 

of Peripheral Arabic Dialects ...................................................................................... 281 

qeTevan ZiZiguri, aleqsei losevis lingvofilosofiuri koncefcia .............. 282 

Ketevan Dzidziguri, Aleksei Losev’s Conception of Language ..................................... 291 

axali wignebi 

Steffi Chotiwari-Jünger, Damana Melikischwili, Lia Wittek, 

Georgische Verbtabellen, Helmut Buske Verlag GmbH, 

Hamburg, 2010, 160 S. (rusudan zeqalaSvili) ......................................................... 292 

leila geguCaZe, qarTuli ena, sintaqsis sakiTxebi, 

Tbilisis universitetis gamomcemloba, 2010, 404 gv. (marika jiqia) ......... 295 

299

gamomcemlobis redaqtorebi: cira jiSkariani 

nana kaWabava 

komp. uzrunvelyofa lali kurdRelaSvili 

TSU Press Editors: Tsira Jishkariani 

Nana Katchabava 

Compositor Lali Kurdghelashvili 

0179 Tbilisi, i. WavWavaZis gamziri 14 

14 Ilia Chavchavadze Avenue, Tbilisi 0179 

Tel 995(32)2251432 

www.press.tsu.ge

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